19th-century London, Living conditions, Poverty
In Central London, the single most notorious slum was St. Giles, a name which by the 19th century had passed into common parlance as a byword for extreme poverty. Infamous since the mid 18th century, St. Giles was defined by its prostitutes, gin shops, secret alleyways where criminals could hide, and horribly overcrowded tenements.


19th-century London, Living conditions, Poverty
Lord Byron excoriated the state of St. Giles during a speech to the House of Lords in 1812, stating that "I have been in some of the most oppressed provinces of Turkey, but never under the most despotic of infidel governments did I behold such squalid wretchedness as I have seen since my return in the very heart of a Christian country."


19th-century London, Living conditions, Poverty
At the heart of this area, now occupied by New Oxford Street and Centre Point, was "The Rookery", a particularly dense warren of houses along George Street and Church Lane, the latter of which in 1852 was reckoned to contain over 1,100 lodgers in overpacked, squalid buildings with open sewers. The poverty worsened with the massive influx of poor Irish immigrants during the Great Famine of 1848, giving the area the name "Little Ireland", or "The Holy Land". Government intervention beginning in the 1830s reduced the area of St. Giles through mass evictions, demolitions, and public works projects. New Oxford Street was built right through the heart of "The Rookery" in 1847, eliminating the worst part of the area, but many of the evicted inhabitants simply moved to neighboring streets, which remained stubbornly mired in poverty.


19th-century London, Living conditions, Poverty
Mass demolition of slums like St. Giles was the usual method of removing problematic pockets of the city; for the most part this just displaced existing residents because the new dwellings built by private developers were often far too expensive for the previous inhabitants to afford. In the mid to late 19th century, philanthropists like Octavia Hill and charities like the Peabody Trust focused on building adequate housing for the working classes at affordable rates (George Peabody built his first improved housing for the "artisans and laboring poor" on Commercial Street in 1864).


19th-century London, Living conditions, Poverty
The Metropolitan Board of Works (the dominant authority before the LCC), was empowered to undertake clearances and to enforce overcrowding and other such standards on landlords by a stream of legislation including the Labouring Classes Dwelling Houses Acts of 1866 and 1867. Overcrowding was also defined as a public health 'nuisance' beginning in 1855, which allowed Medical Officers to report landlords in violation to the Board of Health. In 1890 the shortcomings of the existing legislation were refined and condensed into one comprehensive piece of legislation, the Houses of the Working Classes Act. This empowered the LCC to construct its own housing on cleared land, which it had been prohibited from doing before; thus began a social housing building program in targeted areas like Bethnal Green and Millbank that would accelerate in the next century.


19th-century London, Living conditions, Poverty, The East End
The East End of London, with an economy oriented around the Docklands and the polluting industries clustered along the Thames and the River Lea, had long been an area of working poor. By the late 19th century it was developing an increasingly sinister reputation for crime, overcrowding, desperate poverty, and debauchery. The 1881 census counted over 1 million inhabitants in the East End, a third of whom lived in poverty.


19th-century London, Living conditions, Poverty, The East End
The Cheap Trains Act 1883, while it enabled many working class Londoners to move away from the inner-city, had the effect of accentuating the poverty in areas like the East End, where the most destitute were left behind. Prostitution was rife, with one official report in 1888 recording 62 brothels and 1,200 prostitutes in Whitechapel (the real number was likely much higher).


19th-century London, Living conditions, Poverty, The East End
The American author Jack London, in his 1903 account The People of the Abyss, described the bewilderment he was met with by Londoners when he mentioned that he planned to visit the East End, many of whom had never been there despite living in the same city. He was refused a guide when he visited the travel agency of Thomas Cook & Son, which told him to consult the police. When he finally found a reluctant cabbie to take him into Stepney, he described his impression as follows:


19th-century London, Living conditions, Poverty, The East End
"Nowhere in the streets of London may one escape the sight of abject poverty, while five minutes' walk from almost any point will bring one to a slum; but the region my hansom was now penetrating was one unending slum. The streets were filled with a new and different race of people, short of stature, and of wretched or beer-sodden appearance. We rolled along through miles of bricks and squalor, and from each cross street and alley flashed long vistas of bricks and misery. Here and there lurched a drunken man or woman, and the air was obscene with sounds of jangling and squabbling."


19th-century London, Living conditions, Poverty, The East End
By the time of Jack London's visit in 1903, the reputation of the East End was at its lowest ebb after decades of unfavourable attention from journalists, authors, and social reformers. The 1888 Whitechapel murders perpetrated by Jack the Ripper brought international attention to the squalor and criminality of the East End, while penny dreadfuls and a slew of sensational novels like George Gissing's The Nether World and the works of Charles Dickens painted grim pictures of London's deprived areas for middle and upper class readers.


19th-century London, Living conditions, Poverty, The East End
The single most influential work on London poverty was Charles Booth's Life and Labour of the People in London, a 17-volume work published between 1889 and 1903. Booth painstakingly charted levels of deprivation throughout the city, painting a bleak but also sympathetic picture of the wide variety of experiences lived by London's poor.


19th-century London, Living conditions, Disease and mortality
The extreme population density in areas like the East End made for unsanitary conditions and resulting epidemics of disease. The child mortality rate in the East End stood at 20%, while the estimated life expectancy of an East End labourer was only 19 years. In Bethnal Green, one of London's poorest districts, the mortality rate stood at 1 in 41 in 1847. The average for Bethnal Green between the years 1885 and 1893 remained virtually the same as that of 1847.


19th-century London, Living conditions, Disease and mortality
Meanwhile, the mortality average for those same eight years in the wealthy boroughs of Kensington and Paddington stood at roughly 1 in 53. London's overall mortality rate was tracked at a ratio of roughly 1 in 43 between the years 1869–1879; overall life expectancy in the city stood at just 37 years in midcentury.


19th-century London, Living conditions, Disease and mortality
The most serious disease in the poor quarters was tuberculosis, until the 1860s cholera, as well as rickets, scarlet fever, and typhoid. Between 1850 and 1860 the mortality rate from typhoid was 116 per 100,000 people. Smallpox was a dreaded disease across London: there were epidemics in 1816–19, 1825–26, 1837–40, 1871 and 1881. A speckling of workhouse hospitals and the London Smallpox Hospital in St Pancras (moved to Highgate Hill in 1848–50), were all that existed to treat smallpox victims until the latter part of the century.


19th-century London, Living conditions, Disease and mortality
This changed with the creation of the Metropolitan Asylums Board in 1867, which embarked on the building of five planned smallpox and fever hospitals in Stockwell, Deptford, Hampstead, Fulham and Homerton to serve the different regions of London. Fearful residents succeeded in blocking the building of the Hampstead hospital, and residents in Fulham obtained an injunction preventing all but local cases of smallpox from being treated in their hospital. Thus, with only three hospitals in operation when the epidemic of 1881 began, the MAB was overwhelmed.


19th-century London, Living conditions, Disease and mortality
HMS Atlas and Endymion were leased as hospital ships and entered service in July 1881, moored at Greenwich. The following year the two ships were purchased along with another, Castalia, and the fleet was moved to Long Reach at Gravesend, where it served 20,000 patients between 1884 and 1902. The floating hospitals were equipped with their own river ferry service to transport patients in isolation from the inner city. The ships enabled three permanent isolation hospitals to be built at Dartford, effectively ending the threat of smallpox epidemics.


19th-century London, Transport
With the great railway termini developing to connect London with its suburbs and beyond, mass transport was becoming ever more important within the city as its population increased. The first horse-drawn omnibuses entered service in London in 1829. By 1854 there were 3,000 of them in service, painted in bright reds, greens, and blues, and each carrying an average of 300 passengers per day.


19th-century London, Transport
The two-wheeled hansom cab, first seen in 1834, was the most common type of cab on London's roads throughout the Victorian era, but there were many types, like the four-wheeled Hackney carriage, in addition to the coaches, private carriages, coal-wagons, and tradesman's vehicles which crowded the roads. There were 3,593 licensed cabs in London in 1852; by the end of the century there were estimated to be some 10,000 in all.


19th-century London, Transport
From the 1870s onwards, Londoners also had access to a developing tram network which accessed Central London and provided local transport in the suburbs. The first horse-drawn tramways were installed in 1860 along the Bayswater Road at the northern edge of Hyde Park, Victoria Street in Westminster, and Kennington Street in South London. The trams were a success with passengers, but the raised rails were jolting and inconvenient for horse-drawn vehicles to cross, causing traffic bottlenecks at crossroads.


19th-century London, Transport
Within a year the outcry was so great that the lines were pulled up, and trams were not reintroduced until the Tramways Act 1870 permitted them to be built again. Trams were restricted to operating in the suburbs of London, but they accessed the major transport hubs of the City and the West End, conveying passengers into and away from the suburbs. By 1893 there were about 1,000 tram cars across 135 miles worth of track. Trams could be accessed in Central London from Aldgate, Blackfriars Bridge, Borough, Moorgate, King's Cross, Euston Road, Holborn, Shepherd's Bush, Victoria, and Westminster Bridge.


19th-century London, Transport, Coming of the railways
19th century London was transformed by the coming of the railways. A new network of metropolitan railways allowed the development of suburbs in neighboring counties from which middle-class and wealthy people could commute to the centre. While this spurred the massive outward growth of the city, London's growth also exacerbated the class divide, as the wealthier classes emigrated to the suburbs, leaving the poor to inhabit the inner city areas. The new railway lines were generally built through working class areas, where land was cheaper and compensation costs lower. In the 1860s, the railway companies were required to rehouse the tenants they evicted for construction, but these rules were widely evaded until the 1880s. The displaced generally stayed in the same area as before, but under more crowded conditions due to the loss of housing.


