1995 Purolator 500, Summary
Before the field even took the green, Mike Wallace got turned into the inside wall on the frontstretch, damaging his car before he even got a chance to race on green. Jeremy Mayfield, Michael Waltrip and Jeff Purvis were involved in a vicious crash on the backstretch on lap 144. Mayfield got turned head-on into the wall off of turn 2 so hard, the rear tires came off the ground. When he came off the wall, the car was running straight down the backstretch but he had no brakes or steering, and he veered up towards the wall again right in front of Waltrip and Purvis and got t-boned extremely hard.


1995 Qatar Crown Prince Cup
The 1995 Qatar Crown Prince Cup was the 1st edition of this cup tournament in men's football (soccer). It was played by the top 4 teams of the Q-League.


1995 Qatar Crown Prince Cup, Results
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1995 Qatar Open
The 1995 Qatar Open, known as the 1995 Qatar Mobil Open for sponsorship reasons, was a men's tennis ATP tournament held in Doha, Qatar and played on outdoor hard courts. The event was part of the World Series of the 1995 ATP Tour. It was the third edition of the tournament and was held from January 2 through January 9, 1995.


1995 Qatar Open
Stefan Edberg won his 1st title of the year, and 42nd of his career. It was his second win in Doha, having won the singles title in 1994.


1995 Qatar Open, Finals, Doubles
Stefan Edberg /  Magnus Larsson defeated  Andrei Olhovskiy /  Jan Siemerink, 7–6, 6–2


1995 Qatar Open – Doubles
Olivier Delaître and Stéphane Simian were the defending champions, but did not participate together this year. Delaître partnered Guy Forget, losing in the semifinals. Simian did not participate this year.


1995 Qatar Open – Doubles
Stefan Edberg and Magnus Larsson won in the final 7–6, 6–2, against Andrei Olhovskiy and Jan Siemerink.


1995 Qatar Open – Singles
Stefan Edberg defeated Magnus Larsson 7–6(7–4), 6–1 to win the 1995 Qatar Open singles competition. Edberg was the defending champion.


1995 Qatari coup d'état
The 1995 Qatari coup d'état was a bloodless palace coup that took place in Qatar on 27 June 1995. The coup was carried out by then Crown Prince Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani who, with the support of the ruling Al Thani family, took control of the country while his father, Emir Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani, was on a visit to Geneva, Switzerland. The coup came after a falling out between Hamad bin Khalifa and his father who, in early 1995, had tried regaining some of the authority he bestowed upon Hamad since 1992.


1995 Qatari coup d'état, Aftermath
In response to the coup, Khalifa bin Hamad called his son an "ignorant man" and proclaimed that he was still the legitimate ruler, while Hamad bin Khalifa engaged an American law firm to freeze his father's bank accounts abroad in order to deter a possible counter-coup. However, a counter-coup was attempted in February 1996 under the leadership of former Economy Minister Hamad bin Jassim bin Hamad Al Thani. The coup failed, and several of Qatar's traditional Arab allies were implicated in the plot, namely Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Egypt.


1995 Qatari coup d'état, Aftermath
After his deposition, the former Emir lived in exile in France and Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates, until he returned to Qatar in 2004.


1995 Quebec referendum
The 1995 Quebec referendum was the second referendum to ask voters in the predominantly French-speaking Canadian province of Quebec whether Quebec should proclaim national sovereignty and become an independent country, with the condition precedent of offering a political and economic agreement to Canada.


1995 Quebec referendum
The culmination of multiple years of debate and planning after the failure of the Meech Lake and Charlottetown constitutional accords, the referendum was launched solely by the provincial Parti Québécois government of Jacques Parizeau. Despite initial predictions of a heavy sovereignist defeat, an eventful and complex campaign followed, with the "Yes" side flourishing after being taken over by Bloc Québécois leader Lucien Bouchard.


1995 Quebec referendum
The fast rise of the "Yes" campaign and apparent inability of the "No" campaign to counter its message created an atmosphere of great uncertainty, both in the federal government and across Canada.


1995 Quebec referendum
Voting took place on 30 October 1995, and featured the largest voter turnout in Quebec's history (93.52%). The "No" option carried by 54,288 votes (50.58%). Parizeau, who announced his pending resignation as Quebec premier the following day, later stated that he would have quickly proceeded with a unilateral declaration of independence had the result been affirmative and negotiations failed or been refused, the latter of which was later revealed as the federal position in the event of a "Yes" victory.


1995 Quebec referendum
Controversies over both the provincial vote counting and direct federal financial involvement in the final days of the campaign reverberated in Canadian politics for over a decade after the referendum took place. In the aftermath of the close result, the federal government, after unilaterally recognizing Quebec as a distinct society and amending the federal constitutional veto procedure, referred the issue to the Supreme Court of Canada, which stated that the unilateral secession contemplated in the referendum was illegal.


1995 Quebec referendum, Background
Quebec, a province in Canada since its foundation in 1867, has always been the sole majority French-speaking province. Long ruled by forces (such as the Union Nationale) that focused on affirmation of the province's Francophone and Catholic identity within Canada, the Quiet Revolution of the early 1960s prompted a surge in civic and economic nationalism, as well as voices calling for the independence of the province and the establishment of a nation state. Among these was René Lévesque, who would eventually found the Parti Québécois with like-minded groups seeking independence from Canada. After arriving in power in 1976, the PQ government held a referendum in 1980 seeking a mandate to negotiate "sovereignty-association" with Canada that was decisively defeated.


1995 Quebec referendum, Background
In response to the referendum result, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau declared that he would seek to "patriate" the Canadian Constitution and bring about what would eventually become the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. During tense negotiations in November 1981, an agreement was reached between Trudeau and nine of the ten provincial premiers by Trudeau, but not Lévesque. The Constitution Act of 1982 was enacted without the Quebec National Assembly's symbolic approval.


1995 Quebec referendum, Background
New Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, and Quebec Liberal premier Robert Bourassa sought a series of constitutional amendments designed to address Quebec's concerns. In what became known as the Meech Lake Accord, the Federal government and all provincial premiers agreed to a series of amendments that decentralized some powers and recognized Quebec as forming a distinct society. The Accord, after fierce debate in English Canada, fell apart in dramatic fashion in the summer of 1990, prompting outrage in Quebec and a surge in support for sovereignty. While the Accord was collapsing, Lucien Bouchard, a cabinet minister in Mulroney's government, led a coalition of Progressive Conservative and Liberal members of parliament from Quebec to form a new federal party devoted to Quebec sovereignty, the Bloc Québécois.


1995 Quebec referendum, Background
Following these events, Bourassa proclaimed that a referendum would occur in 1992, with either sovereignty or a new constitutional agreement as the subject. This prompted a national referendum on the Charlottetown Accord of 1992, a series of amendments that included the proposals of Meech Lake as well as concerns of the broader Canadian federation. The Accord failed in Quebec and English Canada.


