2008–2009 Keynesian resurgence, Criticism
Professor John Bellamy Foster, a sociologist, questioned whether the resurgence had been truly Keynesian in character. He suggested those few economists he regards as genuinely progressive, such as James Galbraith, were now far from the centre of government. He also asserted that it is Karl Marx, not Keynes, that society should look to for a full solution to economic problems.


2008–2009 Keynesian resurgence, Aftermath: 2010 and later
According to Henry Farrell and John Quiggin, the previous apparent consensus for Keynesian policy among prominent economists by late 2009 began to dissolve into dissensus. There was no reversal to the previous free-market consensus, but the apparent unity of the previous year had gone. In part this was due to objections from anti-Keynesians like Robert Barro attracting wider attention, in part to the intervention of elite economists who had previously kept out of the debate, specifically from the ECB but also others, including Jeffery Sachs. The lack of consensus among expert opinion made policy makers vulnerable to calls for abandonment of Keynesian policy in favour of fiscal consolidation.


2008–2009 Keynesian resurgence, Aftermath: 2010 and later
In April 2010, a communiqué from the Washington meeting of finance ministers called for continuation of the stimulus policies until the recovery is firmly entrenched with strong private sector activity, though it accepted that some countries had already begun to exit from the policies. By mid-2010, the earlier global consensus for ongoing Keynesian stimulus had fractured, mirroring the "dissensus" that had emerged among prominent economists.


2008–2009 Keynesian resurgence, Aftermath: 2010 and later
Especially in Europe, there was an increase in rhetoric calling for immediate fiscal tightening, following event,s such as the Greek debt crisis and the displacement in Britain of the Labour government with a coalition dominated by the Conservatives after the May 2010 elections. While some high level officials, particularly from the United States and India, continued advocating sustained stimulus until the global recovery is better established, a communiqué from the G20, issued after their June 2010 meeting of finance ministers in Busan, welcomed the trend towards fiscal consolidation rather than further deficit financed stimulus. The G20 did reiterate that forceful government intervention had been the correct response in 2008 and 2009. Then IMF managing director Dominique Strauss-Kahn, who had been a leading advocate for stimulus spending from as early as January 2008, said he was comfortable with the reversal.


2008–2009 Keynesian resurgence, Aftermath: 2010 and later
European political leaders embarked on substantial austerity drives. In July 2010, leading European economic policy maker Jean-Claude Trichet, president of the ECB, stated that it was time for all industrial nations to stop stimulating and start tightening. Keynesian economists and Keynes biographer Lord Skidelsky contested the move to implement cuts given the still fragile economy. In a July 2010 article, Financial Times columnist Philip Stephens argued that recent events show the markets to have re-established themselves as leading influences on western economic policy, while Brad DeLong wrote that he considered himself and fellow Keynesians to have lost the argument for fiscal stimulus.


2008–2009 Keynesian resurgence, Aftermath: 2010 and later
In April 2011, Professor Patrick Dunleavy wrote that the resurgence has caused a "backlash against the State", starting in America with movements like the Tea Party and later spreading to Europe. He also stated it is likely that ideological wars between rival economic world views have returned for good. In September, Steven Rattner opined that the 2012 United States presidential election was shaping up to be a contest between the economic policies of Keynes and Friedrich Hayek, or "a clash of ideologies the likes of which America has not seen in decades."


2008–2009 Keynesian resurgence, Aftermath: 2010 and later
Republican candidates openly praised Hayek and Ludwig von Mises. According to Rattner, while the Democrats economic strategy remained largely based on Keynes, the economist's name was now rarely mentioned; Keynes had become an almost politically toxic word due to the extensive criticism of the 2009 Keynesian stimulus. Rattner refers to the work of Alan Blinder and Mark Zandi, which determined that the 2009 United States stimulus saved about 8.5 million jobs, and with Obama's  third stimulus, a $450 billion Jobs plan was projected to create 1.9 million jobs in 2012. Also in September, President of the European Commission José Manuel Barroso called for additional fiscal policy to boost economic growth, while recognizing many European countries did not at that time have the capability to launch a substantial stimulus program. German Chancellor Angela Merkel rejected the idea of further stimulus.


2008–2009 Keynesian resurgence, Aftermath: 2010 and later
By November 2011, efforts to pass Obama's American Jobs Act had been rejected by the United States Congress. In Britain, David Cameron made a speech in which he recognized a deteriorating economic outlook but said those arguing for traditional fiscal stimulus were "dangerously wrong". Simon Cox, Asia economics editor for The Economist, predicted that while China might face future economic challenges, the incoming leaders expected to take over the top positions in late 2012 ( Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang ) were far less likely than their predecessor to respond with Keynesian policies.


2008–2009 Keynesian resurgence, Aftermath: 2010 and later
Also in November, The Courageous State book was released by the anti-tax evasion campaigner Richard Murphy, calling for a revival of the Keynesian resurgence, which he argues is the best economic policy for the interests of ordinary people. Murphy sees the resurgence as having faded out by late 2009.


2008–2009 Keynesian resurgence, Aftermath: 2010 and later
Influential figures that had come out against Keynesian policy, even from left of center politics, include the UK Labour Party's Maurice Glasman, whose favorite economist is Hayek, and the diplomat Carne Ross, who asserted that no form of centralized authority can meet the problems of the modern world, arguing for an anti-statist form of participatory democracy instead.


2008–2009 Keynesian resurgence, Aftermath: 2010 and later
In January 2012, Philip Stephens repeated his earlier view that the markets once again have decisive influence on economic policy making, also noting a decline in the public's trust in government in both Europe and the US, along with greater concern over public debt. In March however, while accepting that the resurgence had stalled, Paul Krugman expressed optimism about the long term prospects of achieving a lasting shift towards Keynesianism in both mainstream economics and policy making. In May, Krugman  published the book End this Depression Now!, where he repeated his calls for greater use of fiscal stimulus, though according to the Financial Times his proposals were both "modest" and "cautious", reflecting the resistance to such measures since the end of resurgence.


2008–2009 Keynesian resurgence, Aftermath: 2010 and later
In June, Krugman and Richard Layard launched A manifesto for economic sense, where they call for greater use of stimulatory fiscal policy to reduce unemployment and boost growth. By mid-2012, with the ongoing Euro crisis and persistent high unemployment in the US, there had been renewed consideration of stimulus policies by European and American policy makers but no return to the pro-stimulus consensus that existed in  2009. After the 2012 G8 summit, leaders issued a statement recognising the range of opinions concerning the best measures to strengthen their economies.


2008–2009 Keynesian resurgence, Aftermath: 2010 and later
In January 2013, Japan's recently elected conservative government announced a ten trillion yen Keynesian stimulus package, which was to include public works and create an expected 600,000 new jobs. At the same time, the Financial Times published Wolfgang Münchau's article "US joins misguided pursuit of austerity", as the United States was abandoning the relatively stimulatory policy it had adopted prior to 2013, repeating, in the author's view, Europe's mistake. In July 2013, Philip Mirowski wrote that not only had the Keynesian resurgence subsided but the rival economic orientation of neoliberalism had emerged from the financial crisis stronger than ever.


2008–2009 Keynesian resurgence, Aftermath: 2010 and later
In May 2016, three IMF economists published new research findings and criticized some of the fundamental assumptions of the neoliberal doctrine. They warned that austerity policies could do more harm than good because of their social costs, such as increased inequality, which "in turn hurts the level and sustainability of growth".


2008–2009 Keynesian resurgence, Aftermath: 2010 and later
Speaking of capital account liberalization, that is unrestricted movement of capital across international borders ("openness") and fiscal consolidation, meaning policies to reduce fiscal deficits and debt levels ("austerity"), they wrote: "Since both openness and austerity are associated with increasing income inequality, this distributional effect sets up an adverse feedback loop. The increase in inequality engendered by financial openness and austerity might itself undercut growth, the very thing that the neoliberal agenda is intent on boosting. There is now strong evidence that inequality can significantly lower both the level and the durability of growth". Additionally, they recommended actively combating inequality by redistributing wealth via taxes and government spending, noting "the evidence of the economic damage from inequality suggests that policymakers should be more open to redistribution than they are" and "the fear that such policies will themselves necessarily hurt growth is unfounded".


2008–2009 Keynesian resurgence, Aftermath: 2010 and later
By October 2016, there had been recent increases in fiscal stimulus for many countries, along with calls for this return to fiscal stimulus and demand management policies to increase further, or at least for further research into clarifying the scope for such policies to be effective. Among these who made such calls were the IMF,  Janet Yellen, and senior White House economist Jason Furman. While some economists and government policy makers remain sceptical, Martin Sandbu for the Financial Times said a return to Keynes original positive views about demand management is underway. Sandbu calls this "paleo-Keynesianism" to differentiate from "new Keynesianism" thinking which had relatively little to say in favour of state intervention in the economy.


2008–2009 Oslo riots
On 29 December 2008, violent riots first broke out in Oslo, Norway amid protests against the Gaza War, starting outside the Israeli embassy. Riots broke out again following a protest on 4 January 2009, while the most violent and destructive riots took place on 8 and 10 January when riots spread throughout the city with widespread destruction of private and public property, clashes between rioters and police with several injuries, as well as attacks on civilians, including individuals targeted due to being thought by rioters to be Jews. Around 200 people were arrested in total, mainly Muslim youth, supported by left-wing autonomous Blitz activists.


2008–2009 Oslo riots, Timeline of the riots
On 29 December 2008, around 1,000 anti-Israel protesters moved towards the Israeli embassy in Parkveien, where speeches were held by people including Inga Marte Thorkildsen of the Socialist Left Party. Other organisations behind the demonstration were the Red Party, Red Youth (RU), Socialist Youth (SU) and the Norwegian People's Aid. The protest turned violent when around 100 youth, mainly Blitz activists and "young boys" breached police roadblocks and began throwing Molotov cocktails and stones at the embassy and the police, striking several police officers, amid rioters heard shouting "allahu akbar".