19th-century London, Transport, Coming of the railways
The first railway to be built in London was the London & Greenwich Railway, a short line from London Bridge to Greenwich, which opened in 1836. This was soon followed by great rail termini which linked London to every corner of Britain. These included Euston (1837), Paddington (1838), Fenchurch Street (1841), Waterloo (1848), King's Cross (1852), and St Pancras (1868). By 1865 there were 12 principal railway termini; the stations built along the lines in exurban villages surrounding London allowed commuter towns to be developed for the middle classes. The Cheap Trains Act 1883 helped poorer Londoners to relocate, by guaranteeing cheap fares and removing a duty imposed on fares since 1844. The new working class suburbs created as a result included West Ham, Walthamstow, Kilburn, and Willesden.


19th-century London, Transport, London Underground
With traffic congestion on London's roads becoming more and more serious, proposals for underground railways to ease the pressure on street traffic were first mooted in the 1840s, after the opening of the Thames Tunnel in 1843 proved such engineering work could be done successfully. However, reservations over the stability of underground tunneling persisted into the 1860s and were finally overcome when Parliament approved the construction of London's first underground railway, the Metropolitan Railway.


19th-century London, Transport, London Underground
Begun in 1860 and completed in 1863, the Metropolitan inaugurated the world's oldest mass transit system, the London Underground; it was created by the cut-and-cover method of excavating a trench from above, then building reinforced brick walls and vaults to form the tunnel, and filling in the trench with earth. The Metropolitan initially ran from Farringdon in the east to Paddington in the west. The open wooden passenger cars were propelled by a coke-fueled steam locomotive and lit with gas lamps to provide illumination in the tunnels.


19th-century London, Transport, London Underground
The line was such a success, carrying 9.5 million passengers in its first year of operation. An extension to the western suburb of Hammersmith was built and opened in 1868. In 1884 the Metropolitan was linked with the Metropolitan District Line at Aldgate to form an inner circle encompassing Central London (the modern Circle Line), with a short stretch running from Aldgate to Whitechapel. In 1880 an extension line to the north-west was opened from Baker Street tube station to the village of Harrow, via Swiss Cottage and St. John's Wood, expanding further over the coming decades and allowing prosperous suburbs to be developed around formerly rural villages.


19th-century London, Transport, London Underground
A succession of private enterprises were formed to build new routes after the success of the Metropolitan, the first being the Metropolitan District Line, opened in 1865. This line extended along the Thames from Westminster to South Kensington at first, but by 1889 it had been extended eastwards to Blackfriars, and south-west all the way to Wimbledon.


19th-century London, Transport, London Underground
The next line to be built, and the first true "tube", dug with a tunnelling shield designed by J.H. Greathead rather than by cut-and-cover excavation, was the City and South London Railway, opened in 1890. It was London's first underground line with electric locomotives, and the first to extend south of the river. Electrification allowed the tunnels to be dug deep below ground level, as ventilation for smoke and steam was no longer necessary.


19th-century London, Transport, London Underground
In the year 1894, an estimated 228,605,000 passengers used the three underground railways then in operation, compared to 11,720,000 passengers in 1864 using the lone Metropolitan Railway. Before the century came to a close, a second deep-level tube was opened in 1898: the Waterloo & City Line. The shortest of the London tube lines, it was built to convey commuters between the City of London and Waterloo station.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Roads
Many new roads were built after the formation of the Metropolitan Board of Works in 1855. They included the Embankment from 1864, Northumberland Avenue, Clerkenwell and Theobalds Roads all from 1874. The MBW was authorized to create Charing Cross Road and Shaftesbury Avenue in the Metropolitan Streets Improvements Act of 1877, the intention being to improve communication between Charing Cross, Piccadilly Circus, Oxford Street, and Tottenham Court Road. This required extensive demolition in the slums of Soho and St. Giles, with the MBW responsible for rehousing over 3,000 laborers in new-built tenements over the ten-year period it took to construct the roads.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Roads
One of the most ambitious urban redesign initiatives was the building of Regent Street at the behest of the Prince Regent, who wished to build a grand boulevard linking his Carlton House in the south with Regent's Park in the north, the latter of which had reverted to Crown ownership in 1811.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Roads
The new road had myriad benefits: it cleared a warren of narrow streets in Westminster in favor of a symmetrical, aesthetically pleasing street which not only relieved traffic congestion but, by providing a direct north–south route, allowed the rural area around Regent's Park to be profitably developed for residential use. Regent Street was also meant to provide a clear separation between the fashionable new development of Mayfair to the west, and the by-then undesirable area of Soho to the east.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Roads
The plans, designed by John Nash, were approved by Act of Parliament in 1813, and by 1819 Nash's grand colonnaded, stucco-covered buildings were largely open for business. The street stretches from Pall Mall at its southern terminus (built closer to the Haymarket to avoid St. James's Square), crosses Piccadilly (creating Piccadilly Circus in the process), from where it curves west via the Quadrant and then runs due north, joining with Langham Place and Portland Place to create the link to Regent's Park. The area achieved its intended purpose of becoming a thriving commercial district, lined with shops of every variety to rival the quality of nearby St. James's.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Roads
1890 London had 5,728 street accidents, resulting in 144 deaths. London was the site of the world's first traffic lights, installed at the crossroads of Bridge, Great George, and Parliament Streets outside the Houses of Parliament. The 20 ft (6-metre) high column was topped by a large gas lamp, and opened in December 1868. It was designed by the railway engineer J.P. Knight after a railway semaphore signal, with multi-coloured arms coming down to regulate traffic.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Engineering
19th century London was the site of unprecedented engineering marvels. One of these was the Thames Tunnel, declared the "Eighth Wonder of the World" when it opened in 1843. Designed by Marc Isambard Brunel, it was the first tunnel in the world to be successfully built under a navigable river and took 18 grueling years to complete. Laborers employed to dig the tunnel, with the protection of Brunel's tunneling shield, endured five serious floods and multiple gas and sewage leaks, which caused numerous casualties and long delays.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Engineering
Although it was intended as an underground artery for the movement of goods between Rotherhithe and Wapping, it opened as a pedestrian tunnel during its early decades (there were 1 million visitors to the tunnel in its first 3 months of opening). Only in 1865 was it purchased by the East London Railway and converted for railway use.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Engineering
The Thames Embankment was one of the most ambitious public works projects in 19th century London. It transformed the appearance of the riverside between Chelsea and Blackfriars. There were three different sections: the Victoria Embankment, built between 1864 and 1870; the Albert Embankment (1866–70); and the Chelsea Embankment (1871–74). The embankments protected low-lying areas along the Thames from flooding, provided a more attractive prospect of the river compared to the mudflats and boatyards which abounded previously, and created prime reclaimed land for development.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Engineering
The Victoria Embankment was the most ambitious: it concealed a massive interceptor sewage tunnel, which channelled waste from a network of smaller tunnels away from the River Thames and out of Central London, towards the Northern Outfall Sewer at Beckton in East London. The Victoria Embankment also allowed an extension of the Metropolitan District Line underground to be built, from Westminster east to Blackfriars. In total, the Victoria Embankment reclaimed over 37 acres (15 hectares) of land from the Thames, allowing a broad east–west boulevard to be built and a series of public gardens.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Engineering
All three sections of the Thames Embankment are faced in grey granite, mounted with handsome cast iron lamps, and lined with London plane trees. In 1878, the lamps of the Victoria Embankment were converted from gas to electric light, making it the first street in Britain to be electrically illuminated.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Engineering
Walter Thornbury praised the new construction in his Old and New London of 1878: "not only has the [Victoria] Embankment added a handsome frontage to the side of the Thames, which previously had been a public eyesore, but it has also been the means of getting rid of the unequal deposits of mud in its bed, assisting the removal of the scour of the river, and consequently improving the health of the inhabitants of London."


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Bridges
There was a flurry of bridge-building along the Thames from the City of London westwards during the 19th century, improving overland communication to Southwark. In 1800 there were only three bridges connecting Westminster and the city to the south bank: Westminster Bridge, Blackfriars Bridge, and the ancient London Bridge. West of Westminster, the closest bridge was Battersea Bridge, three miles upstream. The four stone bridges grew progressively more decrepit as traffic increased: Westminster Bridge was badly subsiding by the 1830s, and several piers collapsed in 1846. Blackfriars was structurally unsound, requiring substantial repairs between 1833 and 1840.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Bridges
Old London Bridge, whose 20 piers dated back to the 13th century, so impeded the flow of the river that it formed dangerous rapids for boats, and its narrow width of 26 ft could not accommodate modern traffic levels. It was the first to be replaced, by a 49-foot (15-metre) wide granite bridge with five supporting arches. "New" London Bridge was built from 1824 to 1831, with the adjacent "Old" London Bridge fully dismantled by 1832. New Westminster Bridge, made of cast iron and resting on seven arches, was opened in 1862, replacing its unstable predecessor, and Blackfriars Bridge was demolished and rebuilt in cast iron beginning in 1864.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Bridges
In addition, several new bridges for road, pedestrian, and railway traffic were built: Southwark Bridge (1819), Waterloo Bridge (1817), Hungerford Bridge (opened in 1845 as a footbridge, and converted in 1859 into a combination footbridge/railway bridge for Charing Cross Station), and Tower Bridge (1894). Further upriver, the new bridges included Lambeth Bridge (1862), which replaced a centuries-old cross-river ferry service, Vauxhall Bridge (opened 1816), Victoria Bridge (opened in 1858 and later renamed Chelsea Bridge), and Wandsworth Bridge (1873).