1995 Quebec referendum, Background
In the 1993 federal election, as the Liberals returned to power with a majority government under Jean Chrétien, who had been Minister of Justice during the 1980–81 constitutional discussions, the Bloc Québécois won 54 seats with 49.3% of Quebec's vote. The result made the Bloc the second largest party in the House of Commons, giving it the role of Official Opposition and allowing Bouchard to be able to confront Chrétien in Question Period on a daily basis.


1995 Quebec referendum, Background
In Quebec, the 1994 provincial election brought the sovereigntist Parti Québécois back to power, led by Jacques Parizeau. The party's platform promised to hold a referendum on sovereignty during his term in office as premier. The PQ won a majority government with 44.75% of the popular vote.


1995 Quebec referendum, Prelude
In preparation for the referendum, every household in Quebec was sent a draft of the Act Respecting the Future of Quebec (also referred to as the Sovereignty Bill), with the announcement of the National Commission on the Future of Quebec to commence in February 1995. The commission was boycotted by the Liberal Party of Quebec, the Liberal Party of Canada, and the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada.


1995 Quebec referendum, Prelude
The primary issue of debate within the sovereignty movement became on what terms sovereignty would be put before the electorate. Parizeau, long identified with the independantiste wing of the party, was opposed to the PQ's general historical preference for an economic relationship with the rest of Canada to be offered alongside sovereignty, as he thought this would encourage the Federal government to simply refuse to negotiate and cast the project as doomed, as had happened in 1980. As a practical matter, Parizeau believed that given the emotional circumstances of separation a special partnership was unlikely, and that given free trade agreements and other multilateral institutions it was unnecessary.


1995 Quebec referendum, Prelude
Parizeau's stance created opposition in the sovereignty movement, which coalesced around Bloc Québécois leader Lucien Bouchard. A popular and charismatic figure, Bouchard had come close to death from necrotizing fasciitis and lost his left leg. His recovery, and subsequent public appearances on crutches, provided a rallying point for sovereigntists and the public at large. Bouchard thought a proposal lacking a partnership would doom the project among soft nationalists (such as himself) who worried about the economic consequences of separation.


1995 Quebec referendum, Prelude
As polls showed Parizeau's approach as highly unlikely to even exceed 40% support in a referendum, leaders of the movement engaged in a heated public debate. After Parizeau moved the planned referendum date to the fall, Deputy Premier Bernard Landry aroused ire by stating he would not want to be involved in a "charge of the light brigade." During the Bloc's April conference, after a speech demanding a change in direction, Bouchard expressed ambivalence to a radio show about participating if a partnership proposal was not included. Mario Dumont, leader of the new Action démocratique du Québec, also stated that he would only consider participation in the referendum if a partnership was made part of the question.


1995 Quebec referendum, Prelude
The final findings of the National Commission, issued April 19, included a statement that the public generally desired an economic partnership with Canada. Fearing Bouchard and Dumont would further dilute their position as the referendum wore on, Parizeau agreed to negotiate a broader approach, and would agree to a statement that included partnership with Dumont and Bouchard on June 12, 1995. The Agreement contained details of the partnership negotiation process, and a general plan of seeking "sovereignty" while requiring an economic and social partnership offer be negotiated and presented to the rest of Canada. Most importantly for Parizeau, the agreement also allowed the government to declare immediate independence if negotiations were not successful or heard after a successful referendum.


1995 Quebec referendum, Prelude, Bertrand v. Quebec
The looming referendum prompted a number of actions in the Quebec Superior Court, which were consolidated under the application of prominent lawyer Guy Bertrand. Bertrand asked for interim and permanent injunctions against the holding of the referendum. The Federal Attorney General declined to intervene, and after failing in a motion to strike the application, the Quebec Attorney General unilaterally withdrew from the hearing. The Quebec government moved the September sitting of the National Assembly two days forward to be sure that parliamentary immunity would prevent MNAs from being summoned to testify.


1995 Quebec referendum, Prelude, Bertrand v. Quebec
Justice Lesage of the Court found that secession could only legally be performed by constitutional amendment pursuant to Section V of the Constitution Act, 1982, and that a unilateral declaration of independence would be "manifestly illegal." Lesage refused to issue an injunction to stop the referendum, as he believed that to do so could paralyze the workings of government and cause more disorder than the referendum being held. The Court opted for declaratory relief, declaring that the Sovereignty Bill and the referendum constituted a serious threat to Bertrand's Charter rights


1995 Quebec referendum, Prelude, Bertrand v. Quebec
Parizeau denounced the decision as undemocratic, stated that the Constitution Act, 1982 did not apply to Quebec, and refused to move the referendum timetable. Quebec Attorney General Paul Bégin stated that he believed an extra-constitutional referendum was legal pursuant to international law. Daniel Johnson announced the following day that the ruling would not change the strategy of the "No" campaign. Some Federal officials questioned if their level of government could be involved after the declaration, but ultimately the Federal government decided to participate.


1995 Quebec referendum, Prelude, Referendum question
In a dramatic reading at the Grand Théâtre de Québec on September 6, the final version of the Sovereignty Bill was unveiled. The bill would be tabled in the National Assembly awaiting the result of the referendum.


1995 Quebec referendum, Prelude, Referendum question
The question in the 1980 referendum, in an attempt to build a broad coalition, had sought only the authority to negotiate sovereignty with the Canadian government, and promised a second referendum to ratify the results of any negotiation. Parizeau believed a second referendum was unnecessary and would only encourage the remainder of Canada to use delaying tactics. The draft initial Act featured a question only asking for the authority to declare Quebec sovereign.


1995 Quebec referendum, Prelude, Referendum question
Pursuant to the partnership agreement with Bouchard and Dumont, the referendum question was changed to incorporate the partnership agreement. It was presented on September 7, 1995 to be voted on October 30, 1995. In English, the question on the ballot asked:


1995 Quebec referendum, Prelude, Referendum question
Do you agree that Quebec should become sovereign, after having made a formal offer to Canada for a new economic and political partnership, within the scope of the bill respecting the future of Quebec and of the agreement signed on June 12, 1995?


1995 Quebec referendum, Prelude, Referendum question
The question came under immediate fire from federalists, who had no input in the drafting. Quebec Liberal leader Daniel Johnson stated it was confusing and at the very least should have contained the word "country." Prominent federalists argued that the referendum question should not have mentioned "partnership" proposals, because no Canadian political leaders outside Quebec had shown any interest in negotiating a possible partnership agreement with an independent Quebec, and arguably no entity capable of undertaking such negotiations actually existed.