2008–2009 Oslo riots, Timeline of the riots
Gasoline was drawn from nearby cars to set fire to trash bins that were launched against the police. Three windows of the hairdressing salon of a well-known homosexual was smashed, with circumstances suggesting a hate crime. Police responded by firing tear gas at the rioters, and eventually detained nine youths of which four were arrested, including two asylum seekers.


2008–2009 Oslo riots, Timeline of the riots
On 4 January 2009, an anti-Israel demonstration arranged by the Palestine Committee of Norway, Red Party and Blitz began outside the Norwegian parliament building and then moved to the Israeli embassy. Members of the crowd grew violent, and around 200 protesters including Hezbollah supporters began throwing stones and shooting fireworks against the police. The rioters were dispersed by police firing tear gas, after receiving several warnings.


2008–2009 Oslo riots, Timeline of the riots
On 8 January, around 200 police officers were stationed out in anticipation of protests as a peaceful pro-Israel rally arranged by organisations such as With Israel for Peace (MIFF) was to be held outside the Norwegian parliament building, with the Progress Party leader Siv Jensen scheduled to give a pro-Israel speech. During Jensen's speech, anti-Israel activists started throwing rocks at the pro-Israel demonstrators, forcing Jensen to leave the podium. The police used tear gas when rioters attacked a bus that tried to evacuate pro-Israeli activists from the area, which included a large number of elderly demonstrators.


2008–2009 Oslo riots, Timeline of the riots
A pro-Israel protester was attacked and injured by anti-Israel protesters shouting "take him, he's a Jew", "fucking Jew" and "allahu akbar". Among other slogans, protesters shouted "death to the Jews," "kill the Jews" and "slaughter the Jews" in Arabic. An additional fifteen police officers from the Asker and Bærum police district were eventually brought in for assistance. The final count reported forty shop windows to have been smashed in the riots, and several cars and buses damaged, including fifteen police cars.


2008–2009 Oslo riots, Timeline of the riots
At least six people were reported to have been injured, of which five police officers, one mutilated in the face by an iron rod. Police said they had found several secret stashes of Molotov cocktails, club weapons and knives throughout Oslo during the evening. 37 mainly immigrant-background rioters were detained by the police, of which fifteen were brought into custody, and nine charged with violence against police.


2008–2009 Oslo riots, Timeline of the riots
On 9 and 10 January new anti-Israel demonstrations were arranged by an Islamo-leftist alliance of several organisations, including the Workers' Youth League (AUF), Red Party, Red Youth (RU), Socialist Youth (SU), Norwegian People's Aid, Islamic Association, and other pro-Palestine and Muslim organisations. Blitz stated openly that they supported the violent riots. On 10 January, 3,000 demonstrators were joined by the Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions (LO) and Minister of Finance Kristin Halvorsen.


2008–2009 Oslo riots, Timeline of the riots
The protest soon erupted into new riots as fireworks and rocks were thrown at the police and the Israeli embassy, with at least two people injured and several police officers struck by objects. The violence spread throughout Oslo, and numerous shop windows were smashed and cars damaged. Five McDonald's restaurants were destroyed in the riots because of a false rumor spread by text message that all the money McDonald's earned that day would go to support Israel.


2008–2009 Oslo riots, Timeline of the riots
Some of the youngest rioters reported to have been told by older youths to "hunt for Jews", with one group severely beating up a shop owner accused of being a Jew. The Oslo Freemasonry Lodge, which hosted a children's Christmas party with 300 people was deliberately attacked with fireworks after crushing a window open, nearly causing a fire. The police detained 160 rioters during the evening, charging eleven with property damage and violence against police.


2008–2009 Oslo riots, Timeline of the riots
A total of 194 protesters were arrested during the 8 and 10 January riots. The police stated that they would investigate all the arrested and that most of them would receive fines of 9,000 NOK (around 1,300 USD). In the end, only ten rioters were prosecuted by the police, and less than ten convicted. The Oslo Trade Association called the small number of prosecutions by the police "unacceptable" and "deeply worrying".


2008–2009 Oslo riots, Analysis and aftermath
In his book The Anti- Jewish Riots in Oslo (2010), Norwegian author and editor Eirik Eiglad, himself a socialist who was present in Oslo during the riots, wrote:


2008–2009 Oslo riots, Analysis and aftermath
As far as I can judge, these were the largest anti-Jewish riots in Norwegian history. Even before and during World War II, when anti-Semitic prejudices were strong, public policies were discriminatory, and the Nazified State Police efficiently confiscated Jewish property and deported Jews on that despicable slave ship SS Donau - even then, Norway had not seen anti-Jewish outbursts of this scale. This country had no previous history of wanton anti-Jewish mass violence.


2008–2009 Oslo riots, Analysis and aftermath
Police investigators noted similarities in the modus operandi of the Oslo riots with earlier riots in Paris and in the Middle East.


2008–2009 Oslo riots, Analysis and aftermath
In cooperation with Norwegian education authorities, Islamic leaders in Norway initiated "dialogue meetings" with youths in mosques following the riots, with the aim of "using the Quran" to reach out to youths who had participated in the riots. Tariq Ramadan later visited Oslo and held speeches in the Rabita Mosque.


2008–2009 Oslo riots, Analysis and aftermath
The riots have been credited by sociologists for "awakening" young Norwegian Muslims politically. Others have drawn connections to February 2010, when thousands of Oslo taxi drivers blocked the city centre, and 3,000 Muslims took part in an illegal demonstration against newspaper Dagbladet for publishing a Muhammad cartoon in the context of a news story about an internet link (which the newspaper strongly criticised), during which one of the speakers, Mohyeldeen Mohammad "warned" of a 9/11 or 7/7 in Norway.


2008–2009 Oslo riots, Analysis and aftermath
The riots have later been noted as an important shared experience and common denominator for many members of the Norwegian Salafi-jihadist group Profetens Ummah, and Norwegian jihadists in the Syrian Civil War. One participant in the riots, leftist turned-Muslim convert Anders Cameroon Østensvig Dale went on to become an internationally wanted terrorist as a bomb-maker for Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP).