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Bridges
The impetus for this building was London's massive population growth, which put a constant strain on existing communications between the north and south banks. The want of overland bridges was one of the issues cited by the Illustrated London News in an editorial of 1854 enumerating the most urgent needs of the city. London Bridge remained the city's busiest artery for the entire century, averaging 22,242 vehicle and 110,525 pedestrian crossings per day in 1882. More than 30 petitions were submitted to various authorities between 1874 and 1885 requesting that the bridge either be widened or rebuilt to relieve congestion.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Bridges
This resulted in the commission of Tower Bridge by Act of Parliament in 1885. This was a bascule bridge designed by Sir Horace Jones, completed in 1895. It was an engineering marvel which solved the conundrum of how to bridge the Thames downriver from London Bridge without inhibiting shipping in the Pool of London. Using a 200 ft (60-metre) wide central bay, the bascules, or drawbridge, could be raised on either side by massive hydraulic accumulators, allowing clearance for ships up to 140 ft (43 metres) in height. It rests on two piers sunk deep into the river bed, constituting some 70,000 tons of concrete and stone, while the towers and bridge itself are framed in 11,000 tons of steel clad in Cornish granite and Portland Stone.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Lighting
The development of gas lighting at the beginning of the 19th century provided London with comprehensive street illumination for the first time in its history. Before this, oil lamps were used along the main thoroughfares, but they were only required to be lit during the darkest time of the year (between Michaelmas on 29 September and Lady Day on 25 March), and then only as late as midnight. The first gaslight in London was installed in the Lyceum Theatre in 1804, by the German-born entrepreneur F.A. Winsor.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Lighting
"Winsor patent Gas", supplied by Winsor's New Light and Heat Company, would be installed along the north side of Pall Mall to celebrate George III's birthday in 1805. In 1810, the Westminster Gas Light and Coke Company was incorporated by Act of Parliament, and the first gas works in the U.K. were established by the company at Peter Street and Horseferry Road to provide gas to Westminster. In 1813, Westminster Bridge was lit by gaslight, and the London theatres installed gas between 1817 and 1818.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Lighting
Gaslight was quickly adopted for shop window displays because it enabled owners to better display their wares, but it was slower to be adopted in private homes, not gaining ground until the 1840s. Gas light made streets safer, allowed shops to stay open well after dark, and even improved literacy because of the brighter interiors gas facilitated.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Lighting
By 1823 there were some 40,000 gas street lamps, across 215 miles of streets. By 1880 there were one million gas street lamps in London, and the gas works were consuming 6.5 million tons of coal annually. The city became noteworthy for the brightness of its streets, shopfronts, and interiors at night compared to other European cities. The last precinct to resist gas lighting was Grosvenor Square, which did not install it until 1842. There were 12 gas companies in operation in London in the 1840s, with gas works and gas holders becoming an increasingly recognizable feature of the city.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Lighting
The largest of the gas works were those of the London Gas Company at Vauxhall, which piped gas as far away as Highgate and Hampstead, 7 miles from Vauxhall. The Metropolitan Gas Act 1860 granted monopolies to the various companies in allotted districts, intended to end the fierce competition for territory which had prevailed in the 1850s. This had the unintended effect of raising prices, as the companies exploited their newly secure monopolies.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Lighting
Parliamentary select committees were set up between 1866 and 1868 to look into the matter, which found that gas in London was more expensive and of lower quality than in other English cities. The committees recommended various improvements including price reductions, better regulation, and consolidation. These recommendations were enacted first in the city with the City of London Gas Act of 1868, and within a few years the provisions were expanded across most of London. By the end of the 1870s, there were just 6 gas companies in operation in London, compared to 13 in the 1860s.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Lighting
In the last decades of the 19th century, electric lighting was introduced sporadically, but was slow to supersede gas. In November and December 1848, two competing inventors (M. Le Mott and William Staite) gave demonstrations of their respective electric lamps to astonished crowds at the National Gallery, atop the Duke of York Column, and aboard a train departing from Paddington station. It would take another three decades for this novelty to be installed on any permanent basis, delayed by the expense of electricity and the lack of generating facilities.


19th-century London, Infrastructure, Lighting
In 1879, electric arc lamps were installed along the Victoria Embankment as an experiment to gauge the respective brightness of gas vs. electricity, and the latter was judged superior by the Board of Works. The same year, Siemens installed electric light in the Royal Albert Hall and along Waterloo Bridge, while the first large power station in the metropolis opened at Deptford. Another major advancement was the construction of the Edison Electric Light Station at Holborn Viaduct in 1882, the world's first coal-fueled power station for public use. The station, opened by Thomas Edison's Edison Electric Light Company, powered 968 lamps (later expanded to 3,000) stretching from Holborn Viaduct to St. Martin's Le Grand, using Edison carbon-filament incandescent light bulbs.


19th-century London, Culture, Museums
Several of modern London's major museums were founded or constructed during the 19th century, including the British Museum (built 1823–1852), The National Gallery (built 1832–8), the National Portrait Gallery (founded 1856), and the Tate Britain, which opened in 1897 as the National Gallery of British Art. The British Museum had been established by Act of Parliament in 1753, and housed since that time in the 17th century Montagu House in Bloomsbury.


19th-century London, Culture, Museums
With the donation of the King's Library in 1822, which comprised some 120,000 manuscripts, pamphlets, and drawings assembled by the late George III, a major extension of the Museum was needed. Montagu House was demolished and the quadrangular current building, with its imposing Greek Revival façade designed by Sir Robert Smirke, rose gradually through 1857, with the East Wing the first to be completed in 1828. The Round Reading Room, which was built to occupy the vacant courtyard behind the main building, featured the second largest dome in the world when it was finished (140 feet in diameter). By 1878 the Reading Room contained 1.5 million printed volumes across some 25 miles of shelves.


19th-century London, Culture, Museums
The great complex of museums at South Kensington began with the purchase of a vast tract of land (known as Albertopolis) at the instigation of the Prince Consort and the Royal Commission for the Exhibition of 1851. The profits from the Exhibition were put toward the purchase of the land, which was intended to host a complex of cultural, scientific and educational institutions. The first of these was the South Kensington Museum (now known as the Victoria & Albert Museum), which opened to the public in 1856.


19th-century London, Culture, Museums
The South Kensington Museum at that time inhabited the 'Brompton Boilers' building designed by William Cubitt, and consisted of the collections of manufactures and decorative art from the Crystal Palace Exhibition and the collections from the Museum of Ornamental Art, previously held in Marlborough House. In 1899 Queen Victoria laid the foundation stone for the current building, designed by Sir Aston Webb, and christened the official change of name to the Victoria & Albert Museum.


19th-century London, Culture, Museums
The rest of the land belonging to 'Albertopolis', on the site currently occupied by the Natural History and Science Museums, was used to host the 1862 International Exhibition. A substantial portion was given over to the headquarters and gardens of the Royal Horticultural Society, which was based on the site of the modern Science Museum between 1861 and 1888.


19th-century London, Culture, Museums
The exhibition buildings were afterwards repurposed to hold the scientific objects from the South Kensington Museum, a collection which gradually expanded through acquisitions of scientific instruments in 1874, as well as acquisitions of patent models and machinery like the original cotton mills from Arkwright Mill. By 1893 the first director was appointed to oversee these developing science collections, which would become the core of the Science Museum upon its founding as a separate entity in 1909.


19th-century London, Culture, Museums
In the meantime, the decision was made to relocate the natural history specimen collections of the British Museum to a separate and dedicated facility, the Natural History Museum, the building of which lasted between 1873 and 1884. Other enterprises were granted parcels of land on the active patronage of the commission, which aimed to fulfill Prince Albert's vision. By the end of the century the museums were complemented by the Royal Albert Hall (opened in 1871), the Royal College of Music (opened 1894), and the Imperial Institute (opened 1893).


19th-century London, Culture, Theatre
In addition to the museums, popular entertainment proliferated throughout the city. At the beginning of the century, there were only three theatres in operation in London: the "winter" theatres of the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane and the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, and the "summer" theatre of Haymarket. The duopoly granting exclusive rights to the "winter theatres", dating back to the 17th century, forbade rival theatres from operating despite the huge growth in London's population and in theatre attendance.


19th-century London, Culture, Theatre
A loosening of these restrictions in the early years of the 19th century allowed small theatres to open which could only put on plays interspersed with musical numbers. To skirt the strict regulations, theatres like the Old Vic were established outside the boundaries of London to produce new plays. In 1843, Parliament repealed the Licensing Act 1737, ending the duopoly of the Drury Lane and Covent Garden theatres, while the Theatres Act 1843 allowed straight plays to be produced in all licensed theatres. Aided by the promotion of theatre as a respectable medium, and new technologies which made staging plays more sophisticated, 19 theatres were in operation by 1851. By 1899 there were 61 theatres across London, 38 of which were in the West End.


19th-century London, Culture, Theatre
The music hall was a form of live entertainment which developed gradually during the first half of the 19th century. By the 1830s many hybrid pub/performance venues, known as "Free and Easies", existed where customers could enjoy live entertainment from amateur singers. These were disreputable establishments, which led some public houses to offer Song and supper rooms as a respectable middle-class alternative. Song and Supper Rooms of the 1830s and 40s offered patrons, for a surcharge, the opportunity to dine and drink while enjoying live musical acts of a higher caliber than the "Free and Easies".


19th-century London, Culture, Theatre
The 700-person capacity Canterbury Music Hall, which opened in 1852 in Lambeth, was the first purpose-built music hall, establishing the model with its large auditorium packed with tables for dining, generally offering bawdy musical revues or individual acts. By 1875 there were 375 music halls across the city, with the greatest number concentrated in the East End (around 150 had been established in Tower Hamlets by midcentury). Music halls became an integral part of cockney popular culture, with performers like George Robey and George Leybourne famous for their comic characters and songs. Two of the largest and most famous music halls were in Leicester Square – the Alhambra and the Empire – both of which were also notorious for the prostitutes who plied their trade in the galleries.