1995 Quebec referendum, Prelude, Referendum question
Other federalists argued that the question erroneously implied an agreement had been reached between Canada and Quebec regarding a partnership on June 12, 1995. Parizeau would later express regret that the agreement had to be cited in the question, but noted that the June 12, 1995 agreement had been sent to every registered voter in the province.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Participants
Pursuant to Quebec's Referendum Act (enacted by the National Assembly prior to the referendum of 1980), the campaign would be conducted as a provincially governed election campaign, and all campaign spending had to be authorized and accounted for under "Yes" (Le Comité national du OUI) or "No" (Comité des Québécoises et des Québécois pour le NON) umbrella committees. Each committee had an authorized budget of $5 million. Campaign spending by any person or group other than the official committees would be illegal after the official beginning of the referendum campaign.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Participants
After the agreement of June 12, the "Yes" campaign would be headed by Jacques Parizeau. The official "No" campaign would be chaired by Liberal leader Daniel Johnson Jr.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Participants
Making matters more complex, especially for the "No" camp, was the federal nature of Canada. The governing Liberal Party of Canada and its leader, Prime Minister Jean Chrétien were not strongly represented in the province outside of Montreal. Chrétien's involvement in the 1982 negotiations and his stance against the Meech Lake Accord made him unpopular with moderate francophone federalists and sovereignists, who would be the swing voters in the referendum. Lucienne Robillard, a nationalist former Bourassa-era cabinet minister, would serve as the federal Liberal representative on the "No" committee. Jean Charest, leader of the Federal Progressive Conservative Party, would be prominently featured, as he and the PCs had closely and productively cooperated with the Quebec Liberals in the Meech Lake negotiations.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Participants
Fearing missteps by politicians not used to Quebec that had occurred during the Meech Lake and Charlottetown debates, Johnson and the campaign heavily controlled appearances by Federal politicians, including Chrétien. Johnson bluntly banned any appearance by the Reform Party or its leader, Preston Manning. This would go unchallenged by Ottawa for the majority of the campaign, but created much frustration within the governing Liberals in Ottawa. Prominent Chrétien adviser Eddie Goldenberg believed that the "No" campaign at some points was more focused on the future election position of the Quebec Liberals rather than the referendum itself.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Early days
The campaign officially began on October 2, 1995, with a televised address by both leaders. Parizeau emphasized that he believed this might be the last opportunity for sovereignty for the foreseeable future, while Johnson chose to forecast the uncertainty that a "Yes" vote could provoke.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Early days
Johnson's campaign focused on the practical problems created by the sovereignty process, emphasizing that an independent Quebec would be in an uncertain position regarding the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and not be able to control the Canadian dollar. Prominent business figures such as Power Corporation president Paul Desmarais and Bombardier Inc. head Laurent Beaudoin spoke that they believed a "Yes" victory could spell doom for their Quebec business interests.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Early days
The initial campaign for the "Yes" was led by Parizeau, with Dumont campaigning separately in rural areas. In addition to the traditional themes of the movement's appeal to Quebec nationalism, the "Yes" campaign attempted to highlight the slim possibility of any future reform to Canada's federal system. Parizeau bitterly attacked business leaders for intervening in the referendum, calling it a betrayal of their Quebec customers and workers. While Parizeau's responses were highly popular with "Yes" stalwarts, it was generally seen that speeches against business leaders were only highlighting the economic uncertainty that worried swing voters.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Early days
Polls in the first week were highly disappointing for the "Yes" camp, as they showed them behind by 5–7 percentage points among decided voters, with an even larger gap if "undecided" voters were weighed toward the "No" side as would generally be expected. Parizeau, a general fixture in Quebec politics for decades whose strong views of sovereignty were well known among the populace, was under pressure to create a spark.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Appointment of Bouchard
In an unannounced ceremony on October 7 at the Université de Montréal, Parizeau made a surprise announcement: He appointed Bouchard as "chief negotiator" for the partnership talks following a "Yes" vote. The move came as a dramatic surprise to the campaign, promoting the popular Bouchard to the fore and simultaneously emphasizing the "partnership" aspect of the question.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Appointment of Bouchard
Bouchard, already popular, became a sensation: in addition to his medical struggles and charisma, his more moderate approach and prominent involvement in the Meech Lake Accord while in Ottawa reminded undecided nationalist voters of federal missteps from years past. Politicians on both sides described his appeal as messianic and almost impossible to personally attack, in contrast to the well-worn figures on both sides of the referendum. "No" advisor John Parisella noted that at focus groups, when presented with statements Bouchard had made that they did not like, participants would refuse to believe he meant them. New polls eventually showed a majority of Quebecers intending to vote "Yes".