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive
The 2008–2009 SLA Northern offensive was an armed conflict in the northern Province of Sri Lanka between the military of Sri Lanka and the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The battle broke with the Sri Lanka Army (SLA) offensive attempting to break through the LTTE defence lines in the north of the island, aiming to conclude the country's 25-year-old civil war by military victory.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, Background
Following the defeat of the LTTE in the eastern Province of Sri Lanka and their retreat to the north in July 2007, the Sri Lankan military set its sights on the separatist-held territory in the north. On January 2, 2008, the government of Sri Lanka unilaterally withdrew from the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA), signed on February 22, 2002, with the Tamil Tigers.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, Background
According to Keheliya Rambukwella, a spokesman for the government on defence issues, the "Government of Sri Lanka decided to officially withdraw from the Ceasefire Agreement since it is futile to continue with the Ceasefire with no indication that LTTE is willing to enter the peace path." This set the stage for the Army's attack on the Forward Defence Lines (FDL) in the island's north.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Probing the LTTE bunker lines
In its plans the SLA adopted new operation tactics and strategic approaches. The Army opened several battle fronts all over the LTTE controlled areas in Vanni. The clear target of the battle was the Elephant Pass. The three main FDLs, Muhamalai, Nagarcoil and Kilali Forward Defense Lines, in Jaffna district, were hit at the same time along with the FDLs in Vavuniya and Mannar districts. Over the next weeks and months army units were sent toward LTTE bunker lines in attempts to destroy LTTE bunker positions.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Probing the LTTE bunker lines
By the end of February, although the SLA managed to destroy at least 250 LTTE bunkers they were only able to advance a few kilometers into rebel territory. However, the SLA were still slowly advancing on the A-9 highway which directly leads toward Elephant Pass. The SLA issued several calls to the LTTE to surrender before the Army's advances.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Probing the LTTE bunker lines
On February 20, SLA forces staged their most intense attack yet on the LTTE bunker lines. In heavy fighting 92 rebels and 3 soldiers were killed according to the government. Another 20 soldiers were wounded and five bunkers were destroyed. More intense fighting also flared up on March 5. Major engagements all along the de facto border separating territory held by the LTTE occurred and on March 8, SLA troops, backed by helicopter gunships, pushed across the front lines using tanks, mortars and artillery. 84 Rebels and 11 soldiers were killed during the close-quarters combat over those three days and nine rebel bunkers were destroyed and another four captured.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Probing the LTTE bunker lines
On March 22, a floating mine or a suicide attack off the northern coast of Sri Lanka claimed the lives of 10 Sri Lankan seamen. None of their bodies were ever recovered.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Probing the LTTE bunker lines
By early April government soldiers were battling tropical illnesses brought on by heavy rains. About 500 troops affected by dengue fever and the mosquito-borne chikungunya virus were being treated at hospitals. Also, their offensive operations against LTTE frontlines stalled.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Probing the LTTE bunker lines
Mid -April offensive operations against the LTTE continued and dozens of Tiger bunker positions were overrun.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Probing the LTTE bunker lines
Two days after the failed offensive a bomb exploded on a crowded bus in the capital Colombo killing 24 passengers.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Probing the LTTE bunker lines
On May 16, a suicide bomber attacked a police bus in the Sri Lankan capital killing 10 people, including 8 policemen. By this point an estimated 360 rebels and 41 soldiers had been killed in the month of May according to military sources.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Probing the LTTE bunker lines
On May 17, the military said it captured Palampiddi town from Tamil Tiger rebels in Mannar district. A military spokesman said capturing Palampiddi was strategically important because it would block the rebels' supply route between the northern Vavuniya and Mannar districts.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Probing the LTTE bunker lines
During the rest of May and throughout June heavy fighting continued in which heavy SLA air strikes resulted in the destruction of an LTTE complex in the jungle.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Probing the LTTE bunker lines
On July 16, Sri Lankan military claimed to have captured a major coastal town, Vidattaltivu, in the Mannar District of northwest Sri Lanka from the Tamil tigers. According to BBC correspondents, Vidattaltivu was an LTTE naval base and a hub for smuggling supplies from India across Palk Strait. Vidattaltivu is the biggest town situated on Sri Lanka's North-Western coast (Jaffna lies on north coast) and was a major base of the Sea Tigers.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Probing the LTTE bunker lines
The Sri Lanka Army 58 Division and Commando Brigade took over the town in an attack; that was the first time Sri Lankan military was able to capture the town since the Indian Peacekeeping Force left Sri Lanka in 1990. The commandos of Sri Lanka's Army initially faced resistance from 60 LTTE cadre. But the LTTE soon started a withdrawal towards Iluppakkadavai as it came under heavy artillery and rocket fire. Later Sri Lankan military claimed over 30 LTTE cadre were killed for the loss of just one soldier.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Probing the LTTE bunker lines
Sri Lankan troops approaching from the east of Vidattaltivu cut off the Mannar-Poonaryn Road. Finally, the troops marched into the town and captured it after 21 years. Following the capture of the town, the Sri Lankan air force attacked withdrawing Tamil Tigers. According to Air Force of Sri Lanka, Mi-24 helicopter gunships sunk two LTTE boats 4 km north of Vidattaltivu around 1:00 PM local time.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Breaking the LTTE defence line
On September 2, SLA forces managed to break through LTTE defences and captured the town of Mallavi which was regarded as a "nerve centre" for the Tamil Tigers. Some 20 SLA soldiers and more than 100 Tigers were killed during the battle for the town.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Breaking the LTTE defence line
The same day, the LTTE conducted a counter-attack against advancing SLA troops to regain their lost bunker lines. The Army claimed to have killed 52 and wounded 65 Tiger fighters. As for the SLA casualties suffered during the counter-attack the military said that they had seven soldiers killed, seven missing and 50 wounded while the LTTE claimed to have killed 75 soldiers and wounded 100.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Breaking the LTTE defence line
After the taking of Mallavi the SLA started an advance on the rebels' de facto capital of Kilinochchi.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Breaking the LTTE defence line
On September 9, LTTE suicide fighters, known as Black Tigers, conducted a raid on a military base in Vavuniya in coordination with two LTTE bomber planes and a Tiger artillery barrage, which totaled 70 shells. The raid left 25 people dead: 12 soldiers, 11 Tigers, one policeman and one civilian.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Breaking the LTTE defence line
Since early September, heavy fighting was raging for the town of Nachchikuda, both on land and sea. At least 29 soldiers were killed during that battle along with 100 to 200 Tigers in the month of September, according to the military. Dozens more died in October and the sea port, which was a vital base for the LTTE's Sea Tigers, finally fell on October 30.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Breaking the LTTE defence line
By October 12, the SLA had come within 2 kilometers from the outskirts of Kilinochchi. The LTTE were preparing to defend the city with a string of concrete bunkers and trenches in a heavily mined jungle surrounding the town.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, The west coast falls and Kilinochchi is surrounded
Between October 18 and October 20, heavy fighting raged on the outskirts of Kilinochchi, with SLA troops attempting to break through LTTE bunker lines. During these two days 36 SLA soldiers were killed and 48 were wounded in contrast to 12 Tamil Tiger fighters killed. This resulted in the deaths of some soldiers and the sickening of others. The military was not able to break through the remaining LTTE bunker lines situated before the city, due to heavy rain.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, The west coast falls and Kilinochchi is surrounded
Furthermore, most of the Sri Lankan army soldiers were needed to secure rebel territory taken in the previous two months after the LTTE's retreat to the north. With SLA forces stretched, that territory was coming under hit and run attacks by the rebels. Even the Sri Lankan Air Force was not being able to dislodge the rebels from their positions on the roads into Kilinochchi. The city had, by this point, been evacuated of all civilians and the LTTE were preparing bunker positions within the town. Earlier in the month the SLA stated they would take the rebel capital within days, however more than two weeks later operation maps at press briefings showed they were still 10 to 15 kilometers from the town, in contrast with their previous statements of being only two kilometers from Kilinochchi.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, The west coast falls and Kilinochchi is surrounded
By mid-November SLA forces managed to clear the entire west coast of LTTE cadres. By November 17, the SLA captured three more strategic towns: Mankulam, Pannikankulam and Pooneryn. Mankulam and Pooneryn had been in LTTE hands for the previous nine years. 54 soldiers were killed and another 350 wounded in the battle for Pooneryn, which fell after SLA forces advanced on the Pooneryn-Paranthan road. At the same time an offensive was conducted on the Muhamalai front. There, the SLA were attempting to break through the LTTE forward defence lines.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, The west coast falls and Kilinochchi is surrounded
Half a dozen attacks were repulsed by the LTTE leaving hundreds of casualties among government forces. In three days between November 16 and November 19, 200 SLA soldiers were reported to have been killed and another 700 wounded in battles across the north of the country. Some opposition lawmakers put the number at 250 killed. A Sri Lankan military source said the SLA Command in Jaffna had lost contact with two battalions. However, despite this, the SLA managed to break through the first line of the LTTE's defence on the Muhamalai front on November 20, which gave the SLA another 800 yards. This left the LTTE with two more lines of defence at Muhamalai.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Battle for Kilinochchi
In December, three unsuccessful SLA offensives were conducted in an attempt to take the capital of the Tigers, Kilinochchi. In early January, however, the town was taken by the SLA.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Battle for Kilinochchi
On December 10, an offensive was blunted with the deaths of 89 SLA soldiers according to a LTTE affiliated website, versus SLA reported deaths of 20 soldiers and 27 Tigers.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Battle for Kilinochchi
On December 16, a multi-front offensive was launched by the SLA against Kilinochchi. That offensive too was defeated by the Tigers. According to the Tigers the SLA lost two battalions of troops, 170 soldiers dead and 420 wounded. The SLA denied this and claimed to have had only 25 soldiers killed, 18 missing (LTTE pictures released after the battle confirmed at least 27 bodies of soldiers in their hands) and 160 wounded while they killed 120 Tigers.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Battle for Kilinochchi
In any case, it was a critical victory for the Tigers at a time when they were being squeezed into the last pockets of territory they were holding. Such stiff resistance was not expected from the LTTE so late in the battle. This was mainly because the LTTE now deployed their best Special Forces members against the SLA's might, which were held back earlier.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Battle for Kilinochchi
On December 20, an LTTE counter-offensive was mounted by the Tigers as SLA forces were preparing an attempt to attack and capture the village of Iranamadu, just south of the city. In the fighting that ensued the Tigers claimed to have killed 60 and wounded 150 SLA soldiers and pushed them back by two kilometers. The military again reported lower numbers of dead, 28 killed and missing.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Battle for Kilinochchi
On January 2, 2009, the Sri Lankan army troops entered the town of Kilinochchi from two sides. The intensity of fighting after the army entered the town remained unknown as both army and LTTE had banned independent reporters from the areas. The Sri Lankan Army met with only minimal resistance once it entered the town, as the Tigers had withdrawn and taken hiding positions in nearby jungles. Later, the military officially announced it had taken control of the town and were performing mopping up operations.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Fall of Elephant Pass and Mullaittivu
On January 9, 2009, the LTTE's defence line in the Jaffna peninsula collapsed and SLA units from the north captured the strategic Elephant Pass base, which had been under LTTE control for almost nine years. LTTE fighters provided only minimal resistance to the advancing troops and instead retreated toward Mullaittivu in the northeast of the island, the last major town held by the LTTE, to where LTTE forces from Kilinochchi had already retreated.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Fall of Elephant Pass and Mullaittivu
On January 25, SLA troops crossed a lagoon and entered Mullaittivu before encountering heavy resistance from the LTTE. After several hours of fighting the military captured the last Tamil Tiger stronghold.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, Fall of Elephant Pass and Mullaittivu
However, even with the fall of Mullaittivu, heavy fighting continued in the north-eastern jungles, with artillery bombardments killing another 160 civilians between January 25 and January 27. Human Rights Watch alleges that Sri Lankan Army artillery strikes against a hospital in Mullaitivu killed 67 people and wounded another 87; an article for The Guardian contends that the artillery strikes targeting in a government designated safe zone adjacent to the hospital killed 378 people and injured 1,212.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, LTTE's last stand
By early February 2009, LTTE-controlled territory was reduced to 200 square kilometers. In a battle between February 2 and February 6, SLA forces captured the last Sea Tigers base at Chalai, north of Mullaittivu. 12 Sea Tigers were killed, including 4 top Sea Tiger commanders. By early March 2009, SLA forces surrounded the last LTTE-held town, Puthukkudiyiruppu. There they encountered heavy resistance from the final remnants of the LTTE, which stalled the SLA offensive yet again. Between March 5 and 8, heavy fighting raged as LTTE fighters conducted wave attacks against SLA lines in an attempt to break through. The SLA responded with heavy artillery shelling that left hundreds of civilian casualties. During those three days 250 rebels were killed according to SLA sources. Pro -LTTE website Tamilnet reported that at least 100 soldiers and 300 civilians were also killed.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, LTTE's last stand
On March 10, Black Tiger commandos reportedly attacked SLA artillery positions in Thearaavil, 18 km from Puthukkudiyiruppu junction. They, in a joint operation with LTTE's Col. Kiddu Artillery formation, destroyed six SLA artillery weapons platforms. The LTTE reported that they killed more than 50 soldiers while losing only three commandos.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, LTTE's last stand
Between March 14 and March 17, heavy battles raged and it seemed that the LTTE finally managed to halt the advance of the SLA after a year of fighting, just when less than 28 square kilometers were left under the Tiger control. The fighting left 604 SLA soldiers dead, according to the LTTE. Black Tiger commandos were also involved in the fighting. Despite this momentary victory the Tigers were still sustaining heavy casualties. By March 21, the LTTE's strength was down to only 1,500 fighters.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, LTTE's last stand
After the military advances were halted the SLA stopped using massive ground attacks on LTTE frontlines and concentrated on heavy artillery attacks on their positions. These attacks were leaving hundreds of civilian casualties and creating a humanitarian disaster. Between March 18 and March 26, SLA artillery and air strikes left more than 420 civilians killed and more than 660 wounded inside the government-declared safe zone.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, LTTE's last stand
On March 24, the LTTE attempted to break out through the SLA defences north of Iranapalai, however they were stopped by intense fire from SLA infantry and armored units. The same day the military continued its advance, a week after the start of the heavy artillery and air attacks. Members of 53 Division and Task Force-8 seized control over a section of the LTTE-built earth bund ditch across the A-35 main road, west of the Nanthikadal lagoon.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, LTTE's last stand
Between April 1 and April 5, SLA forces killed 525 rebels and captured Puthukkudiriruppu. Now, the only uncleared territory for the SLA was the no-fire zone, where the remaining 500 LTTE fighters were mingled with the civilian refugees.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, LTTE's last stand
The LTTE managed to hold out against the military for another month, but by mid-May the end was near. By the first two weeks of May tens of thousands of refugees poured out of rebel held territory after the military made holes in the LTTE's defences. In these final stages of the war, between May 7 and May 14, around 1,000 civilians were killed in the fighting. By May 15, all civilians had been evacuated from the no-fire zone and the military stated the war will be over in 48 hours.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, LTTE's last stand
In those last 48 hours of fighting the LTTE conducted massive suicide bomb attacks on advancing troops and were in general not surrendering but dying in battle. Early on May 16, the SLA forces coming in from the north linked up with the forces coming in from the south on the coastline, effectively cutting off the Tigers from the sea. Now they were boxed in and surrounded by the SLA on a territory only 1.92 square kilometres in size, with their back against the Nanthikadal lagoon.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, LTTE's last stand, Defeat of the LTTE
President Mahinda Rajapaksa declared military victory over the tigers on May 16, 2009 after 26 years of conflict. On the same day for the first time in their long struggle against the Sri Lankan government, the rebels were offering to lay down their weapons in return for a guarantee of safety. Sri Lanka's disaster relief and human-rights minister Mahinda Samarasinghe stated 'The military phase is over. The LTTE has been militarily defeated. Now the biggest hostage rescue operation in the world has come to a conclusion, The figure I have here is since 20 April, 179,000 hostages have been rescued.'