19th-century London, Government
In 1829, Home Secretary Robert Peel established the Metropolitan Police as a police force covering the entire urban area, with the exception of the City of London, which formed its own police force under a separate jurisdiction in 1839. In 1839, the two small forces which pre-dated the Met – the Bow Street Runners and the Marine Police Force – were absorbed into it once and for all. The force gained the nicknames of "bobbies" or "peelers" named after Robert Peel, and initially numbered 1,000 officers. Corruption was rife among this early batch of recruits, so much so that five-sixths of the original force had been dismissed within four years.


19th-century London, Government
London's urban area grew rapidly, spreading into Islington, Paddington, Belgravia, Holborn, Finsbury, Shoreditch, Southwark and Lambeth. With London's rapid growth, towards the middle of the century, an urgent need arose to reform London's system of local government.


19th-century London, Government
Outside of the City of London, which resisted any attempts to expand its boundaries to encompass the wider urban area, London had a chaotic local government system consisting of ancient parishes and vestries, working alongside an array of single-purpose boards and authorities, few of which co-operated with each other. Drainage in the city was handled by 7 different Commissions of Sewers, and in a one-hundred square yard area of Central London there were four different bodies responsible for the pavement and upkeep of the streets. In 1855 the Metropolitan Board of Works (MBW) was created to provide London with adequate infrastructure to cope with its growth. The MBW was London's first metropolitan government body.


19th-century London, Government
The Metropolitan Board of Works was not a directly elected body, which made it unpopular with Londoners. In 1888 it was wound up, and replaced with the London County Council (LCC). This was the first elected London-wide administrative body. The LCC covered the same area as the MBW had done, but this area was designated as the County of London. In 1900, the county was subdivided into 28 metropolitan boroughs, which formed a more local tier of administration than the county council.


19th-century London, Government
Parliament also took a more proactive role in public health and healthcare during the latter part of the century. In 1867 it passed the London-specific Metropolitan Poor Act, creating the Metropolitan Asylums Board and six new Metropolitan Asylum Districts in London. The Act was intended to move the provision of healthcare for the poor away from the workhouse infirmaries, whose conditions attracted much public scorn, and into six new hospitals. Only two of these, in Central London and the Poplar and Stepney District, were fully realized, with the other four districts using reconstituted facilities from the old infirmaries because of cost overruns.


19th-century London, Government, Sanitation
One of the first tasks of the Metropolitan Board of Works was to address London's sanitation problems. Sewers were far from extensive, and the most common form of human waste disposal was cesspools, some 200,000 by mid-century, which were often open and prone to overflowing. An 1847 ordinance of the Metropolitan Commission of Sewers requiring all waste to be discharged into sewers meant that the Thames, where all the discharge went, became much more polluted.


19th-century London, Government, Sanitation
The combination of cesspools and the raw sewage pumped into the city's main source of drinking water led to repeated outbreaks of cholera in 1832, 1849, 1854, and 1866 and culminated in The Great Stink of 1858. The 1866 cholera epidemic was the fourth in the city's history, but also the last and the least deadly. Further epidemics were forestalled by Bazalgette's improved sanitation system.


19th-century London, Government, Sanitation
Following the Great Stink of 1858 Parliament finally gave consent for the MBW to construct a massive system of sewers. The engineer put in charge of building the new system was Joseph Bazalgette. In one of the largest civil engineering projects of the 19th century, he oversaw construction of over 1300 miles or 2100 km of tunnels and pipes under London to take away sewage and provide clean drinking water. When the London sewerage system was completed, the death toll in London dropped dramatically, and epidemics were curtailed. Bazalgette's system is still in use today.


19th-century London, Government, Sanitation
While the problems of disposal of sewage and human waste were much improved by the late 19th century, there also remained problems of sanitation on the streets of London. With some 300,000 horses in use in the city by the 1890s, 1,000 tons of dung were being dropped on London's streets each day. Boys between 12 and 14 were employed to collect horse waste from the streets, which remained the main method until cars gradually replaced horse-drawn vehicles in the 20th century.


19th-century London, Government, Sanitation
The social reformer Edwin Chadwick condemned the methods of waste removal in British cities, including London, in his 1842  Report on The Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population of Great Britain. In the poorer areas of London, rotting food, excrement and mud accumulated on the streets, where drains were few and far between and there were no supplies of water to flush them clean. Chadwick attributed the spread of disease to this filth, advocating improved water supplies and drains, and criticising the inefficient system of labourers and street sweepers then employed to maintain cleanliness.


19th-century London, Government, Sanitation
The result was the passing of the Public Health Act 1848, which placed the responsibility for street cleansing, paving, sewers, and water supply on the municipal boroughs rather than on property owners. The boroughs had the power to create Boards of Health, charged with initiating the reforms, and also empowered to intervene and remove a broad range of "nuisances" to public health.


19th-century London, Government, Sanitation
The weakness of the 1848 Act was that it did not compel the boroughs to act, but merely provided the framework for doing so. More comprehensive and forceful legislation was passed by Parliament with the Public Health Acts of 1872 and 1875. The last Act compelled the boroughs to provide adequate drainage, required all new housing to be built with running water, and required all streets to be equipped with lighting and pavements. The boards of health were replaced by urban sanitary authorities overseeing new urban sanitary districts. These authorities were more comprehensive than their predecessors, equipped with teams of medical officers and health inspectors who ensured food safety standards were met and actively prevented outbreaks of disease.


19th-century London, Pollution, Fog
Atmospheric pollution caused by burning cheap soft coal created the city's notorious pea soup fog. Air pollution from burning wood or coal was nothing new to London – complaints about the city's dirty atmosphere exist as far back as the 13th century – but the population explosion and industrialisation of the 19th century aggravated both the severity of the fogs and their lethal effects on Londoners.


19th-century London, Pollution, Fog
The fogs were at their worst in the month of November, but occurred frequently throughout the autumn and winter. Sulphur dioxide and soot emitted from chimneys mixed with the natural vapour of the Thames Valley to form a layer of greasy, acrid mist that shrouded the city up to 240 feet (75 metres) above street level. Its most common colour was a greenish-yellow "pea soup", but it could also be brown, black, orange, or grey. At their worst, the poor visibility caused by London fogs could halt traffic and required the street lamps to be lit all day.


19th-century London, Pollution, Fog
Conditions for pedestrians were extremely dangerous: in 1873, nineteen deaths were attributed to accidental drowning from victims who fell into the Thames, canals, or docks during foggy weather. There were also increases in crimes like theft, rape, and assault on London streets because of the cover provided by the fog. Charles Dickens Jr. described the "London particular" in his Dictionary of London of 1879:


19th-century London, Pollution, Fog
As the east wind brings up the exhalations of the Essex and Kentish marshes, and as the damp-laden winter air prevents the dispersion of the partly consumed carbon from hundreds of thousands of chimneys, the strangest atmospheric compound known to science fills the valley of the Thames. At such times almost all the senses have their share of trouble. Not only does a strange and worse than Cimmerian darkness hide familiar landmarks from the sight, but the taste and sense of smell are offended by an unhallowed compound of flavours, and all things become greasy and clammy to the touch.


19th-century London, Pollution, Fog
During the continuance of a real London fog—which may be black, or grey, or more probably orange-coloured—the happiest man is he who can stay at home...Nothing could be more deleterious to the lungs and the air-passages than the wholesale inhalation of the foul air and floating carbon which, combined, form a London fog."


19th-century London, Pollution, Fog
There was wide awareness of the deleterious health effects of extended fogs in London, particularly upon those suffering from respiratory illnesses. Mortality rates could rise well above average at times of severe fog: 700 extra deaths, for example, were attributed to a particularly bad fog in 1873. The recurrent fogs of January and February 1880 were especially bad, killing an estimated 2,000 people and raising the death rate to 48.1 per 1,000 people, compared to the average of 26.3 per thousand in other English cities.


19th-century London, Pollution, Smoke
Pollution and a smoky atmosphere prevailed at all times of year because of industrial activity and the sheer concentration of domestic fires: an estimated 3.5 million tons of coal were being consumed each year in London by 1854. By 1880 coal consumption stood at 10 million tons per year. "The Smoke", or "The Big Smoke", a nickname for London which persists into the modern day, originated during the Victorian period among country dwellers visiting the capital. One observer described it in 1850:


19th-century London, Pollution, Smoke
"Soon after daybreak, the great factory shafts beside the river begin to discharge immense volumes of smoke; their clouds soon become confluent; the sky is overcast with a dingy veil; the house-chimneys presently add their contributions; and by ten o’clock, as one approaches London from any hill in the suburbs, one may observe the total result of this gigantic nuisance hanging over the City like a pall."


19th-century London, Pollution, Smoke
The smoky atmosphere meant that skin and clothing were quickly dirtied just by walking on the street. Household upholsteries, artwork, and furniture could become irretrievably dirtied, requiring large contingents of servants in the more prosperous households to maintain cleanliness. The preoccupation with the exorbitant laundry bills which resulted from the smoke was a main factor in legislating to control smoke emissions in London through the Smoke Nuisance Abatement (Metropolis) Act of 1853. In the debates surrounding the passage of this Act, it was estimated that a working class mechanic in London paid five times the cost of purchasing his shirt to launder it.


19th-century London, Pollution, Smoke
The grass of the Royal Parks took on a permanent soot colour, as did the sheep that were then allowed to graze in Regent's Park and Hyde Park. It was observed that certain varieties of flower refused to bloom in London or its vicinity, and many trees perished due to pollution. One of the trees that was resistant to the smoky environment was the London plane tree, which sheds its bark regularly and thus resisted the accumulation of soot which killed other trees. It became the go-to planting along streets and in gardens throughout the 19th century.