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Appointment of Bouchard
"No" forces, including Johnson, were shocked by the development, which required wholesale changes in strategy three weeks before the vote. Unwilling to believe Parizeau had given up his leadership role voluntarily, most in the "No" camp and Ottawa had assumed a coup had taken place, though the manoeuvre had been planned and voluntary. The dramatic events prompted many federal politicians to lobby for similarly dramatic intervention from Ottawa and the federal government, which were refused by the "No" committee, who believed that with Bouchard's introduction the margin for error was dramatically reduced. The "No" campaign continued to focus on the economic benefits of federation.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Appointment of Bouchard
Bouchard's speeches asked Quebecers to vote "Yes" to give a clear mandate for change, and that only the clarity of a "Yes" vote would provide a final solution to Canada's long-standing constitutional issues and a new partnership with English Canada for the betterment of both. Bouchard's popularity was such that his remarks that the Québécois were the "white race" with the lowest rate of reproduction, which threatened to cast the project as focused on ethnic nationalism, were traversed with ease. Bloc Québécois MP Suzanne Tremblay was less successful in this regard, and apologized after answering journalist Joyce Napier's question of how minority francophones outside of Quebec would be helped by independence by stating that Napier's last name and lack of a Québécois accent made her ignorant of the subject.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Midcampaign
Pursuant to the Referendum Act, both committees were required to contribute to a brochure sent to every voter describing their positions. The official "No" brochure, written by the Quebec Liberals, stated that Quebec was a distinct society, and that Quebec should enjoy full autonomy in areas of provincial jurisdiction. Parizeau, while speaking in Hull, challenged Chrétien to tell voters that, if "No" won, Ottawa would withdraw from all provincial jurisdictions, prompting a vague response from the "No" campaign.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Midcampaign
On October 21 in Longueuil, Johnson, hoping to defuse the issue, ad libbed a challenge to Chrétien to declare his position on distinct society recognition. When presented with the request Chrétien, in New York for a United Nations meeting, responded, "No. We're not talking about the Constitution, we're talking about the separation of Quebec from the rest of Canada." The remarks in direct contradiction to Johnson were portrayed in the press as a blunt refusal.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Midcampaign
Chrétien's position was far more difficult than Johnson's: part of the 1993 Liberal election platform had been moving the country away from large scale constitutional debates. Provincial governments were also far more hostile to the constitutional process than they had been in the decade prior, with even the federal government's typical ally, Ontario, being firmly against any pursuit of constitutional accommodation.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Midcampaign
French President Jacques Chirac, while answering a call from a viewer in Montreal on CNN's Larry King Live, declared that, if the "Yes" side were successful, the fact that the referendum had succeeded would be recognized by France.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Midcampaign
At a federalist rally of about 12,500 people which was held at the Verdun Auditorium on October 24, Chrétien introduced a focus on Quebec's emotional attachment to Canada, promised reforms to give Quebec more power, and in a more startling announcement, declared that he would support enshrinement of Quebec as a distinct society and that he would support reforms to the Canadian constitution. The sudden reversal of Chrétien's long-standing position on the issue, along with Chrétien's wan complexion and atypically nervous appearance, sparked considerable comment. Charest further emphasized his commitment to constitutional reform if a "No" victory was achieved.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Aboriginal activism
In response to the referendum, aboriginal peoples in Quebec strongly affirmed their own right to self-determination. First Nations chiefs said that forcing their peoples to join an independent Quebec without their consent would violate international law, violating their rights to self-determination. Aboriginal groups also demanded to be full participants in any new constitutional negotiations resulting from the referendum.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Aboriginal activism
The Grand Council of the Crees in Northern Quebec was particularly vocal and prominent in its resistance to the idea of being included in an independent Quebec. Grand Chief Matthew Coon Come issued a legal paper, titled Sovereign Injustice, which sought to affirm the Cree right to self-determination in keeping their territories in Canada.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Aboriginal activism
On October 24, 1995, the Cree organized their own referendum, asking the question: "Do you consent, as a people, that the Government of Quebec separate the James Bay Crees and Cree traditional territory from Canada in the event of a Yes vote in the Quebec referendum?" 96.3% of the 77% of Crees who cast ballots voted to stay in Canada. The Inuit of Nunavik held a similar local vote, asking voters "Do you agree that Quebec should become sovereign? ", with 96% voting No. First Nations communities contributed significantly to the tense debate on a hypothetical partition of Quebec.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, 25 October 1995: Three addresses
Five days before the vote, United States President Bill Clinton, while recognizing the referendum as an internal issue of Canada, gave a minute-long statement extolling the virtues of a united Canada, ending with "Canada has been a great model for the rest of the world, and has been a great partner of the United States, and I hope that can continue." While the statement provided relief in sovereignist circles for not being a stronger endorsement of the "No" position, the implication of Clinton, who was popular in Quebec and the leader of the province's most important trading partner, endorsing Canadian unity had strong reverberations in the electorate.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, 25 October 1995: Three addresses
The same night, Prime Minister Jean Chrétien gave a televised address to the nation in English and French. Broadly similar in both languages, Chrétien promoted the virtues of Canadian federalism to Quebec, touched on the shared values of the country, warned that Parizeau would use the referendum result as a mandate to declare independence from Canada (while explicitly not stating the result would be accepted), and announced that Quebec would be recognized as a distinct society and that any future constitutional reform that impacted Quebec would be made with the province's consent.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, 25 October 1995: Three addresses
The "Yes" side was provided airtime for a rebuttal in English and French. Lucien Bouchard was given the task in both languages, with the "Yes" campaign stating that a federal politician should give the response. Bouchard's French address recounted the previous animosities of the constitutional debate, specifically targeting Chrétien's career and actions, including showing a newspaper headline from the aftermath of the 1982 Constitution that featured Trudeau and Chrétien laughing. Bouchard then focused on the details of the partnership aspect of the proposal. He used his English address to ask Canadians to understand the "Yes" side and to announce an intention to negotiate in good faith.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Unity Rally
Fisheries Minister Brian Tobin, expressing anxiety to his staff about the referendum the week before, was told about a small rally planned in Place du Canada in Montreal for businesspersons on October 27. Asked by Federal advisor John Rae, Pierre Claude Nolin agreed to allow Tobin to invite Canadians outside Quebec to the rally, provided Quebec's referendum laws were adhered to. Tobin then encouraged fellow caucus members to send as many people as possible.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Unity Rally
After gaining permission from the Prime Minister (over the objections of Quebec members of Cabinet), Tobin then appeared on the national English-language Canada AM, and while disavowing any connection with the "No" organization, announced that the "No" side would be holding a rally in Montreal on October 27, and implored Canadians from around the country to attend the rally to support the "crusade for Canada." Tobin noted that committees were being formed in Ottawa and Toronto, charter aircraft were being ordered, and that Canadian Airlines had a 90% off "unity" sale. Tobin proceeded to call the chairman of Air Canada in his capacity as a private citizen and suggest planes be made available at the same rate, a request that was granted.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Unity Rally
Tobin's Canada AM appearance resulted in calls flooding MP's offices in English Canada, and bus companies volunteered hundreds of vehicles to take Canadians from outside of Quebec to Montreal. The rally at Place du Canada was estimated to have between 50,000 and 125,000 attendees, with estimates varying wildly as the crowd grew and shrank throughout the day. Jean Chrétien, Jean Charest and Daniel Johnson spoke to the crowd for the occasion, which would become known as the "Unity Rally". Images of the large crowd with an oversized Canadian flag became iconic. Charest felt the rally helped to keep momentum for the "No" campaign moving.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Unity Rally
The federal government's intervention in the rally attracted strident protests from the "Yes" side, who felt the discounts and coordination were an illegal intervention in the referendum. Bouchard publicly contrasted the rally with what he believed was the inattention of English Canada to the collapse of the Meech Lake Accord. Nolin regretted granting permission for the "No" committee once the scale became known, and Johnson felt the rally only exacerbated tensions with regard to English Canada. Opinions on whether the rally had an impact were divided and unable to be gauged, as the rally happened while the final polls for the Monday referendum were being produced.


1995 Quebec referendum, Campaign, Opinion polling
During the campaign, polls were reported by all pollsters and press outlets with a general guideline of having undecided voters split unevenly in favour of the "No" side: This ranged from 2/3 to 3/4 of the undecided vote.


1995 Quebec referendum, Result
93.52% of the 5,087,009 registered Quebecers voted in the referendum, a higher turnout than any provincial or federal election in Canada's history. The proposal of June 12, 1995 was rejected by voters, with 50.58% voting "No" and 49.42% voting "Yes". The margin was significantly smaller than the 1980 referendum. The "Yes" side was the choice of French speakers by an estimated majority of about 60%. Anglophones and allophones (those who do not have English or French as a first language) voted "No" by a margin of 95%.