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, LTTE's last stand, Defeat of the LTTE
On May 17, rebel official Selvarasa Pathmanathan conceded defeat saying in an email statement "This battle has reached its bitter end". Earlier in the day, a group of about 70 Tamil Tigers tried to cross the lagoon to the other side in six boats and escape, but they were all killed by the SLA. Also, SLA special forces rescued seven POW's (three soldiers and four sailors). The four sailors had been in captivity since November 2006.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, LTTE's last stand, Defeat of the LTTE
Late in the evening, SLA special forces conducted a raid in which they killed Charles Anthony, the eldest son of the LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran, Balasingham Nadesan, the leader of the political wing of the LTTE, Seevaratnam Puleedevan, head of the LTTE's peace secretariat, and Ramesh, a top military leader.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, The battle, LTTE's last stand, Defeat of the LTTE
On May 18, the Sri Lanka Army forces confirmed that Prabhakaran was killed in the morning of that day. According to the UK Telegraph, Prabhakaran was "...killed in a rocket-propelled grenade attack as he tried to escape the war zone with his closest aides. Soosai, the leader of his "Sea Tigers" navy, and Pottu Amman, his intelligence chief were also killed in the attack." The LTTE confirmed Prabhakaran's death on May 24.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, Foreign Tamils cease fire call
Tamil people in India, as well as the worldwide Tamil diaspora, had repeatedly called for a cease-fire, rallies had taken place in many major western cities such as Toronto, London, Washington, Montreal, Paris, Berlin, etc.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, Casualties
The UN estimated in May 2009, that 7,000 civilians had been killed and another 16,700 had been wounded between January 20 and May 7, 2009, and another 1,000 were killed in heavy artillery bombardments by the SLA forces in the last week of fighting. Both the Sri Lankan Army and the LTTE were blamed for the civilian deaths. Another 396 civilians were killed between January and September 2008.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, Casualties
The Times newspaper has reported that as many as 20,000 civilians were killed in the Safe Zone. Some of the deaths were caused by the Tamil Tigers but most were as a result of shelling by the Sri Lankan military. The UN had previously estimated that 6,500 civilians had been killed in the three months to the middle of April, meaning that the death toll soared to 1,000 each day in the final two weeks of the war. The UN says it has no confirmed estimates of civilian casualties and the Sri Lankan government has denied the Times' allegations. The Guardian newspaper, quoting another U.N. official, called the Times' figure as a "dangerous extrapolation". The Guardian also questioned many underlying assumption of the Time's figure.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, Casualties
The SLA stated that, by January 6, 2009, they had killed up to 4,073 LTTE militants in the previous fourteen months, most of them in the north. In contrast the LTTE said they lost 2,200 fighters during 2008. Another 2,515 LTTE militants were reported to have been killed between January and May 2009. The SLA also reported at the end of October they suffered 1,270 soldiers killed in the whole country, only around a dozen were not killed in the north.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, Casualties
Following the implementation of the new government policy in late October to not reveal military casualties the only sources on the numbers of SLA dead were the ones from pro–LTTE sources. There were also several sporadic reports by the SLA to counter-act the reports by the Tigers in the propaganda war. According to reports of the pro–LTTE website Tamilnet and those several military reports, a conservative estimate had been made that hundreds of SLA soldiers had been killed since then.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, Casualties
However, in mid-January 2009, the military confirmed that 3,700 soldiers had been killed in the previous three years of fighting and another 16,000 were wounded in the recent offensive. With 1,325 confirmed dead in 2006 and 2007, that would make a total of 2,375 killed in 2008, with less than a hundred not killed in the north. Also, more than 1,200 soldiers were estimated to had died in 2009.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, Casualties, Casualty numbers manipulation
Casualty figures provided by both sides differ wildly and cannot be independently verified. On numerous occasions it was established that the government was covering up its own casualty figures, as on March 5, when Health Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva stated to the Parliament that 104 soldiers and policemen were killed in February, while the Defence Ministry reported only 63 government soldiers killed during that month and 107 soldiers since the start of the year.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, Casualties, Casualty numbers manipulation
Initially the SLA stated that 185 soldiers were killed or missing during the failed offensive in the Jaffna peninsula in April, but later some military sources cited a lesser number of 49 soldiers killed. In June, parliamentary oversight prompted the release of official figures. The figures showed that 120 soldiers were killed and 945 wounded during April, which was in contrast with military statements citing 90 killed. Also the release showed that 138 soldiers were killed and 540 wounded in May, while the military claimed 92 killed.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, Casualties, Casualty numbers manipulation
Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickramanayake confirmed that during the month of September, 200 soldiers were killed and another 997 wounded. This was in contrast to the claims of the Defence Ministry that only 96 soldiers were killed during that month.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, Casualties, Casualty numbers manipulation
Finally, after months of attempts by the military to conceal the true casualty figures, on the request of Parliament, on October 20, it was revealed that 1,099 soldiers were killed along with 396 civilians in the first nine months of the year. Some 7,000 soldiers were also wounded. Following this revelation the government implemented a new policy of not revealing any more day-to-day numbers of soldiers killed in the conflict.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, Casualties, Casualty numbers manipulation
Also, it had come into question how much the government was inflating the LTTE's losses, because at the start of the year the government stated there were only 3,000 militants left, but by mid-June they reported to have killed over 5,000 militants and wounded 3,000, which would mean that the whole of the LTTE had already been destroyed.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, Casualties, Casualty numbers manipulation
A three-member United Nations panel which collected evidence for over 10 months said that "the panel's determination of credible allegations reveals a very different version of the final stages of the war than that maintained to this day by the government." The panel also called on the Secretary General of UN to immediately set up "an independent international mechanism" for investigating "credible" allegations that both Sri Lankan government and Tamil Tigers committed serious human rights violations and war crimes and crimes against humanity, in the months before the decades-old civil war ended in 2009. The panel said that 40,000 people were killed in the war, of whom tens of thousands died in the war's last five months. According to the panel, most civilian casualties in the final phases of the war were caused by government shelling that could amount to "war crimes."


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, Casualties, Casualty numbers manipulation
The panel furthermore stated that "the government systematically shelled hospitals on all fronts," and "deprived people in conflict zone of humanitarian aid in the form of food and medical supplies, particularly surgical supplies." The panel documented LTTE use of civilians as human shields.


2008–2009 Sri Lankan Army Northern offensive, Casualties, Casualty numbers manipulation
U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon stated that the U.N. would not launch an investigation without the agreement of the Sri Lankan government and U.N. member states. Human Rights Watch stated that such an investigation was being blocked by the Russian and Chinese governments, while the American ambassador to the UN requested that the Sri Lankan government address the panel's report constructively, in order to further the peace process.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis
Ukraine was hit heavily by the late-2000s recession, the World Bank expects Ukraine's economy to shrink 15% in 2009 with inflation being 16.4%.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis
The deficit of Ukraine's foreign trade in goods and services January through September 2009 was estimated at $1.08 billion, which was 9.5 times down on the same period in 2008, export of goods over the period decreased by 48.7%, to $27.478 billion, while imports fell by 53.5%, to $31.570 billion; export of services dropped by 23.2%, to $6.841 billion, while imports were down by 19.9%, to $3.829 billion (the deficit of Ukraine's foreign trade over the first nine months of 2008 was estimated at $10.284 billion, which was 2.7 times up on the same period of 2007).