19th-century London, Pollution, Smoke
Porous brick and stone were quickly blackened with soot, an effect worsened during bad fogs and damp weather, creating a "uniform dinginess" among London's buildings. The acidic nature of soot deposits caused materials like iron and bronze to oxidise faster, while stone, mortar, and brick deteriorated at a noticeably faster rate. In response, terra cotta and other kiln-fired tiles became popular facings for buildings in the 1880s and 1890s, because they resisted soot and damp and also provided welcome colour to buildings that were otherwise drab.


19th-century London, Pollution, Smoke
Concerns over smoke pollution gave rise to private Smoke Abatement societies in London and throughout Britain, which championed different measures for controlling smoke pollution. One of these measures was smoke-prevention technology – an exhibition of such devices was staged in London over an 11-week period by the Smoke Abatement Committee in 1881. The exhibition attracted 116,000 attendants and displayed all manner of smokeless furnaces, stoves, grates, and alternative industrial equipment. While the passage of the 1853 Smoke Nuisance Abatement Act placed restrictions on industrial smoke emissions, an attempt in 1884 to legislate against domestic smoke pollution failed, leaving a significant contributor to the problem unregulated.


19th-century London, Famous buildings and landmarks
Many famous buildings and landmarks of London were constructed during the 19th century including:


19th-century National League teams
The following is a list of United States Major League Baseball teams that played in the National League during the 19th century. None of these teams, other than Athletic and Mutual, had actual names during this period; sportswriters however often applied creative monickers which are still, mistakenly, used today as "team names" following a convention established in 1951.


19th-century National League teams, Franchises by Year
This lineup of teams remained the same from 1892 to the end of the 1899 season. After the 1899 season Baltimore, Cleveland, Louisville and Washington were dropped from the National League.


19th-century National League teams, Franchises by Year
This lineup remained the same until Boston relocated to Milwaukee in 1953.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States
The 19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States was characterized by several unsuccessful attempts by Catholics to culturally integrate themselves into the mainstream American culture of that century. Only during the 20th century did this fully succeed, with the election of John F. Kennedy to the presidency in 1960.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Immigration
During the 19th century, a wave of immigrants from Ireland, Germany, Italy, Eastern Europe and elsewhere swelled the number of Roman Catholics. Substantial numbers of Catholics also came from French Canada during the mid-19th century and settled in New England. This influx would eventually bring increased political power for the Roman Catholic Church and a greater cultural presence, led at the same time to a growing fear of the Catholic "menace."


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Immigration
Between 1820 and 1860, the Irish constituted over one third                         of all immigrants to the United States. In the 1840s, they                         comprised nearly half of all immigrants to this nation. American Catholics were not exactly happy to see the new immigrants. Not only did the exponential growth set off nativist alarms among Protestants, they presented problems for the existing Catholic parishes. The wave of immigration from Ireland led to tension between the Irish and the French-dominated American Catholic Church. French Catholics were contemptuous of the Irish.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Immigration
Later this dynamic would be repeated in the post-Civil War period with the Irish in positions of power, and the new immigrants coming from places such as Naples and Sicily. These new immigrants shared little in common with their Irish Catholic co-religionists other than their faith.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Immigration
Many Catholics stopped practicing their religion or became Protestants. However, there were about 700,000 converts to Catholicism from 1813 to 1893.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Archdiocese of Baltimore
Because of Maryland having been one of the few regions of the colonial United States that was predominantly Catholic, diocese of Baltimore achieved a pre-eminence over the other dioceses in the U.S. It was established as a diocese on November 6, 1789, and was established an Archdiocese on April 8, 1808.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Archdiocese of Baltimore
In 1858, the Sacred Congregation of the Propaganda, with the approval of Pius IX "Prerogative of Place" was conferred on the Archdiocese of Baltimore. This decree gave the Archbishop of Baltimore precedence over all the Archbishops of the United States (but not Cardinals) in councils, gatherings, and meetings of whatever kind of the Hierarchy (in conciliis, coetibus et comitiis quibuscumque) regardless of the seniority of other Archbishops in promotion or ordination.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Dominance of Irish American Catholics
Beginning in the 1840s, although outnumbered by the German American Catholics, Irish American Catholics comprised most of the bishops and controlled most of the  Catholic colleges and seminaries in the United States.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Parochial schools
Catholic schools began in the United States as a reaction against a growing publicly funded school system that was essentially Protestant. In 1839  and 1840, the American Bible Society pledged that "the Bible would be read in every classroom in the nation". In what was then a predominantly Protestant country, this was generally understood to be the King James Version of the Scriptures.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Parochial schools
In 1875, President Grant called for a Constitutional amendment that would mandate free public schools and prohibit the use of public funds for "sectarian" schools. Grant's motivation was rooted in his fear of a future with "patriotism and intelligence on one side and superstition, ambition and greed on the other" which he identified with the Catholic Church. Grant called for public schools that would be "unmixed with atheistic, pagan or sectarian teaching."


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Parochial schools
Senator James G. Blaine of Maine had proposed such an amendment to the Constitution in 1874. The amendment was defeated in 1875 but would be used as a model for so-called "Blaine Amendments" incorporated into 34 state constitutions over the next three decades. These amendments prohibited the use of public funds to fund parochial schools and are still in effect today although a 2002 Supreme Court ruling partially vitiated these amendments. As of March 2009, no state school system had changed its laws to allow state funds to be used for this purpose.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Plenary Councils of Baltimore
In the latter half of the 19th century, the first attempt at standardizing discipline in the American Church occurred with the convocation of the Plenary Councils of Baltimore.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Slavery debate
Two slaveholding states, Maryland and Louisiana, had large contingents of Catholic residents. Archbishop of Baltimore, John Carroll, had two black servants - one free and one a slave. The Society of Jesus owned a large number of slaves who worked on the community's farms. Realizing that their properties were more profitable if rented out to tenant farmers rather that worked by slaves, the Jesuits began selling off their slaves in 1837.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Slavery debate
In 1839, Pope Gregory XVI issued a Bull, entitled In Supremo. Its main focus was against slave trading, but it also clearly condemned racial slavery:


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Slavery debate
However, the American church continued in deeds, if not in public discourse, to support slaveholding interests. Some American bishops misinterpreted In Supremo as condemning only the slave trade and not slavery itself. Bishop John England of Charleston actually wrote several letters to the Secretary of State under President Van Buren explaining that the Pope, in In Supremo, did not condemn slavery but only the slave trade.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Slavery debate
One outspoken critic of slavery was Archbishop John Baptist Purcell of Cincinnati, Ohio. In an 1863 Catholic Telegraph editorial Purcell wrote:


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Slavery debate
During the war, American bishops continued to allow slave-owners to take communion. During the Civil War, Pope Pius IX made no secret of his affinity for the Confederacy, and the American hierarchy was so fearful of local schisms that the bishops were reluctant to speak out on behalf of abolition.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, African-American Catholics
Because the antebellum South was predominantly Protestant, most African-Americans who adopted Christianity became Protestant. However, there have been African-American Catholics since colonial times. Irish, Italian and Eastern European Catholics and their clergy often excluded blacks from local parishes. Many blacks simply felt more at home in their birthright Protestant churches, where adaptable liturgies and ministerial opportunities meant that black Christians could worship their own way more readily than in Latin-rite Catholicism.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, African-American Catholics
Opposition to educating the slaves in the South was so intense that many religious orders shied away from the task for fear of alienating white patronage. Feuds between religious orders and non-Catholics often forced black Americans out of the schools. Southern bishops repeatedly tried to muster the funds and workforce and funds to render an effective ministry to African Americans, but their extreme poverty crippled most of the efforts they made.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, African-American Catholics
As a result of this discrimination, African-American Catholics operated largely as segregated enclaves. They also founded separate religious orders for black nuns and priests since diocesan seminaries would not accept them. For example, they formed two separate communities of black nuns: the Oblate Sisters of Providence in 1829 and the Holy Family Sisters in 1842.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, African-American Catholics
While there had been African-American Catholics since colonial times, historically only white priests tended to their spiritual and corporal needs. Although the Vatican promoted the importance of African-American priests, the American hierarchy, exhibiting commonly accepted racial attitudes, considered African-Americans poor prospects for the priesthood.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, African-American Catholics
These attitudes forced the first African-American priests to pursue their formational studies and ordination outside of the United States. James Augustine Healy, a light-skinned son of an African-American mother and Irish-immigrant father, was ordained in 1854 in Paris, France. Father Healy eventually became the second bishop of the Diocese of Portland, Maine in 1875—the first such African American. His brother, Patrick Francis Healy, joined the Society of Jesus (Jesuits) in Liege, France in 1864 and became the president of Georgetown University ten years later. These were all firsts for African Americans, and he was also the first to earn a PhD.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, African-American Catholics
In 1886, Augustus Tolton, a former slave, was ordained a priest in Rome and returned to the United States to minister to the needs of African-American Catholics in the Midwest. It was not until 1891 that Charles Uncles became the first African-American priest to be ordained in the United States.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, African-American Catholics
In 1866, Archbishop Martin J. Spalding of Baltimore convened the Second Plenary Council of Baltimore, partially in response to the growing need for religious care for former slaves. Attending bishops remain divided over the issue of separate parishes for African-American Catholics.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, African-American Catholics
In 1889, Daniel Rudd, a former slave and Ohio journalist, organized the National Black Catholic Congress, the first national organization for African-American Catholic lay men. The Congress met in Washington, D.C. and discussed issues such as education, job training, and "the need for family virtues."