1995 Quebec referendum, Result
There was a majority "Yes" vote in 80 out of 125 National Assembly ridings. The "Yes" side was strongest in Saguenay–Lac-Saint-Jean, the Gaspé, the Centre-du-Québec, and generally the suburbs of Quebec City and Montreal. While there was disappointment in the results of Montreal and the Beauce, Quebec City's soft support for "Yes" was the greatest surprise for the "Yes" side. This prompted speculation that provincial civil servants did not want the uncertainty a "Yes" would bring, especially after Parizeau had promised to integrate displaced Federal civil servants in a sovereign Quebec.


1995 Quebec referendum, Result
The heavily populated West Island ridings of Montreal, home to a large anglophone population, voted "No" by margins eclipsing 80%; some polling stations recorded no "Yes" votes at all. The far North, the Outaouais, the Beauce, and the Eastern Townships also generally voted "No".


1995 Quebec referendum, Result
The riding with the highest "Yes" result was Saguenay along the northern shore with 73.3% voting yes; The riding with the highest "No" result was D'Arcy-McGee in the West Island with 96.38% voting "No"; The riding with the closest result was Vimont in Laval, which the "Yes" won by 6 votes and the highest turnout was in Marguerite-D'Youville (96.52%).


1995 Quebec referendum, Immediate responses
"No" supporters gathered at Métropolis in Montreal, where Johnson expressed hope for reconciliation in Quebec and stated he expected the federal government to pursue constitutional changes. Prime Minister Chrétien echoed similar sentiments to Johnson, and stated that he "extended his hand" to Quebec's premier and government.


1995 Quebec referendum, Immediate responses
"Yes" supporters met at the Palais des congrès de Montréal on referendum night. After the result became known, Dumont and Bouchard made speeches accepting the result as part of the movement's democratic convictions and expressing hope that a subsequent referendum would bring a "Yes" victory.


1995 Quebec referendum, Immediate responses
Jacques Parizeau, who had not prepared a concession speech, rejected one prepared by Jean-François Lisée and spoke without notes. Noting that 60% of French-speakers had voted yes, he stated that he would address French-speaking Québécois as nous ("we"), and that they had spoken clearly in favour of the "Yes." He then stated that the only thing that had stopped the "Yes" side was "money and the ethnic vote" and that the next referendum would be successful with only a few percentage more of French speakers onside. The remarks, widely lambasted in the Canadian and international press as ethnocentric, sparked surprise and anger in the "Yes" camp, as the movement had gone to great lengths to disown ethnic nationalism.


1995 Quebec referendum, Immediate responses
Bernard Landry confronted Parizeau at a Cabinet meeting the next morning about the remarks, stating that the movement "had to hide its head in shame." Parizeau, after canvassing opinions, then told his Cabinet that he would resign as premier and leader of the Parti Québécois. It was later revealed that he had declared he would retire anyway if the "Yes" side lost, in an embargoed interview with TVA taped days before the referendum.


1995 Quebec referendum, Immediate responses
Five days after the referendum, André Dallaire, a schizophrenic "Yes" supporter upset at the result, broke into Chrétien's Ottawa residence armed with a knife. Dallaire attempted to find Chrétien and kill the prime minister in his bed before being discovered by Aline Chrétien, who barricaded the bedroom door. Chrétien was unharmed, and Dallaire would eventually be found not criminally responsible by reason of mental defect.


1995 Quebec referendum, Contingency preparation for a "Yes" victory, Sovereignists
Sovereignists believed that a "Yes" vote of 50% plus one vote was a binding result pursuant to the Referendum Act and the Sovereignty Bill,  as well as the general international law principle of self-determination. In the event of a "Yes" victory, Parizeau had said he intended to return to the National Assembly of Quebec within two days of the result and seek support for a motion recognizing the result of the referendum. In a speech he had prepared in the event of a "Yes" victory, he said a sovereign Quebec's first move would be to "extend a hand to its Canadian neighbour" in partnership pursuant to the wording of the referendum.


1995 Quebec referendum, Contingency preparation for a "Yes" victory, Sovereignists
Parizeau's immediate plans after the referendum relied upon what he felt would be general pressure from economic markets and the business community in English Canada to stabilize the situation as quickly as possible, which he believed would mitigate any catastrophic initial events (such as blockades) and prepare for negotiations.


1995 Quebec referendum, Contingency preparation for a "Yes" victory, Sovereignists
Despite the prominent placement of Bouchard in the referendum campaign, Parizeau planned to retain all authority with regard to negotiations, and to appoint most members of the negotiation team if they were to occur. Parizeau also believed federalist Quebecers such as Chrétien and Charest would be quickly disregarded and replaced at negotiations by representatives from the other nine provinces. If the Federal government refused to negotiate, or if negotiations were to exceed October 30, 1996, Parizeau stated that he would proceed with a unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) for an independent Quebec pursuant to Section 26 of the Sovereignty Bill.


1995 Quebec referendum, Contingency preparation for a "Yes" victory, Sovereignists
Parizeau's hopes for international recognition, a practical requirement of statehood, rested with France and the Francophonie. He believed that if Quebec declared independence in these circumstances, President of the French National Assembly Philippe Séguin, a powerful Gaullist power broker who was sympathetic to the sovereignty movement, would pressure President Chirac to recognize the declaration. He counted on a French recognition to spread quickly to the Francophonie and bring the issue to a head. Benoit Bouchard, Canada's ambassador at the time, believed that the plan was irrational as he doubted Séguin, who was supposed to be a neutral figure in his role, could bring sufficient pressure in the country's semi-presidential system.


1995 Quebec referendum, Contingency preparation for a "Yes" victory, Sovereignists
In interviews conducted in 2014, Bouchard and Dumont both believed that negotiations would have resulted had the "Yes" side won and that Quebec would have remained in Canada with a more autonomous status. Bouchard, while approving of Parizeau's intention to unilaterally declare independence should negotiations be refused, implied that he and Dumont would have been able to control negotiations and offer a subsequent referendum on a new agreement.


1995 Quebec referendum, Contingency preparation for a "Yes" victory, Sovereignists
Dumont noted that international recognition would have been difficult had two of the three leaders of the "Yes" campaign been against a UDI, and that he and Bouchard were willing to slow the process down if necessary. For his part, Bernard Landry believed that nothing short of a seat at the United Nations would have been accomplished had the "Yes" won.


1995 Quebec referendum, Contingency preparation for a "Yes" victory, Federalists, Recognition
As the referendum was only of force and effect pursuant to a provincial law, neither the provincially sanctioned "No" committee nor the Federal government had any input on the question of the referendum. Federalists strongly differed on how or if a "Yes" referendum result would be recognized. "No" campaign head Daniel Johnson disputed the "Yes" side's position that a simple majority was sufficient to declare independence, as he believed the question was too vague and gave negotiators too broad a mandate given the enormity of the issue and the uncertainty of negotiations.