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis
According to a forecast by the State Employment Center unemployment in Ukraine will triple to 9% in 2009 (there was 3% unemployment at the end of 2008), which would mean about 3 million people will apply for employment services. In September 2009 the official level of unemployment was 1.9%. 95% of the population of Ukraine have felt influence of the financial crisis; in July 2009 21% of them stated that "The crisis has a catastrophic impact on me and my family", this figure dropped to 17% in October 2009.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis
Actual year-on-year wages in Ukraine fell in October 2009 by 10.9%, while in October 2008 it grew by 4.8% year-over-year according to the State Statistics Committee of Ukraine. The real incomes for Ukrainians in 2009 fell down 8.5% while the nominal income went up 6.2%. The Ukrainian economy shrank 15 percent in 2009. The second Tymoshenko Government had predicted GDP growth of 0.4% in 2009 and a slowdown in inflation to 9.5% (also in 2009), although the overwhelming majority of economists considered this forecast to be excessively optimistic.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis
The Ukrainian economy recovered in the first quarter of 2010.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Reasons for crisis
Analysts say the reasons for the crises are slumping steel prices, local banking problems and the cutting of Russian gas supply of January 2009. This made key industries such as metallurgy and machine building lay off workers, and real wages started to fall for the first time in a decade.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Reasons for crisis
In 2008 the hryvnia dropped 38% against the US dollar, eclipsed only by the Icelandic krona and the Seychelles rupee. Since many loans and mortgages were issued in dollars and most Ukrainians are paid in hryvnyas (Ukraine's currency), they had to buy dollars with the weak hryvnya, and so they were paying back much more on the loans than they had expected. From December 2008 till mid-May 2009 Ukrainian banks were not allowed to grant requests for early withdrawals of bank deposits. As of September 2009 financial analysts predict a recovery of the hryvnia.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Reasons for crisis
According to David Heslam of Fitch ratings "At the root of the problem is Ukraine’s inconsistent macroeconomic policy framework, as the authorities are aiming to defend the exchange rate while avoiding necessary fiscal tightening in the absence of adequate sources of non-monetary financing".


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Reasons for crisis
In November 2009 (Ukraine's) Minister of Economics Bohdan Danylyshyn stated that in his view the "permanent conflicts" and "lack of understanding" between the National Bank of Ukraine (NBU) and the Cabinet of Ministers was one of major factors of the deep fall of the Ukrainian GDP in 2009, as in his view the conflicts affected the efficiency of the anti-crisis policies of Ukraine (he also insists government should get involved in NBU's activity).


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Reasons for crisis
Asked in August and October 2009 "Who bears the most responsibility for the difficult socioeconomic situation in Ukraine?" about a half of all Ukrainians polled (47%) answered President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko, and 22% blamed Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenko, while 17% of the respondents thought that the Verkhovna Rada is also responsible for the lack of progress in solving economic problems.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Crises per year, 2008
The share of problem loans in bank portfolios grew to 10.3 percent by December 11, 2008 and is continuing to grow. Banks have all but stopped issuing loans, and clients have hurried to withdraw deposits. In October 2008 the National Bank of Ukraine introduced a moratorium on withdrawals ahead of schedule. Industrial output in November 2008 tumbled 28.6 percent, following a 19.8 decline in October 2008. Steel production slumped 48.8 percent, oil refining and chemical output fell 35.2 percent and machine building by 38.8 percent. Ukraine's economy shrunk 14.4 percent year-on-year in November 2008. Statistical data showed the gross domestic product (GDP) growth slowed to 3.6 percent in January–November compared to 5.8 percent in January–October. Ukraine's Economy Ministry expects the economy to grow 3.5-4.0 percent in 2008. The Hryvnia also lost value.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Crises per year, 2008
According to a poll (held November 25 through December 5, 2008) by the Horshenin Institute of Management Problems about 79% of those polled suffered from rise in prices, about 29% from delays in payment of salaries. More than some 20% have suffered from reduction of salaries. In the families of some 14.8% somebody lost their job, and some 6% said their enterprise shut down. A total of 90.8% of those polled described their financial state as "making both ends meet" and 83.1% said they are short of money for food. Only 2.4% of Ukrainians said they were not hit by the economic crisis at all.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Crises per year, 2008
Mid -December 2008 the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has lowered the forecast for Ukraine's GDP in 2009 from a 2.5% growth rate to a 5% decline, the same day the Cabinet of Ministers worsened the GDP growth forecast to 0.4% from 6% for 2009.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Crises per year, 2008
In November 2008, the IMF approved a stand-by loan program for Ukraine to the tune of $16.5 billion. A second one worth $1.87 billion might be granted in February 2009.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Crises per year, 2008
In November 2008, the official unemployment rate increased by 0.4 percent to 2.3 (Previously 1.9% in September), the State Statistics Committee said that as of December 1 (2008), it registered 640,000 unemployed people.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Crises per year, 2009
Ukraine's banking system recorded losses of 7 billion hryvnias (UAH) ($909 million) in the first quarter of 2009 compared to a profit of 2.1 billion hryvnias in the same period a year ago, according to a central bank report of April 22, 2009. In April 2009 the IMF forecast  an 8.0 percent shrink of the Ukrainian economy in 2009 and a 1.0 percent grow in 2010. Mid -April 2009 Ceyla Pazarbasioglu, the IMF mission chief in Ukraine, stated that there were a number of encouraging signs that Ukraine's economy had started to adjust to the global crisis. According to Olena Belan, analyst at Dragon Capital, "that is a good signal for investors, showing that Ukraine is taking anti-crisis measures and the economic situation is under control." Foreign direct investment did plunge 66% (to $2.7 billion) in the first half of 2009.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Crises per year, 2009
On May 18, 2009 Ukraine's State Statistics Committee reported that the deficit of Ukraine's foreign trade in the first quarter of 2009 was estimated at $419.7 million, which was 9 times down on the same period the previous year.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Crises per year, 2009
The Ukrainian state became the de facto owner of Ukrhazbank (84.21% after investing UAH 3.2 billion), Rodovid Bank (99.97% after investing UAH 2.809 billion) and Bank Kyiv (99.93% after investing UAH 3.563 billion) early June 2009.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Crises per year, 2009
The industrial output of Ukraine in the period January–August 2009 shrank by 29.6% compared to the same period in 2008. The fall in Ukraine's industrial output slowed to 26.7% in July 2009 compared to July 2008, compared to a fall of 27.5% in June and 31.8% in April and May 2009 (compared to 2008 again).


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Crises per year, 2009
On September 17, 2009 the World Bank approved a loan for Ukraine in the amount of $400 million.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Crises per year, 2009
According to a public opinion poll conducted by FOM-Ukraine in September/October 2009 46.2% of those polled thought that the economic situation in the country would worsen within the next few months, while 35% stated that the economic situation in Ukraine would remain unchanged and 8% thought the situation would improve.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Crises per year, 2009
On November 1, 2009 the International Monetary Fund (IMF) warned that it could cut financial assistance to Ukraine, Managing Director of the IMF Dominique Strauss-Kahn stated he was “very worried” with President Viktor Yushchenko’s decision to sign a bill adopting wage and pension increases. Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko accused Yushchenko and other candidate for the 2010 Ukrainian presidential election of backing the increase to sabotage her government and thereby undercutting her presidential bid.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Crises per year, 2009
Late November 2009 acting vice governor of the National Bank of Ukraine Vasyl Pasichnyk forecasted no mass bankruptcies in the Ukrainian banking sector.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Crises per year, 2010
Ukraine's total foreign debt (state and corporate) had reached 93.5% of the 912.563 billion Hryvnya GDP in March 2010; late February 2010 the Ukrainian Finance Ministry had reported that the country's total state debt by early 2010 was to 32.9% of the GDP. Standard & Poor's upgraded Ukraine's rating the same day.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Crises per year, 2010
March 18, 2010 the National Bank of Ukraine stated the total external debt in Ukraine increased 2.3% to $103.973 billion in 2009, and it considered a 4% GDP growth realistic for 2010 the same day.


2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis, Crises per year, 2010
The Ukrainian economy recovered in the first quarter of 2010 due to stronger-than-expected growth in the global economy, driven primarily by emerging Asia and Latin America, larger social transfers to the population approved in the 2010 budget law and a lower price for imported natural gas (due to the 2010 Ukrainian–Russian Naval Base for Natural Gas treaty).


2008–2009 Vendée Globe
The Vendée Globe is a non-stop solo Round the World Yacht Race for IMOCA 60 class yachts this is the 6th edition of the race.


2008–2009 Vendée Globe, Summary
The 2008 Vendée Globe began on 9 November 2008 and was won by Michel Desjoyaux, who set a new record at 84d 3h 9' 8".


2008–2009 Vendée Globe, Summary
Race Director for this edition was Denis Horeau who heads the event management team having done the role for the 1989 and 2004 editions.