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Third Plenary Council of Baltimore
One result of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore was the development of the Baltimore Catechism which became the standard text for Catholic education in the United States and remained so until the 1960s when Catholic churches and schools began moving away from catechism-based education.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Third Plenary Council of Baltimore
Another result of this council was the establishment of The Catholic University of America, the national Catholic university in the United States.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Labor union movement
The Catholic Church exercised a prominent role in shaping America's labor movement. From the onset of significant immigration in the 1840s, the Church in the United States was predominantly urban, with both its leaders and congregants usually of the laboring classes. Over the course of the second half of the 19th century, nativism, anti-Catholicism, and anti-unionism coalesced in Republican politics, and Catholics gravitated toward unions and the Democratic Party.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Americanism
The Whitemarsh Constitutions in 1784 called for congregational election of pastors and lay control of parochial finances. Bishop John England in Charleston set up a Diocesan Constitution calling for popularly elected delegates in the dioceses. By the 1830s, however, the bishops had regained full control and ended advisory councils of laymen. Progressive Catholics in America advocated greater Catholic involvement in American culture, which some understood to mean that Roman Catholics should adapt its teachings to modern civilization.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Americanism
This was too close to the liberalism condemned by the pope. Rumors spread among Europeans that an "Americanist" movement was sweeping the Catholic churches in the United States and would allegedly soon lead to the American Church claiming independence for itself. Americanism was considered a serious heresy by the Vatican, meant Catholic endorsement of the policy of separation of church and state.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Americanism
Rome feared that such a heresy was held by Irish Catholic leaders in the United States, such as Isaac Hecker, and bishops John Keane, John Ireland, and John Lancaster Spalding, as well as the magazines Catholic World and Ave Marie. The true Catholic belief supposedly was close support of the Catholic Church by a government. Allegations were made by German American Catholic bishops in the Midwest, who are distrustful of the Irish to increasingly dominated the American Catholic Church..


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Americanism
The Vatican grew alarmed in the 1890s, and  Pope Leo XIII issued an encyclical denouncing Americanism in theory. In Longinqua oceani (1895; “Wide Expanse of the Ocean”), Leo warned the American church leaders hierarchy not to export their unique system of separation of church and state. In 1898 he lamented an America where church and state are "dissevered and divorced," and wrote of his preference for a closer relationship between the Catholic Church and the State, along European lines. Finally, in his pastoral letter Testem benevolentiae (1899; “Witness to Our Benevolence”) to Cardinal Gibbons, Leo condemned other forms of Americanism. In response, Gibbons denied that American Catholics held any of the condemned views. Leo's pronouncements effectively ended the Americanist movement and curtailed the activities of American progressive Catholics.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Americanism
The controversy soon died out, but the Irish Catholics increasingly demonstrated their total loyalty to the Pope, and traces of liberal thought in the Catholic colleges were suppressed. At bottom it was a cultural conflict, as the conservative Europeans were facing heavy attacks on the Catholic church from the new German empire and the French Third Republic. Accordingly, European Church leaders did not appreciate arguments put forward by Archbishop Ireland that a self-confident, optimistic American republic-- with no established church-- was the best forum for the growth of Roman Catholicism.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Anti-Catholicism
Some anti-immigrant and Nativism movements, like the Know Nothings in the 1850s and the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s, have also been anti-Catholic.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Anti-Catholicism
Anti - Catholic animus in the United States reached a peak in the 1850s when some Protestant leaders became alarmed by the influx of Catholic immigrants. Preachers echoed the Protestant Reformation of 400 years before by calling the Catholic Church the Whore of Babylon in the Book of Revelation.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Anti-Catholicism
Irish Catholic politicians were blamed for engaging in political corruption and violence. Nativists alleged that the Irish voters were controlled by local priests who were in the control of Rome.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Anti-Catholicism
The nativist movement found expression in a short-lived national political movement called the Know-Nothing Party of the 1850s, which (unsuccessfully) ran former president Millard Fillmore as its presidential candidate in 1856. Catholic patriotism manifested by service in the Civil War undermined the movement. After the war anti-Catholic agitation, as in the American Protective Association of the 1890s received almost no support from major politicians or cultural leaders, and was in large part the product of Lutheran or Irish Protestant immigrants, especially those who brought in Orange Lodges from Canada.


19th-century history of the Catholic Church in the United States, Anti-Catholicism
The Catholic Church, in part, established lay fraternities and colleges such as Boston College, the College of Holy Cross, and the University of Notre Dame to upgrade its cultural status.


19th-century philosophy
In the 19th century, the philosophers of the 18th-century Enlightenment began to have a dramatic effect on subsequent developments in philosophy. In particular, the works of Immanuel Kant gave rise to a new generation of German philosophers and began to see wider recognition internationally. Also, in a reaction to the Enlightenment, a movement called Romanticism began to develop towards the end of the 18th century.


19th-century philosophy
Key ideas that sparked changes in philosophy were the fast progress of science, including evolution, most notably postulated by Charles Darwin and Jean-Baptiste Lamarck, and theories regarding what is today called emergent order, such as the free market of Adam Smith within nation states. Pressures for egalitarianism, and more rapid change culminated in a period of revolution and turbulence that would see philosophy change as well.


19th-century philosophy, Brief historical outline
With the tumultuous years of 1789–1815, European culture was transformed by revolution, war and disruption. By ending many of the social and cultural props of the previous century, the stage was set for dramatic economic and political change. European philosophy reflected on, participated in, and drove, many of these changes.


19th-century philosophy, Brief historical outline, Influences from the late Enlightenment
The last third of the 18th century produced a host of ideas and works which would both systematize previous philosophy, and present a deep challenge to the basis of how philosophy had been systematized. Immanuel Kant is a name that most would mention as being among the most important of influences, as is Jean-Jacques Rousseau. While both of these philosophers were products of the 18th century and its assumptions, they pressed at the boundaries.


19th-century philosophy, Brief historical outline, Influences from the late Enlightenment
In trying to explain the nature of the state and government, Rousseau would challenge the basis of government with his declaration that "Man is born free, but is everywhere in chains". Kant, while attempting to preserve axiomic skepticism, was forced to argue that we do not see true reality, nor do we speak of it. All we know of reality is appearances.


19th-century philosophy, Brief historical outline, Influences from the late Enlightenment
Since all we can see of reality is appearances, which are subject to certain necessary and subjective forms of perceptions, Kant postulates the idea of an unknowable (while at the same time limiting our use of science and the principle of causality to the appearances). Hegel's distinction between the unknowable and the circumstantially unknown can be seen as the beginnings of Hegel's rational system of the universe.


19th-century philosophy, Brief historical outline, Influences from the late Enlightenment
Yet another philosopher of the late Enlightenment that was influential in the 19th century was Pierre-Simon Laplace (1749–1827), whose formulation of nomological determinism is famous up to this day.


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies
This is a partial list of schools of 19th-century philosophy (also known as late modern philosophy).


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, German idealism
One of the first philosophers to attempt to grapple with Kant's philosophy was Johann Gottlieb Fichte, whose development of Kantian metaphysics became a source of inspiration for the Romantics. In Wissenschaftslehre, Fichte argues that the self posits itself and is a self-producing and changing process.


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, German idealism
Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling, a student of Fichte, continued to develop many of the same ideas and was also assimilated by the Romantics as something of an official philosopher for their movement. But it was another of Fichte's students, and former roommate of Schelling, who would rise to become the most prominent of the post-Kantian idealists: Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. His work revealed the increasing importance of historical thinking in German thought.


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, German idealism
Arthur Schopenhauer, rejecting Hegel and also materialism, called for a return to Kantian transcendentalism, at the same time adopting atheism and determinism, amongst others. His secular thought became more popular in Europe in the second half of the 19th century, which coincided with the advents of Darwinism, positivism, Marxism and philological analysis of the Bible.


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, German idealism
In the second half of the 19th century, an even more orthodox return to Kantian thought was espoused by a number of Neo-Kantian philosophers based in two main locations: the Marburg School and the Baden School. This trend of thought survived into the beginning of the next century, influencing 20th century philosophical movements such as Neopositivism and Phenomenology.


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, German idealism
One of the most famous opponents of idealism in the first half of the German 19th century was Ludwig Feuerbach, who advocated materialism and atheism.


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, Utilitarianism
Utilitarianism is a consequentialist approach to normative ethics that holds morally right actions are those that promote the most human happiness. Jeremy Bentham, who created his version of the theory in 1829, and John Stuart Mill who made his in 1861 are considered the founders utilitarianism, though the basic concept predates either of the two philosophers. Utilitarianism remains as one of the more appealing and compelling approaches to normative ethics.


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, Marxism
Developed by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in the mid-to-late-19th Century, Marxism is a sociopolitical and economic view based on the philosophy of dialectical materialism, which opposes idealism in favour of the materialist viewpoint. Marx analysed history itself as the progression of dialectics in the form of class struggle. From this it is argued that "the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles."


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, Marxism
According to Marx, this began with the phase of primitive communism (hunter-gatherer society), after which the Neolithic Revolution gave way to slave societies, progressing into the feudal society, and then into his present era of the Industrial Revolution, after which he held that the next step was for the proletariat to overthrow the owners of industry and establish a socialist society, which would further develop into a communist society, in which class distinctions, money, and the state would have withered from existence entirely.


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, Marxism
Marxism had a profound influence on the history of the 20th Century.


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, Existentialism
Existentialism as a philosophical movement is properly a 20th-century movement, but its major antecedents, Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche wrote long before the rise of existentialism. In the 1840s, academic philosophy in Europe, following Hegel, was almost completely divorced from the concerns of individual human life, in favour of pursuing abstract metaphysical systems. Kierkegaard sought to reintroduce to philosophy, in the spirit of Socrates: subjectivity, commitment, faith, and passion, all of which are a part of the human condition.