1995 Quebec referendum, Contingency preparation for a "Yes" victory, Federalists, Recognition
Jean Chrétien refused to publicly comment or consider contingencies regarding a possible "Yes" victory, and at no point stated the referendum bound the Federal government to negotiations or permitted a unilateral declaration of independence. His wording of speeches during the referendum noted that Parizeau would interpret a "Yes" vote as a mandate to separate Quebec from Canada, but never offered recognition that this was legal or recognizable. A speech drafted for Chrétien in the event of a "Yes" vote stated that the question was too ambiguous to be binding and that only dissatisfaction with the status quo had been stated.


1995 Quebec referendum, Contingency preparation for a "Yes" victory, Federalists, Recognition
Reform party leader Preston Manning, a prominent proponent of direct democracy, would have recognized any result, with critics suspecting he preferred a "Yes" vote for electoral gain. Jean Charest recognized the referendum's legitimacy, although a draft post-referendum speech had him interpreting a "Yes" vote as a call for drastic reform of Canadian federation instead of separation. The New Democratic Party's official position was that the result had to be recognized.


1995 Quebec referendum, Contingency preparation for a "Yes" victory, Federalists, Negotiations
Little planning was made for the possibility of a "Yes" vote by the Canadian federal government, with the general consensus being that the referendum would be easily won and that planning would spark panic or give the referendum undeserved legitimacy. Some members of the federal cabinet met to discuss several possible scenarios, including referring the issue of Quebec's independence to the Supreme Court. Senior civil servants met to consider the impact of a vote for secession on issues such as territorial boundaries and the federal debt. A dispute arose as to whether Jean Chrétien and many prominent members of Cabinet who had been elected in Quebec ridings could represent Canada at a hypothetical partnership negotiation.


1995 Quebec referendum, Contingency preparation for a "Yes" victory, Federalists, Negotiations
Manning intended to immediately call for Chrétien's resignation and for a general election if the referendum were successful, even though the Liberals, independently of their Quebec seats, had a sizable majority in the House of Commons. There was also some doubt that Chrétien would be able to assure the Governor General that he retained enough support within his party to remain the Prime Minister of Canada. Chrétien's intention was, whatever the result, to stay in office. New Brunswick Premier Frank McKenna later confirmed that he had been invited into a hypothetical "National Unity" cabinet if the "Yes" side was victorious, with a general understanding that former Ontario Premier Bob Rae was to be included as well.


1995 Quebec referendum, Contingency preparation for a "Yes" victory, Federalists, Negotiations
Premier of Saskatchewan Roy Romanow secretly formed a committee to study consequences if Quebec successfully seceded, including strengthening Saskatchewan's relationships with other western provinces, also seceding from Canada, or joining the United States.


1995 Quebec referendum, Controversies post-referendum, Rejected ballots
When the counting was completed, approximately 86,000 ballots were rejected by Deputy Returning Officers, alleging that they had not been marked properly by the voter. Each polling station featured a Deputy Returning Officer (appointed by the "Yes") who counted the ballots while a Poll Clerk (appointed by the "No") recorded the result of the count.


1995 Quebec referendum, Controversies post-referendum, Rejected ballots
Controversy arose over whether the Deputy Returning Officers of the Chomedey, Marguerite-Bourgeois and Laurier-Dorion ridings had improperly rejected ballots. In these ridings the "No" vote was dominant, and the proportion of rejected ballots was 12%, 5.5% and 3.6%. Thomas Mulcair, member of the Quebec National Assembly for Chomedey, told reporters that there was "an orchestrated attempt to steal the vote" in his riding. A study released months after the referendum by McGill University concluded that ridings with a greater number of "No" votes had a higher percentage of rejected ballots.


1995 Quebec referendum, Controversies post-referendum, Rejected ballots
Directeur général des élections du Québec (DGEQ), Pierre F. Cote, launched an inquiry into the alleged irregularities, supervised by the Chief Justice of the Quebec Superior Court, Alan B. Gold. All ballots of the three ridings plus a sample of ballots from other ridings were examined. The inquiry concluded that some ballots had been rejected without valid reasons, but the incidents were isolated. The majority of the rejected ballots were "No" votes, in proportion to the majority of the valid votes in those districts.


1995 Quebec referendum, Controversies post-referendum, Rejected ballots
Two Deputy Returning Officers were charged by the DGEQ with violating elections laws, but in 1996 were found not guilty (a decision upheld by the Quebec Court of Appeal), after it was found that the ballots were not rejected in a fraudulent or irregular manner, and that there was no proof of conspiracy. A Quebec Court judge acquitted a Deputy Returning Officer charged with illegally rejecting 53% of the ballots cast at his Chomedey polling district.


1995 Quebec referendum, Controversies post-referendum, Rejected ballots
In 2000, the Quebec Superior Court denied an application by Alliance Quebec that attempted to force the DGEQ to give access to all 5 million ballots, ruling that the only authority that could do so expired in 1996. The referendum ballots were shredded and recycled in 2008 after appeals were exhausted. In May 2005, former PQ Cabinet minister Richard Le Hir said that the PQ coordinated the ballot rejections, which PQ officials denied.


1995 Quebec referendum, Controversies post-referendum, Citizenship and Immigration Canada
Citizenship Court judges from across Canada were sent into the province to ensure as many qualified immigrants living in Quebec as possible had Canadian citizenship before the referendum, and thus were able to vote. The goal was to have 10,000 to 20,000 outstanding citizenship applications processed for residents of Quebec by mid-October. 43,855 new Quebecers obtained their Canadian citizenship during 1995, with about one quarter of these (11,429) being granted during the month of October. When confronted about the issue by a Bloc Québécois MP who suggested shortcuts were being taken to hurry citizenship applications for immigrants who would most likely vote "No", Minister of Citizenship and Immigration Sergio Marchi responded that this was common before provincial election campaigns in other provinces.


1995 Quebec referendum, Controversies post-referendum, Spending limits and Option Canada
The Canadian Unity Council incorporated a Montreal-based lobbying group called Option Canada with the mandate to promote federalism in Quebec. Option Canada received $1.6 million in funding from the Canadian Heritage Department in 1994, $3.35 million in 1995 and $1.1 million in 1996. The Montreal Gazette reported in March 1997 that the group also had other funds from undeclared sources. A Committee to Register Voters Outside Quebec was created to help citizens who had left Quebec before the 1995 vote register on the electoral list. The Committee handed out pamphlets during the referendum, including a form to be added to the list of voters. The pamphlet gave out a toll-free number as contact information, which was the same number as the one used by the Canadian Unity Council.