2008–2009 Vendée Globe, Incidents, Retirement causes
The problems encountered by Jean Le Cam—losing his keel bulb and capsizing in the Southern Ocean—had a major impact on the order of finish. Fellow competitor Vincent Riou diverted and found his boat, circling to try to toss a rope to Le Cam who had exited a security hatch to hang onto the rudder. After three failed attempts, Vincent Riou went in closer, managing to rescue Jean Le Cam but also damaging his mast which failed soon after. Riou retired, but was awarded third place on redress, as he was third when diverted to assist the boat in distress. In addition Armel Le Cléac’h was awarded 11 hours, Sam Davies 32 hours and Marc Guillemot 82 hours for diverting to aid in the rescue


2008–2009 Vendée Globe, Entries, Participant facts equipment
Thirty skippers started the race a qualification passage was required to validate the registration of each boat, this course could have been carried out as part of another sailing race.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race
The 2008–09 Volvo Ocean Race was a yacht race held between 4 October 2008 and 27 June 2009—the 10th edition of the round the world Volvo Ocean Race.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race
The eight participating boats made ten stops in nine countries around the world. The first offshore leg of the 2008–09 Race started in Alicante, Spain, on 11 October 2008, with the in-port race having been held seven days earlier. A total of ten legs created the route, with seven in-port (IP) races held at various cities around the world. Unlike previous editions, the route crossed the Strait of Malacca at the Malay Archipelago, instead of Cape Leeuwin south of Australia. The boats covered 37,000 nautical miles (69,000 km) in the course of their journey. The chief executive of the 2008–09 race was Knut Frostad.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race
On 15 June 2009, Ericsson 4, skippered by Torben Grael, finished third on leg 9 from Marstrand to Stockholm, Sweden. With their third-place finish, they were able to secure overall victory. Ericsson 4 covered the 42,500 miles (68,400 km) of the race in a time of 127 days, 7 hours, 46 minutes, 21 seconds. Ericsson 4 completed the race with 114 ½ points, whilst Puma ended with 105 ½. Afterwards Kochi was described as a "memorable" port but Galway was the best.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Participants, Budgets
Ericsson's budgets were €50 million, whilst Puma's budget was approximately €20 million. By comparison, the joint Irish and Chinese team, Green Dragon, received €8 million from the Irish government and €4 million from China.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Summary
The route also included seven ‘scoring gates’ (at Fernando de Noronha, Mauritius, Pulau Weh, Indonesia, Latitude 36S, Cape Horn, Fernando de Noronha and St John's, Newfoundland). Yachts scored 'half-points' at these gates, the same as for the in port races.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Stopovers, Cape Town
Ericsson 4 won leg one of the 2008–09 Volvo Ocean Race from Alicante, Spain, to Cape Town in South Africa in a time of 21 days, 17 hours and 54 minutes.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Stopovers, Kochi
The second leg of began on 15 November 2008, with the sailors avoiding pirates off the coast of Somalia on their way to India.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Stopovers, Singapore
Telefonica Blue won leg three of the 2008–09 Volvo Ocean Race from Kochi, India, to Singapore in Singapore. Puma Ocean Racing finished in second place, whilst Ericsson 3 and Ericsson 4 finished in third and fourth places respectively. The race was described as very close, with the top four boats finishing the race within twenty minutes of each other. The race took ten days to complete, ending on 22 December 2008.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Stopovers, Qingdao
Telefonica Blue won leg four of the 2008–09 Volvo Ocean Race from Singapore in Singapore to Qingdao, China. Puma Ocean Racing finished in second place, whilst Ericsson 4 finished in third place. Telefonica Black, Ericsson 3 and Delta Lloyd all withdrew to sail to the Philippines and Taiwan for repairs. The leg lasted from 18 January until 29 January 2009.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Stopovers, Rio de Janeiro
Ericsson 3 won leg five, the longest leg at 12,300 miles (19,800 km), of the 2008–09 Volvo Ocean Race from Qingdao in China to Rio de Janeiro in Brazil, in a time of 40 days and five hours, arriving on 26 March 2009.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Stopovers, Rio de Janeiro
The teams left for Boston in the United States on leg five, which began on 11 April 2009.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Stopovers, Boston
The boats arrived in Boston in late April, with an in port race on 9 May. Leg 6 was won by Ericsson 4 at 21:05 GMT, 26 April 2009 after 15 days, 10 hours and 31 minutes of sailing


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Stopovers, Galway
Ericsson 4 won leg seven of the 2008–09 Volvo Ocean Race from Boston in the United States to Galway, crossing the Atlantic Ocean in a time of seven days, 10 hours, 33 minutes and 51 seconds. Puma Ocean Racing finished in second place, one hour behind. Green Dragon finished in third position, whilst Telefonica Blue finished in fourth place.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Stopovers, Galway
Fáilte Ireland West sponsored the two-week Galway Stopover. It was expected that 140,000 people would visit Galway during the Stopover but the final total significantly outnumbered half a million, with some early reports suggesting that over 600,000 people had come to Galway to view the boats. €43 million was the economic total predicted for Galway from the events but the final total was anticipated to be over €80 million. Figures released the following November suggested the total was just under €56 million. The atmosphere and support in Galway was described positively.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Stopovers, Galway
At least 50,000 people watched the seven yachts leave Galway on Leg 8 of the race. Irish President Mary McAleese made a public speech before the sailors took off, noting their “extraordinary skill and resilience” which had “inspired all of us”. Liu Biwei, China's ambassador to Ireland, spoke of how he favoured the Irish-Chinese pairing, and the fleet received several blessings.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Stopovers, Galway
The sailors reported of the enjoyment they had in Galway, with Puma skipper Ken Read describing it as "the best stopover I have ever been involved with" saying he would return the following year after enjoying his time on the golf course and declaring that there was "something about Ireland and myself that seem to like each other".


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Stopovers, Galway
Galway is expected to compete again for a stopover during the next race, with other Irish destinations such as Belfast and Dún Laoghaire expected to compete also.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Stopovers, Marstrand
Ericsson 4 won leg eight of the 2008–09 Volvo Ocean Race from Galway to Marstrand in Sweden in a time of 12 hours and 57 minutes, their third consecutive victory and fifth overall Puma finished in second place and Green Dragon finished in third place. It was Green Dragon's second successive podium finish and, although they finished third, they had led for most of the race.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Stopovers, Marstrand
The boats left Galway Bay, journeying southward along the west coast of Ireland. They then travelled in a south-easterly direction across the Irish Sea to south England, moving in an eastwards direction up the English Channel. The teams then travelled up into the North Sea until arrival at the Baltic Sea.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Stopovers, Stockholm
Puma won leg nine of the 2008–09 Volvo Ocean Race from Marstrand to Stockholm in Sweden, their first win in the race. The third place for Ericsson 4 was enough for the team to also win the overall race at this point, leading to comparisons with the victor of the previous race, Mike Sanderson and ABN AMRO One, who won at the end of leg seven in Portsmouth, England, in 2006.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Route, Stopovers, Saint Petersburg
Telefonica Black won the last leg of the 2008–09 Volvo Ocean Race from Stockholm to Saint Petersburg, covering the 400 miles (640 km) in a time of 1 day, 12 hours and 41 minutes. Puma Ocean Racing had led the race for most of the way. Ericsson 4, finished in third place.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Stealth play
This race featured "Stealth play", a tactic that allowed a crew to hide its position from its competitors for a period of 12 hours. It was designed to add a tactical dimension to the race, whereby a team might opt to make a break from the fleet without the rest of the competitors knowing what they are doing and where they are on the race track. The ploy can first be used on leg one, leg two, leg five, leg six and leg seven. If it is not used on one leg, it cannot be accumulated for use on a following leg.


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Results
(*Current results as of 27 June 2009, 2:05:00 GMT, after the finish of IP Stockholm.)


2008–2009 Volvo Ocean Race, Results, Records
During Leg 1 "Ericsson 4", skippered by Torben Grael, broke the monohull 24 hour distance record when he sailed 596.6 nmi (1,104.9 km), an average of 24.85 kn (46.02 km/h).


2008–2009 York University strike
The 2008–2009 York University strike was a strike by CUPE Local 3903, the union representing contract professors, teaching assistants, and graduate assistants at York University.


2008–2009 York University strike, The strike
The strike began on November 6, 2008 and concluded on January 29, 2009 when the provincial parliament legislated the union back to work. The strike lasted for 85 days, making it the longest academic strike in English-speaking Canada to that time, only surpassed by the subsequent 2018 York University strike. 5000 students, including the Schulich School of Business and the Osgoode Hall Law School, were able to return to school a week prior to the end of the strike due to a deal struck by the union and the university. Much of the criticism focused on CUPE 3093 and York University President Mamdouh Shoukri's poor handling of the dispute.


2008–2009 York University strike, The strike
The Union went on strike due to a variety of institutional grievances, including job security for contract professors, elimination of the Non-Academic Student Code of Conduct, creation of whistleblower protection, and fund indexation. On January 20, 2009, CUPE 3903 defeated a forced ratification vote that would have ended the strike. On January 24, Ontario premier Dalton McGuinty announced a rare Sunday recall of the provincial legislature in order to pass back-to-work legislation mandating an immediate end to the strike. On January 29, the York University Labour Disputes Resolution Act was passed in the provincial parliament on a count of 42–8 ending the strike.