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, Existentialism
Like Kierkegaard, Nietzsche saw the moral values of 19th-century Europe disintegrating into nihilism (Kierkegaard called it the levelling process). Nietzsche attempted to undermine traditional moral values by exposing its foundations. To that end, he distinguished between master and slave moralities, and claimed that man must turn from the meekness and humility of Europe's slave-morality.


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, Existentialism
Both philosophers are precursors to existentialism, among other ideas, for their importance on the "great man" against the age. Kierkegaard wrote of 19th-century Europe, "Each age has its own characteristic depravity. Ours is perhaps not pleasure or indulgence or sensuality, but rather a dissolute pantheistic contempt for the individual man."


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, Positivism
Auguste Comte, the self-professed founder of modern sociology, put forward the view that the rigorous ordering of confirmable observations alone ought to constitute the realm of human knowledge. He had hoped to order the sciences in increasing degrees of complexity from mathematics, astronomy, physics, chemistry, biology, and a new discipline called "sociology", which is the study of the "dynamics and statics of society".


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, Pragmatism
The American philosophers Charles Sanders Peirce and William James developed the pragmatist philosophy in the late 19th century. This school of thought holds that the value of an idea is based upon its practicability or utility rather than the extent to which it reflects reality.


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, British idealism
The twilight years of the 19th century in Britain saw the rise of British idealism, a revival of interest in the works of Kant and Hegel.


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, Transcendentalism
Transcendentalism was rooted in Immanuel Kant's transcendence and German idealism, led by Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry David Thoreau. The main belief was in an ideal spiritual state that 'transcends' the physical and empirical and is only realized through the individual's intuition, rather than through the doctrines of established religions.


19th-century philosophy, Philosophical schools and tendencies, Social Darwinism
"Social Darwinism" refers to theories that apply the evolutionary concept of natural selection to human society.


19th-century turnpikes in Massachusetts
In the late 18th century and early 19th century, turnpikes, as opposed to ordinary roads of the same time, were roads where gates barred travelers from continuing and at which payments were demanded for the use of the road. The word "turnpike" itself comes from the fact that these gates, called "pikes," were "turned" once the toll was paid. The privilege of building and operating turnpikes was conferred by the state legislature to "turnpike corporations". Turnpikes were constructed using private capital, were privately owned, and were operated for revenue from toll collection.


19th-century turnpikes in Massachusetts
The turnpike era in Massachusetts began in 1796, when the first act of incorporation for a turnpike was passed. By 1850, most turnpike corporations had either been dissolved or had stopped collecting tolls. In all, 118 acts of incorporation were passed (ten of these were in the territory that later became the state of Maine). Typical toll rates were twenty-five cents for every coach with additional charges of four cents for every man and horse.


19th-century turnpikes in Massachusetts, List of turnpikes
The following 19th century turnpikes were chartered and built in Massachusetts:


19th-century turnpikes in Rhode Island
The following turnpikes were chartered and built in Rhode Island:


19–21 Sankey Street, Warrington
19–21 Sankey Street is a shop in Warrington, Cheshire, England. It is recorded in the National Heritage List for England as a designated Grade II listed building.


19–21 Sankey Street, Warrington, History
The building was designed by the Chester architect John Douglas and was one of his earliest works. It was constructed in 1864 as the showrooms for the furniture makers Robert Garnett and Sons, whose factory was directly behind the shop. The original shop front has been replaced by one of more modern design. In 1999 the building was occupied by a Woolworth's shop.


19–21 Sankey Street, Warrington, Architecture, Structure
The building has three storeys and is in Gothic Revival style. As originally built, the ground floor consisted of carved stone piers and arcading. The remaining upper storeys are constructed in red sandstone with dressings of lighter-coloured stone. The middle storey contains one three-light and three two-light windows. Over each light is a pointed arch supported by a free-standing polished granite column. The voussoirs over each arch consist of stones of alternating red and a lighter colour. The top storey has four two-light windows, similar to those in the middle storey, but simpler in design. Between the two storeys is a carved frieze. Along the top of the frontage is an elaborate corbelled cornice.


19–21 Sankey Street, Warrington, Architecture, Critique
Douglas' biographer, Edward Hubbard, was of the opinion that the design of the building was influenced by the writings of John Ruskin and George Gilbert Scott, particularly in the use of polychromy. He considered that it was "in its way one of the best thing he [Douglas] ever did, and it would be difficult to better it as an example of mid-Victorian street architecture". The authors of the Buildings of England series state that it has "a High Victorian Gothic façade of the most refined kind", and consider that it is one of Douglas' "very best works".


1: Nenokkadine
1: Nenokkadine (transl. 1: I am alone) is a 2014 Indian Telugu-language psychological action thriller film written and directed by Sukumar. Produced by Ram Achanta, Gopichand Achanta, and Anil Sunkara as 14 Reels Entertainment and distributed by Eros International, the film features Mahesh Babu and Kriti Sanon who makes her debut, in the lead roles. Nassar, Pradeep Rawat, Kelly Dorji, and Anu Hasan appear in supporting roles. Babu's son, Gautham Krishna, made his debut in the film as a younger version of the protagonist.


1: Nenokkadine
1: Nenokkadine revolves around the search by Gautham (a schizophrenic Indian rock musician missing 25 per cent of his brain's grey matter) for his parents, whom he believes were murdered by three men. Sameera, a journalist, convinces him that he is an orphan and is hallucinating. When Gautham kills one of the "imaginary" men for his psychological satisfaction, he realises that the dead man is real and leaves for London to find his roots and the other two men behind his parents' death.


1: Nenokkadine
Sukumar began working on 1: Nenokkadine's script after completing 100% Love (2011), making a bus driver's tale about a boy who claimed that his parents were murdered on his bus the film's base. R. Rathnavelu was the film's director of photography, and Karthika Srinivas, its editor. Devi Sri Prasad composed the soundtrack and background score. 1: Nenokkadine was introduced on 12 February 2012, and principal photography, which began on 23 April 2012, was completed in late October 2013. It was filmed in London, Belfast, Bangkok and Indian cities including Hyderabad, Mumbai, Goa, Chennai and Bangalore.


1: Nenokkadine
Produced on a budget of ₹70 crores, 1: Nenokkadine was released on 10 January 2014 on about 1,500 screens during the Sankranti festival season. Grossing over $1.327 million, 1: Nenokkadine became the fourth-highest-grossing Telugu film at the United States box office then. The film won three awards from eight nominations at the 4th South Indian International Movie Awards, and two awards at the 11th CineMAA Awards. The film is considered one of the "25 Greatest Telugu Films Of The Decade" by Film Companion.


1: Nenokkadine, Plot
Gautham is a schizophrenic Indian rock musician who is missing 25 per cent of his grey matter. He hallucinates a mysterious person he believes is one of the three murderers of his parents. As a child, Gautham was convinced that he was an orphan and assumes that his parents are dead; he does not remember their names or what they looked like.


1: Nenokkadine, Plot
At one of his concerts, Gautham sees one of the three men and chases him. Sameera, a journalist at the concert, films Gautham fighting his imaginary opponent. Gautham surrenders to the police after "killing" the man, confessing that he killed three men: one in Belfast, one in Pune and one just now in Hyderabad. He is released from custody after Sameera broadcasts the video on television. According to his doctor, if Gautham can hallucinate a person other than the three men, he can be treated. Gautham goes to Goa on vacation.


1: Nenokkadine, Plot
Sameera stalks him, convincing him that two people are stalking him: a journalist who wants to interview him (imaginary), and a person claiming to be his fan (real). Gautham begins to fall in love with Sameera. He saves her from a group of people trying to murder her; on an isolated island together, Gautham learns the truth behind the fourth imaginary person and writes Sameera off as a disturbed journalist. By the time he learns about Sameera's intentions, she has left for Hyderabad; Gautham pursues her.


1: Nenokkadine, Plot
In Hyderabad, Gautham accidentally spoils Sameera's birthday plans, infuriating her. Although he is convinced that he has made up an enemy to cope with being an orphan, a mysterious person tries to kill Sameera. Gautham saves her and proposes marriage, which she accepts. Sameera learns that the mysterious person is Antonio Rosarios, a Goa-based crime boss who wants to kill her because she tried to expose the presence of hydrogen cyanide in seeds sold by Rosarios' company, AG1. Gautham meets Rosarios in the lobby of Sameera's office building. Assuming that he is an illusion, he shoots Rosarios in his head.


1: Nenokkadine, Plot
By the time Gautham realises Rosarios is real, he is dead, and Gautham learns that his parents were murdered. He catches an aged taxi driver who was stalking him (one of the three men he imagined), and learns that two London-based Indians (one of whom was Rosarios) killed his parents; his father gave the taxi driver a bag to give to Gautham. In the bag is an old Rubik's Cube, a key and a British coin.


1: Nenokkadine, Plot
Gautham and Sameera go to London, where they and their driver Gulaab Singh escape from a murder attempt; Gautham's manager, Michael, is killed. The Rubik's Cube, when solved a certain way, reveals a safe-deposit-box number in which Gautham finds a preserved rice sample. After escaping another murder attempt in a parking lot, he eludes the police and the two men with Sameera and Singh's help. One of the men—a fan—seeks revenge for his father (one of the other murderers, according to the aged taxi driver), who was killed by Gautham in Belfast when he performed there. Gautham learns that the aged taxi driver he met previously is a businessman and the murderer; the person hit by the businessman's car in Gautham's presence was the actual, innocent taxi driver.


1: Nenokkadine, Plot
Gautham and the businessman confront each other, and the businessman says that he and Gautham's father were good friends and fellow scientists. They worked on cultivating Golden rice, a variety which could grow in any weather. When Gautham's father refused to sell it in favour of distributing it globally for free, the businessman and Rosarios killed his parents. When he refuses to tell Gautham about his parents, Gautham kills him. On his way to the airport, Gautham passes the school he had attended and hears children singing a rhyme.