1995 Quebec referendum, Controversies post-referendum, Spending limits and Option Canada
After the referendum, the DSEQ filed 20 criminal charges of illegal expenditures by Option Canada and others on behalf of the "No" side, which were dropped after the Supreme Court of Canada in Libman vs. Quebec-Attorney General ruled sections of the Referendum Act restricting third-party expenditures were unconstitutionally restrictive under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.


1995 Quebec referendum, Controversies post-referendum, Spending limits and Option Canada
Aurèle Gervais, communications director for the Liberal Party of Canada, as well as the students' association at Ottawa's Algonquin College, were charged with infractions of Quebec's Election Act after the referendum for illegally hiring buses to bring supporters to Montreal for the rally. Environment Minister Sergio Marchi told reporters that Gervais should wear [the charges against him] like a badge of honour." Two years later, the Quebec Superior Court dismissed the charges, stating that the actions took place outside of Quebec and so the Quebec Election Act did not apply.


1995 Quebec referendum, Controversies post-referendum, Spending limits and Option Canada
The DSEQ asked retired Quebec court judge Bernard Grenier in 2006 to investigate Option Canada after the publication of Normand Lester and Robin Philpot's "The Secrets of Option Canada", which alleged over $5,000,000 had been spent helping the "No" campaign. Grenier determined that CA$539,000 was illegally spent by the "No" side during the referendum, although he drew no conclusions over the "Unity Rally." Grenier said there was no evidence of wrongdoing by Jean Charest or that the rally was part of a plan to sabotage the sovereigntist movement. Grenier urged Quebecers in his report to move on. The Bloc Québécois called for a federal inquiry, which did not occur.


1995 Quebec referendum, Controversies post-referendum, Responses
After the referendum, the ballot for Quebec elections was redesigned to reduce the size of the space where voters could indicate their choice and the rules on allowable markings were relaxed, so that Deputy Returning Officers would have fewer grounds for rejecting ballots. The Quebec government also changed the Electoral Act so that voters would need to show a Canadian passport, Quebec drivers' licence or Quebec provincial health care card at the polling station for identification purposes in future elections.


1995 Quebec referendum, Aftermath, Quebec
Parizeau's resignation led to Bouchard becoming the leader of the PQ and Premier unopposed. While Bouchard maintained a third referendum was forthcoming provided "winning conditions" occurred, his government's chief priority became reform of the Quebec economy. Daniel Johnson would resign as leader of the Liberal Party of Quebec, and after significant pressure in English Canada, Charest resigned as national PC leader and was acclaimed as leader of the Quebec Liberals.


1995 Quebec referendum, Aftermath, Quebec
Observers expected Bouchard to announce another sovereignty referendum if his party won the 1998 Quebec general election. While he defeated Charest, Bouchard continued his government's focus on austerity. Bouchard retired in 2001 and was replaced by Bernard Landry who, despite promising a more robust stance on the sovereignty issue, was ousted in the 2003 Quebec general election by Charest, who would become Premier.


1995 Quebec referendum, Aftermath, Distinct society and veto
After the referendum, Chrétien attempted to pursue constitutional recognition of distinct society, but was stopped by the blunt refusal of Ontario Premier Mike Harris to discuss any constitutional matters. Not wanting to engage in the same negotiations with provincial governments that had dominated the Trudeau and Mulroney governments, Chrétien opted to pursue unilateral federal changes to fulfill his government's commitments. This included the Act respecting constitutional amendments, which required permission from the provinces of Quebec, Ontario and British Columbia for federal approval to be granted to any constitutional amendment, granting Quebec a de facto veto. The Federal parliament also officially recognized Quebec as a distinct society. Both changes, not being constitutional amendments, are theoretically reversible by future parliaments.


1995 Quebec referendum, Aftermath, "Plan B"
Chrétien also pursued what he called "Plan B" in hopes of convincing Quebec voters that economic and legal obstacles would follow if Quebec were to declare itself sovereign; its public face would become professor Stéphane Dion. This included a reference to the Supreme Court of Canada, which followed Federal intervention post-referendum into the Bertrand case: The 1998 Reference Re Secession of Quebec stated that unilateral secession was illegal, would require a constitutional amendment, and that only a clear majority on a clear question could bring about any sort of obligation on the federal and provincial governments to negotiate secession.


1995 Quebec referendum, Aftermath, "Plan B"
After the decision, the Liberal government passed the Clarity Act, which stated that any future referendum would have to be on a "clear question" and that it would have to represent a "clear majority" for the federal Parliament to recognize its validity. Section 1(4) of the Act stated that questions that provided for only a mandate for negotiation or envisioned other partnerships with Canada would be considered unclear, and thus not recognized. The National Assembly of Quebec passed Bill 99, proclaiming the right of self-determination pursuant to the Referendum Act. Bill 99's constitutionality is currently being litigated.


1995 Quebec referendum, Aftermath, Sponsorship scandal
Following the narrow victory, the Chrétien government established a pro-Canada advertising campaign. The aim was to sponsor hunting, fishing and other recreational events, and in doing so promote Canada within Quebec. While many of the events sponsored were legitimate, a large sum of money was mismanaged. Auditor General Sheila Fraser released a report in November 2003, outlining the problems. This eventually led to the Gomery Commission's investigation of the Sponsorship Scandal. Bloc Québécois leader Gilles Duceppe argued that Canada was trying to "buy" federalism and using it as an excuse to channel dirty money into Liberal-friendly pockets.


1995 Queen's Birthday Honours (Australia)
The 1995 Queen's Birthday Honours for Australia were announced on Monday 12 June 1995 by the office of the Governor-General.


1995 Queen's Birthday Honours (Australia)
The Birthday Honours were appointments by some of the 16 Commonwealth realms of Queen Elizabeth II to various orders and honours to reward and highlight good works by citizens of those countries. The Birthday Honours are awarded as part of the Queen's Official Birthday celebrations during the month of June.


1995 Queensland state election
Elections were held in the Australian state of Queensland on 15 July 1995 to elect the 89 members of the state's Legislative Assembly.


1995 Queensland state election
The Labor Party, which had been in power since the 1989 election and led by Premier Wayne Goss, was elected to a third term, defeating the National/Liberal Coalition under Rob Borbidge. The Queensland Nationals and Liberals were fighting their first election as a coalition in 15 years, having renewed it midway through Goss' second term. The Coalition actually won a majority of the two-party preferred vote. However, most of that vote was wasted on landslide margins in the Nationals' rural heartland. As a result, while the Coalition scored an overall eight-seat swing, it only won nine seats in greater Brisbane, allowing Labor to hold on to power with a majority of one seat.