2008–2009 York University strike, Future labour disruptions at York University
Members of CUPE 3903 held further strikes in 2015 and 2018 at York University after failing to reach an agreement with the university.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations
The 2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations between the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (led by Morgan Tsvangirai), its small splinter group, the Movement for Democratic Change – Mutambara (led by Arthur Mutambara), and the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (led by Robert Mugabe) were intended to negotiate an end to the partisan violence and human rights violations in Zimbabwe and create a framework for a power-sharing executive government between the two parties. These negotiations followed the 2008 presidential election, in which Mugabe was controversially re-elected, as well as the 2008 parliamentary election, in which the MDC won a majority in the House of Assembly.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations
Preliminary talks to set up conditions for official negotiations began between leading negotiators from both parties on 10 July, and on 22 July, the three party leaders met for the first time in Harare to express their support for a negotiated settlement of disputes arising out of the presidential and parliamentary elections. Negotiations between the parties officially began on 25 July in Pretoria, mediated by South African President Thabo Mbeki. A final deal was reached on 11 September 2008, providing for Mugabe to remain President while Tsvangirai would become Prime Minister. The deal was signed on 15 September.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Preliminary negotiations
Mbeki met with Mugabe on 5 July; Arthur Mutambara, Welshman Ncube, and Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga of the MDC-Mutambara group also participated in the discussions. Although Tsvangirai's MDC organisation was not invited to participate, it declined to do so, reiterating its refusal to recognise Mugabe as president and saying that discussions should take place only in the presence of an AU-appointed mediator. Mbeki nevertheless expressed hopes that Tsvangirai's party would participate. Patrick Chinamasa stressed that the government was committed to dialogue with both MDC groupings, but said that Tsvangirai had committed "an act of utter disrespect" by failing to appear at the talks. Mutambara also stated that the involvement of all parties was necessary.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Preliminary negotiations
Talks between the parties began in Pretoria on 10 July. ZANU-PF and both MDC groupings were present for the talks, although Tsvangirai said that his group's delegation, led by Biti, was present to explain its conditions for negotiations—which included an end to the violence, the release of MDC prisoners, and the appointment of an AU envoy— not to actually participate in negotiations. Chamisa described the discussions as merely "talks about whether to have talks, really just a consultation". ZANU-PF was represented in the talks by Chinamasa and Goche.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Preliminary negotiations
In a report from the Human Sciences Research Council, a policy group in South Africa, that was released on 10 July, Peter Kagwanja wrote that violence perpetrated against ZANU-PF by MDC supporters, which he described as having previously been spontaneous, was becoming more organised, and he warned that this increased the possibility of a civil war. Chamisa, however, denied that the MDC had been responsible for any violence.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Preliminary negotiations
On 11 July, the MDC said that Gift Mutsvungunu, a party official, had been found dead near Harare on the previous day; his body was said to be burned and his eyes gouged out. The MDC suspected the security forces of responsibility for this killing, and the party said that its total number of dead during the violence had reached 113. Chamisa said on 13 July that no agreement had been reached and that the two sides "still have to clear the course for meaningful talks". According to Chamisa, violence against MDC members and supporters was continuing, and he said that it was "difficult to engage in meaningful dialogue" under the circumstances. Zimbabwe's Sunday Mail, however, reported on the same day that an agreement had been reached on a "working framework" for talks.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Preliminary negotiations
14 MDC activists, who were being held on charges of violence, were acquitted and released on 14 July, according to the MDC. This followed the death on the same day of a police officer who was the key witness against the activists. On 15 July, church leaders in Zimbabwe said that the "will of the people of Zimbabwe was not given authentic expression during these elections" due to the violence, and they expressed willingness to assist in making arrangements for the formation of a national unity government.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Preliminary negotiations
Mugabe launched a food subsidy programme on 16 July; this programme, involving coupons for food, was designed to counter continually rising inflation and what Mugabe described as "unjust price increases" by private businesses. He also accused the UK of seeking to control Zimbabwe's resources on this occasion. Also on 16 July, the pro-MDC Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions condemned the second round and urged the appointment of a prominent AU envoy to assist in mediation.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Preliminary negotiations, Agreement and Memorandum
Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga said on 20 July that the two parties had "agreed a framework for negotiation" and that he expected this agreement to be signed later in the same week. According to Odinga, the talks that would follow this agreement would be held in Pretoria and would still be mediated by Mbeki, but with AU and UN supervision. Also on 20 July, Zimbabwe's Sunday Mail reported that any companies with Western investments would be taken over by Zimbabweans or by "companies from friendly countries, particularly those in the Far East" if they acted on Western calls to stop doing business in Zimbabwe.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Preliminary negotiations, Agreement and Memorandum
ZANU-PF and both groups of the MDC signed a Memorandum of Understanding outlining a framework for talks on 21 July in Harare. Both Mugabe and Tsvangirai were present to sign the agreement; they shook hands on this occasion, and it was reportedly the first time they had met in about 10 years. According to Mbeki, who was also present, the agreement "commits the negotiating parties to an intense program of work to try and finalize negotiations as quickly as possible".


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Preliminary negotiations, Agreement and Memorandum
Mugabe said that the aim of the talks was to "chart a new way, a new way of political interaction", while Tsvangirai described the agreement as "the first tentative step towards searching for a solution for a country that is in crisis". Under the terms of the agreement, the parties agreed to end political violence and work towards a national unity government and a new constitution; the agreement also required that the parties not use the media as a means of negotiation and set the period for negotiations at two weeks. Mbeki's spokesman Mukoni Ratshitanga subsequently said that this was not a strict limit and talks could continue after two weeks if necessary.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 1 (22 – 30 July)
Following the preliminary agreement, talks between ZANU-PF and the MDC reportedly began on 22 July in South Africa. Ratshitanga said on 23 July that the talks had begun at an undisclosed location, but Chinamasa said that they were to start on 24 July. The Herald reported on 24 July that negotiating teams for both parties took the same flight to South Africa on 23 July. Meanwhile, the South African newspaper Business Day reported that the two sides had already reached agreement on most of the issues, although details remained to be decided.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 1 (22 – 30 July)
The Herald reported on 25 July that the ZANU-PF Politburo had decided that any agreement with the opposition must leave Mugabe in office as president and must not threaten land reform. Ratshitanga said on 26 July that the talks were "proceeding well", although he gave no details.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 1 (22 – 30 July), Stalling
On 28 July, an MDC official said that the talks had stalled due to disagreement on the question of who would lead the government; according to the official, Tsvangirai had been offered the position of Vice-President, but the MDC was unwilling to accept any deal that did not place Tsvangirai at the head of the government. Speaking on 29 July, however, Mbeki said that the talks were continuing and that they were going "very well". The talks adjourned on 29 July.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 1 (22 – 30 July), Stalling
Mbeki said on 30 July that the talks were adjourned so that the negotiators could consult with their leaders and that they would resume on 3 August. He met with Tsvangirai in Pretoria on 29 July and with Mugabe in Harare on 30 July. For his part, Mugabe said that the talks were going well and that the negotiators were working towards a compromise.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 1 (22 – 30 July), Stalling
Speaking on 30 July, Tsvangirai expressed his hope that the negotiations would result in an "honourable exit" for Mugabe; he also said that Mugabe was "just as human as every one of us", while asserting that he was "ignorant, or chooses to be in denial, as far as the violence is concerned". During a visit to Senegal in which he met with Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade, Tsvangirai said on 31 July that he was "fairly satisfied" with the way the negotiations were proceeding, while acknowledging that some "sticking points" remained.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 1 (22 – 30 July), Stalling
An explosion occurred at Harare's central police station late on 2 August, damaging it but causing no casualties. According to a police statement, the explosion was caused by a bomb planted on the building's first floor; it said that one additional bomb that had not exploded was recovered from the scene.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 2 (3 – 12 August)
The talks resumed on 3 August. On the same day, as part of its "Let's Talk for a Change" campaign, the MDC had an advertisement published in The Standard, in which it acknowledged that Mugabe had taken a positive step by accepting power-sharing negotiations. Ratshitanga said on the next day that the renewed negotiations were proceeding well and that the negotiating parties were not concerned about meeting the deadline, which had been set for 4 August.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 2 (3 – 12 August)
A South African newspaper, The Star, reported on 5 August that an agreement was near; according to The Star, this agreement would create the post of Prime Minister for Tsvangirai, while Mugabe would remain in office as president, but in a ceremonial capacity. The Star also reported that MDC wanted the transitional period that followed the agreement to last for 24 to 30 months, while ZANU-PF wanted it to last for five years. The Herald reported on the same day that the parties had agreed to expand their negotiating teams. ZANU-PF and the MDC made a joint statement on 6 August calling for an end to violence.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 2 (3 – 12 August), Another deadlock
In a statement on 7 August, Mugabe said that the reports regarding a draft agreement were "utter nonsense"; he also denied reports that he was planning to meet with Tsvangirai. According to Mugabe, the talks were "going on very well", and he said that "the people of Zimbabwe shall be informed in due course". However, Mbeki went to Harare on 9 August, and Mugabe's spokesman George Charamba said that Mugabe would meet with Tsvangirai on 10 August, while reports suggested the signing of an agreement was imminent.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 2 (3 – 12 August), Another deadlock
On 10 August, Mbeki met with Tsvangirai in Harare, then met with Mugabe. Zimbabwe's The Sunday Mail reported on the same day that "a common position" to keep Mugabe in office as president had been agreed upon. Following further negotiations at a hotel in Harare, Mugabe said when leaving the hotel on 11 August that they were "not exactly" going well, but that they would continue on the next day.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 2 (3 – 12 August), Another deadlock
On 12 August, the power-sharing negotiations continued, with reports indicating that the MDC-T and ZANU-PF were still deadlocked. Mugabe and Mutambara (of the MDC-M) were reported to have signed an agreement on 12 August that excluded Tsvangirai, but later in the day Mbeki denied that a deal was signed between any of the three negotiating parties, stating that Tsvangirai had left the negotiations earlier in the day to reflect on them. MDC-M Secretary-General Welshman Ncube also said that no agreement had been reached.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 2 (3 – 12 August), SADC Summit
The round of talks in Harare ended on the night of 12 August. Tsvangirai expressed continued commitment to dialogue on 13 August, saying that any agreement needed to "put the people first, not leadership positions and titles"; meanwhile, Mbeki, who had left Zimbabwe, maintained that it was still "possible to conclude these negotiations quite quickly".