1: Nenokkadine, Plot
It reminds him of a similar rhyme he learned from his mother, and he remembers his way back to his house. At his house (a dilapidated villa), Gautham finds a photo of his parents, Chandrasekhar and Kalyani. He later introduces the rice variety at a global convention as "the second green revolution", and the film ends with Gautham standing in his field of Golden rice.


1: Nenokkadine, Production, Development
After completing 100% Love (2011), Sukumar began working on a psychological thriller with Mahesh Babu in mind as the protagonist because he felt that Babu had universal appeal. An incident in which a bus driver talked about a young boy who said that his parents were murdered on his bus became the story's base. Babu met Sukumar on the set of Businessman (2012) in Goa, and listened to the script for 25 minutes. Although Sukumar could not describe the story well in the noisy restaurant, Babu agreed to appear in the film within half an hour. Sukumar worked on 1: Nenokkadine's script for two months, and considered it his dream project.


1: Nenokkadine, Production, Development
Ram Achanta, Gopichand Achanta and Anil Sunkara of 14 Reels Entertainment, who produced Babu's Dookudu (2011) and Aagadu (2014), agreed to produce 1: Nenokkadine after hearing the script. Asked about his frequent collaboration with them, Babu said that Sukumar clearly indicated the risk of budget escalation and longer production and said that he and Sukumar could be viewed as criminals if it was produced by someone else. Sunil Lulla and Andrew Hefferman were credited as co-producers, and Koti Paruchuri was its executive producer. The film, introduced on 12 February 2012 in Hyderabad, received its title in May 2013.


1: Nenokkadine, Production, Casting
Babu agreed to be fit and healthy, since the film emphasised action scenes. He followed a 12-week Dynamic Transformation Plan (DTP) supervised by Kris Gethin, developing his abdominal muscles and losing weight. Babu then followed a Yoda Three Training regime (Y3T), supervised by Neil Hill, further developing his muscles. His stylist, Ashwin Malwe, said that his appearance and style would be "sophisticated and classy" in the film. Sukumar had Babu wear eyeglasses, since the director felt that audiences tended to consider a bespectacled character to be perfectionistic and positive, and the actor's hairstyle was changed.


1: Nenokkadine, Production, Casting
Tamannaah was considered for the female lead, since the producers were impressed with her performance in 100% Love. She declined the offer, citing scheduling conflicts, and the Producer's Council told her not to sign for any new films until she completed her current assignments. After auditioning two actresses, Sukumar chose Kajal Aggarwal in March 2012 as the female lead. She was replaced by Kriti Sanon in October 2012, due to scheduling conflicts. Sanon was signed for Heropanti (2014) after completing one shooting schedule for 1: Nenokkadine, and divided her time between the films. Sanon, who was involved in several action scenes filmed on the sea, was apprehensive about a scene in which Babu took her from a yacht since she did not know how to swim.


1: Nenokkadine, Production, Casting
Babu's seven-year-old son, Gautham Krishna, was chosen to play the younger version of the protagonist in his Telugu cinema debut. According to Sukumar, Gautham looked like the actor did as a child. When the director approached Babu and his wife, Namrata Shirodkar, Gautham Krishna was only six and they were apprehensive. His introduction scene was filmed silently by Peter Hein, since the boy was afraid of gunfire. Naveen Polishetty played a supporting role as Babu's friend in the film, and Vikram Singh was signed as an antagonist. Nassar, Pradeep Rawat, Kelly Dorji, Sayaji Shinde and Anu Hasan were cast in other supporting roles.


1: Nenokkadine, Production, Casting
Jacqueline Fernandez was approached to perform an item number in the film, but the producers failed to make a deal and instead signed Sophie Choudry after seeing her performance in "Aala Re Aala" from Shootout at Wadala (2013). For her first Telugu song, Choudry joined the film's set in September 2013. Sukumar said about the item number, "It's a superstar's film and it should reach all. Item numbers are common these days, and people expect to see them. The situation was that Babu had to go to a pub to get information about the person he was looking for. So there was an occasion to put in an item number".


1: Nenokkadine, Production, Crew
R. Rathnavelu, who collaborated with Sukumar on Arya (2004) and Jagadam (2007), was the film's director of photography in his return to Telugu cinema after seven years. Rathnavelu called the film "more challenging aesthetically" and compared it to Enthiran (2010), which he considered his technically-toughest film. He created the film's visual style in a week with a variety of cameras, such as Red Epic, Body Rigs, Doggies and an underwater scuba camera. For the climaxes, Rathnavelu shifted from chrome to black-and-white to full colour in synchronisation with the story's mood.


1: Nenokkadine, Production, Crew
Rathnavelu had to address the protagonist's mood swings and hallucinations, replicating scenes with minor differences. The film was shot in locations with a variety of climates, and new technical crews were hired in those places. Sukumar said, "We looked at world technicians and saw their work and can use whatever we learnt" and called it a "new yet learning experience"  [sic].


1: Nenokkadine, Production, Crew
Sukumar's usual composer, Devi Sri Prasad, was chosen for the film's soundtrack and score in Prasad's first Babu film. He went through the script and discussed it with Sukumar, who felt that Prasad translated his vision in the background score. Prasad finished re-recording the film's second half in four days. Eleven-year-old journalist Smrithika Thuhina's father was an associate director of the film, and Prasad emailed him the rhyme's tune with several stills from the scene; his daughter wrote the lyrics for the rhyme. P. Madhusudhan Reddy was the film's audiographer.


1: Nenokkadine, Production, Crew
Peter Hein choreographed 1: Nenokkadine's action sequences, and Prem Rakshith choreographed its songs. Jakka Hari Prasad and Palnati Surya Pratap worked on the film's story, and Y. K. Arjun, Thota Srinivas and Potluri Venkateswara Rao developed the script. Jeremy Zimmerman was credited with the screenplay, assisted by Sunil Madhav. V. Srinivas Mohan was 1: Nenokkadine's visual-effects producer and R. C. Kamalakannan and Adel Adili's visual-effects company, Makuta, worked on the film. Karthika Srinivas was its chief editor, assisted by Siva Saravanan.


1: Nenokkadine, Production, Filming
Principal photography began on 23 April 2012, with the filming of "Who R U?" featuring Babu and Aggarwal supervised by Prem Rakshith on a set at Annapurna Studios in Hyderabad. Six hundred models performed in the song, and about 2,000 people participated in the shoot. After its completion, an action sequence was filmed. The first shooting schedule wrapped up, and Babu returned to the set of Seethamma Vakitlo Sirimalle Chettu (2013). The second schedule began on 31 May 2012 on house and colony sets at Saradhi Studios in Hyderabad, including scenes with Babu and others. Scenes of Babu at the police station were also part of the schedule.


1: Nenokkadine, Production, Filming
Since the actor had allotted a block of time to Seethamma Vakitlo Sirimalle Chettu, 1: Nenokkadine's filming was delayed. When the former neared completion, he resumed work on 1: Nenokkadine in late September 2012 in Hyderabad. Filming continued in Goa in mid-October, after a four-month hiatus, and a song with Babu and others was filmed in late October. The Goa schedule wrapped up on 1 November, with half the filming completed. Babu took a break to promote Seethamma Vakitlo Sirimalle Chettu, returning to the set on 23 January 2013. The next shooting schedule, which began on 18 March, lasted for three weeks. Night scenes focusing on Babu and others were filmed in Kukatpally in mid-April.


1: Nenokkadine, Production, Filming
The next schedule, which began on 18 June, filmed in London and Belfast for 60 days. At the Causeway Pictures studio in Northern Ireland, 1: Nenokkadine was the first Telugu film shot in Belfast. Hollywood stunt co-ordinator Conrad Palmisano supervised stunts by Babu and others. Rathnavelu called the action scene in a London car park "one of the most satisfying" things he had ever done. The scene takes place during a power failure, with the headlights of motorcycles chasing the protagonist the only sources of light. To film the scene, Rathnavelu used LED lamps and three torchlights; smoke was pumped into the air to create a backdrop. When scenes were filmed on one of London's three main bridges, traffic was stopped on both sides of the bridge for more than eight hours.


1: Nenokkadine, Production, Filming
After London, filming continued in Bangkok in August 2013 and in Hyderabad in September; some scenes were filmed in and near Banjara Hills. The last shooting schedule began in Bangkok in early October 2013, with action scenes supervised by Peter Hein. The remaining dialogue scenes were filmed in Bangalore in mid-October 2013. They were finished by late November, and the last song was filmed in Mumbai. Principal photography wrapped in late December 2013.


1: Nenokkadine, Music
The film's five-song soundtrack was composed by Sukumar's usual collaborator Devi Sri Prasad, with lyrics by Chandrabose. Lahari Music acquired its marketing rights for ₹10 million, which is a record for a Telugu film. The soundtrack album was released on 21 December 2013 with a promotional event at Shilpakala Vedika in Hyderabad. The event, watched by 14,500 people, was shown live in 24 theatres across Andhra Pradesh and Telangana and was the first Indian soundtrack release event shown live in theatres. The rhyme from the film's climax was released separately on 23 January 2014.


1: Nenokkadine, Music
The audio received a positive response from critics. Cinecorn.com rated 3 out of 5, stating, the music album as "good". Indiaglitz rated 3.25 out of 5, stating "An album with intense as well as playful songs, it is a true Sukumar-DSP product, complete with meaningful lyrics." Karthik Srinivasan of Milliblog stated the soundtrack as "ear-friendly", while a review for The Times of India, described the album as "fair", compared to Prasad's previous works.