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 2 (3 – 12 August), SADC Summit
On 14 August, when Tsvangirai went to the airport in Harare to travel to Johannesburg for a SADC summit, his emergency travel documents were confiscated by members of the Central Intelligence Organisation (his passport had previously expired and he was not able to renew it); the documents were quickly returned, however, and Tsvangirai departed for the summit. According to Charamba, Mugabe's spokesman, Tsvangirai's documents were only valid for travel to Angola, and he denied MDC claims that two other members of the MDC delegation to the summit, Biti and Eliphas Mukonoweshuro, had their passports confiscated as well. Charamba accused Tsvangirai of purposefully attempting to travel with invalid documents so that he could use the resulting incident for political gain. Meanwhile, it was announced that Ian Khama, the President of Botswana, would not attend the summit unless an agreement was reached in Zimbabwe.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 2 (3 – 12 August), SADC Summit
On 15 August, the day before the summit, Tsvangirai spoke to a gathering of Cabinet ministers from the SADC countries. In this speech, he acknowledged that the MDC and ZANU-PF remained divided on the question of how executive powers should be allocated in the national unity government. According to Tsvangirai, the sides had agreed on leaving Mugabe in office as president and establishing a new position of Prime Minister for himself.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 2 (3 – 12 August), SADC Summit
Tsvangirai explained that he wanted to have strong, executive powers: as Prime Minister, he "must chair the Cabinet and be responsible for the formulation, execution and administration of government business including appointing and dismissing his ministers", stressing that he could not succeed in the role if he was given "responsibility without authority". Mugabe, according to Tsvangirai's proposal, would be a head of state without veto power; he would remain commander-in-chief of the military, but would act in that capacity on Tsvangirai's advice. ZANU-PF, on the other hand, favoured an agreement in which Tsvangirai would become Prime Minister while Mugabe would remain in charge of the Cabinet.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 2 (3 – 12 August), SADC Summit
At the summit on 16 August, SADC leaders held talks with Mugabe and Tsvangirai. Meanwhile, Tsvangirai told The New York Times that he would only accept an agreement that gave him the executive powers necessary to properly govern the country, and he said that "it's better not to have a deal than to have a bad deal". Biti said that he thought the odds of the talks ending successfully were "fifty-fifty". The SADC summit ended on 17 August, with the two sides still unable to agree.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 2 (3 – 12 August), SADC Summit
Mbeki said that the negotiations would continue after the summit; Biti, speaking for the MDC, expressed continued commitment to dialogue, as did Zimbabwe's Minister of Information, Sikhanyiso Ndlovu. In a statement, the SADC leaders called on the parties to "conclude the negotiations as a matter of urgency to restore political stability in Zimbabwe".


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Convening Parliament
The SADC leaders' statement also included the suggestion "that while negotiations are continuing, it may be necessary to convene parliament to give effect to the will of the people". On 19 August, the government announced its intention to convene Parliament in the subsequent week, five months after the parliamentary election was held. The MDC said on the same day that it did not oppose convening Parliament as long as it was not accompanied by the formation of a new Cabinet, desiring that the new Cabinet should be appointed only after the conclusion of a power-sharing agreement.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Convening Parliament
On 20 August, however, the MDC took a firmer stance, declaring the move to convene Parliament to be unacceptable, with Biti stating that it would "be a clear repudiation of the Memorandum of Understanding, and an indication beyond reasonable doubt of ZANU-PF's unwillingness to continue to be part of the talks. In short convening parliament decapitates the dialogue".


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Convening Parliament
While on a visit to Nairobi, Tsvangirai said on 21 August that convening Parliament and appointing a Cabinet would violate the conditions of the talks, according to which each step in the process was to be taken by common consensus, and suggested that Mugabe's decision could mean he was "abandon[ing] the basis for the talks". He also referred to the need to balance the powers that would be held by the President and Prime Minister under a power-sharing arrangement, whereby both would possess both responsibility and authority.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Convening Parliament
Despite the MDC-T's objections, the members of Parliament were sworn in on 25 August. On the same day, an election was held for the post of Speaker of Parliament; the vote resulted in a victory for MDC-T candidate Lovemore Moyo, who received 110 out of 208 votes in a secret ballot. ZANU-PF did not present a candidate against Moyo and instead supported Paul Themba Nyathi of the MDC-M.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Convening Parliament
On 27 August, Moyo, the newly elected Speaker, said in an interview that the talks would continue. The Herald reported comments by Mugabe on 27 August in which he said that he would soon form a new government; he also said that it appeared the MDC did not want to participate in that government. According to Mugabe, the MDC "[had] been promised by the British that sanctions would be more devastating, that in six months time the government will collapse".


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Convening Parliament
He sharply criticised the preceding Cabinet as "the worst in history" and said that the new Cabinet would be composed of "managers". MDC-T spokesman Chamisa said that Mugabe had no mandate to form a Cabinet and that doing so would be "a recipe for disaster", urging him to wait and reach an agreement with the MDC; meanwhile, MDC-M spokesman Edwin Mushoriwa also said that his group would not participate in a government formed without an agreement.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Convening Parliament
Deputy Information Minister Bright Matonga reiterated on 28 August that Mugabe intended to form a Cabinet, saying that this was necessary for the country to move forward, to improve the economy and alleviate suffering. According to Matonga, Mugabe had received a mandate from SADC. MDC-T spokesman Biti, meanwhile, said that the formation of a Cabinet would mean "killing the talks" and that it would be "a disaster and an act of insanity" for Mugabe to attempt to "go it alone". He also said that the MDC was planning to write to Mbeki to protest Mugabe's alleged violations of the July preliminary agreement. Some observers speculated that, by announcing his intention to form a Cabinet, Mugabe was attempting to force the MDC into accepting the power-sharing conditions favoured by ZANU-PF.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Convening Parliament
ZANU-PF and MDC delegations met separately with Mbeki on 29 August. On the next day, The Herald reported that ZANU-PF had rejected a new MDC proposal, according to which Mugabe and Tsvangirai would co-chair the Cabinet. The Herald denounced this proposal as "absurd" and "insolent", saying that it displayed "stunning ignorance on how government works". MDC-T spokesman Chamisa said on 31 August that "nothing was achieved" in the talks two days prior and that the negotiators had returned to Zimbabwe. The chairman of the Executive Council of the African Union, Tanzanian Foreign Minister Bernard Membe said on 2 September that the African Union hoped that an immediate agreement, providing for power to be split equally between ZANU-PF and the MDC, was still possible.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Convening Parliament
On 3 September, according to The Herald, Mugabe said while attending Levy Mwanawasa's funeral in Zambia that he would form a Cabinet unless the MDC-T signed a power-sharing agreement by 4 September. The Herald quoted Mugabe as saying that it was unacceptable for the country to go on indefinitely without a new Cabinet. Biti said that the MDC-T had heard nothing about Mugabe's threat except what was published in The Herald.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Convening Parliament
According to Biti, the talks were at a stalemate, but he expressed continued commitment to them, while also saying that if Mugabe formed a Cabinet unilaterally, the dialogue would be destroyed. The Herald also reported that Mugabe again alleged that the MDC-T was resisting an agreement due to British influence; Biti responded that this was "patronizing".


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Convening Parliament
US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer said on 5 September that negotiations should continue, warning that her government would consider a Cabinet formed unilaterally by Mugabe to be a "sham". MDC-T leader Tsvangirai on 7 September called for early elections under international supervision if the talks failed.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 3 (9 September – present)
On 9 September 2008, talks resumed with new proposals, with Mbeki flying in from South Africa to mediate. A fresh proposal by Mbeki was tabled that would propose making Tsvangirai an executive prime minister; all three leaders of the major political parties spoke of progress in the talks, and reports of Mugabe backing down on his earlier threats to exclude the MDC surfaced in the foreign press. The day before, Mutambara's group of the MDC announced that they would refuse to work with ZANU-PF if talks were deadlocked. Both Tsvangirai and Mugabe spoke positively of the talks on 10 September 2008.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 3 (9 September – present), Final power-sharing deal
Leaving the talks on 11 September, Tsvangirai told the press that a deal had been reached. Mbeki said later in the day that the deal would be signed in Harare on 15 September in the presence of other African leaders; he did not explain the terms of the deal, saying that they would not be revealed until the deal was signed. The Zimbabwean Permanent Representative to the UN, Boniface Chidyausiku, described the agreement as a "triumph for African diplomacy".


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 3 (9 September – present), Final power-sharing deal
The SADC postponed a meeting of its defence committee indefinitely until Mbeki could finalise a unity deal in Zimbabwe; while confirming that he would attend the meeting, Mbeki told journalists that, if the deal fell through at the last minute, he would tell the SADC that he had done his best as mediator, and that the deal would fall through because one or more of the parties were not serious about the negotiations.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 3 (9 September – present), Final power-sharing deal
At the end of the fourth day of negotiations Mbeki announced that Mugabe, Tsvangirai, and Mutambara had signed a power-sharing agreement – "memorandum of understanding." Mbeki stated: "An agreement has been reached on all items on the agenda ... all of them [Mugabe, Tsvangirai, Mutambara] endorsed the document tonight, and signed it. The formal signing will be done on Monday 10 am. The document will be released then. The ceremony will be attended by SADC and other African regional and continental leaders. The leaders will spend the next few days constituting the inclusive government to be announced on Monday.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 3 (9 September – present), Final power-sharing deal
The leaders will work very hard to mobilise support for the people to recover. We hope the world will assist so that this political agreement succeeds." The deal is also expected to result in a de facto amnesty for the military and Zanu-PF party leaders.


2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations, Details of the talks, Round 3 (9 September – present), Final power-sharing deal
Opposition sources said "Tsvangirai will become prime minister at the head of a council of ministers, the principal organ of government, drawn from his Movement for Democratic Change and the president's Zanu-PF party; and Mugabe will remain president and continue to chair a cabinet that will be a largely consultative body, and the real power will lie with Tsvangirai." South Africa's Business Day reported, however, that Mugabe was refusing to sign a deal which would curtail his presidential powers. According to The New York Times, MDC spokesman Chamisa announced: “This is an inclusive government.