1995 Queensland state election
On 8 December 1995, the Court of Disputed Returns threw out the results in Mundingburra, which Labor's Ken Davies had won by 16 votes, after it was discovered that 22 overseas military personnel were denied the chance to vote. This forced a by-election, held in February 1996. Liberal Frank Tanti won the by-election, resulting in a hung parliament. With Labor and the Coalition holding 44 seats each, the balance of power rested with Liz Cunningham, the newly elected Independent member for Gladstone. Cunningham threw her support to the Coalition, allowing Borbidge to form a minority government.


1995 Queensland state election, Results
Queensland state election, 15 July 1995Legislative Assembly << 1992–1998 >>


1995 RCA Championships
The 1995 RCA Championships was a tennis tournament played on outdoor hard courts. It was the 8th edition of the event known that year as the RCA Championships, and was part of the Championship Series of the 1995 ATP Tour. It took place at the Indianapolis Tennis Center in Indianapolis, Indiana, United States, from July 14 through July 20, 1995.


1995 RCA Championships
The singles field was led by ATP No. 2, Australian Open runner-up, Wimbledon champion and two-time Indianapolis titlist Pete Sampras, Wimbledon semifinalist and Hamburg finalist Goran Ivanišević, and Dubai and Munich champion Wayne Ferreira. Other top seeds were Auckland, Philadelphia and Pinehurst winner Thomas Enqvist, Adelaide, Scottsdale and Tokyo champion Jim Courier, Todd Martin, Alberto Berasategui and Andrei Medvedev.


1995 RCA Championships, Finals, Doubles
Mark Knowles /  Daniel Nestor defeated  Scott Davis /  Todd Martin, 6–4, 6–4


1995 RCA Championships – Doubles
Todd Woodbridge and Mark Woodforde were the defending champions, but lost in the quarterfinals to tournament runners-up Scott Davis and Todd Martin.


1995 RCA Championships – Doubles
Mark Knowles and Daniel Nestor won the title by defeating Scott Davis and Todd Martin 6–4, 6–4 in the final.


1995 RCA Championships – Doubles, Seeds
The first four seeds received a bye to the second round.


1995 RCA Championships – Singles
Wayne Ferreira was the defending champion, but lost in the second round to Richey Reneberg.


1995 RCA Championships – Singles
Thomas Enqvist won the title by defeating Bernd Karbacher 6–4, 6–3 in the final.


1995 RCA Championships – Singles, Seeds
The first eight seeds received a bye to the second round.


1995 RTHK Top 10 Gold Songs Awards
The 1995 RTHK Top 10 Gold Songs Awards (Chinese: 1995年度十大中文金曲得獎) was held in 1995 for the 1994 music season.


1995 RTHK Top 10 Gold Songs Awards, Top 10 song awards
The top 10 songs (十大中文金曲) of 1995 are as follows.


1995 Railway Cup Hurling Championship
The 1995 Railway Cup Hurling Championship was the 67th staging of the Railway Cup since its establishment by the Gaelic Athletic Association in 1927. The cup began on 5 February 1995 and ended on 2 April 1995.


1995 Railway Cup Hurling Championship
Connacht were the defending champions, however, they were defeated by Ulster in the semi-final.


1995 Railway Cup Hurling Championship
On 2 April 1995, Munster won the cup after a 0-13 to 1–09 defeat of Ulster in the final at Croke Park. This was their 39th Railway Cup title overall and their first title since 1992.


1995 Raleigh mayoral election
The Raleigh mayoral election of 1995 was held on October 12, 1995, to elect a Mayor of Raleigh, North Carolina. The election was non-partisan. It was won by Tom Fetzer, who stayed incumbent after beating Mary Nooe. Mary Nooe had been on the city council for 8 years prior to the election.


1995 Recopa Sudamericana
The 1995 Recopa Sudamericana was the seventh Recopa Sudamericana, an annual football match between the winners of the previous season's Copa Libertadores and Supercopa Sudamericana competitions. The all-Argentinian final took place in the neutral venue of the National Olympic Stadium of Tokyo.


1995 Recopa Sudamericana
The match was contested by Vélez Sársfield, winners of the 1994 Copa Libertadores, and Independiente, winners of the 1994 Supercopa Sudamericana, on April 9, 1995. Independiente surprisingly defeated Carlos Bianchi's Vélez Sársfield 0-1 to lift the trophy for the first time. Paraguayan Juan Escobar Valdez became the first referee to direct two consecutive finals and three, in total, of the competition.


1995 Red & White Challenge
The 1995 Red and White Challenge was a non-ranking invitational snooker tournament held by the WPBSA, which took place in August 1995. The tournament was played in Islamabad, Pakistan, and featured four professional players - Nigel Bond, John Parrott, Ken Doherty and David Roe - alongside four amateurs - Pakistan's Mohammed Yousuf and Naveen Perwani, Afghanistan's Saleh Mohammadi, and Farhan Mirza of Sweden.


1995 Red & White Challenge
Bond won the tournament, beating Parrott 8–6 in the final. All of the amateur players lost their opening matches.


1995 Redcar and Cleveland Borough Council election
The 1995 Redcar and Cleveland Borough Council election took place on 4 May 1995. The whole council was up for election as it was the first election since the formation of the Unitary Authority after replacing Langbaurgh Borough Council. The Labour Party won the most seats and took overall control of the council.


1995 Rhein Fire season
The 1995 Rhein Fire season was the inaugural season for the franchise in the World League of American Football (WLAF). The team was led by head coach Galen Hall, and played its home games at Rheinstadion in Düsseldorf, Germany. They finished the regular season in fifth place with a record of four wins and six losses.


1995 Rhode Island Rams football team
The 1995 Rhode Island Rams football team was an American football team that represented the University of Rhode Island in the Yankee Conference during the 1995 NCAA Division I-AA football season. In their third season under head coach Floyd Keith, the Rams compiled a 6–2 record (4–2 against conference opponents) and finished first in the New England Division of the Yankee Conference.


1995 Rhondda Cynon Taf County Borough Council election
The first election to Rhondda Cynon Taf County Borough Council was held on 4 May 1995. It was followed by the 1999 election. On the same day there were elections to  the other 21 local authorities in Wales and community councils in Wales.


1995 Rhondda Cynon Taf County Borough Council election, Overview
All council seats were up for election. These were the first elections held following local government reorganisation and the abolition of Mid Glamorgan County Council. The ward boundaries for the new authority were based on the previous Cynon Valley Borough Council, Rhondda Borough Council and Taff Ely Borough Council although the number of members elected for individual wards was reduced.


1995 Rhondda Cynon Taf County Borough Council election, Previous members of Mid Glamorgan Council
Most sitting members of Mid Glamorgan County council sought election to the new authority. A number were also members of the previous district councils but others contested a ward against a sitting district councillor.


1995 Rhondda Cynon Taf County Borough Council election, Results, Aberaman North (two seats)
The boundaries were identical to those of the same ward on the previous Cynon Valley Borough Council.


1995 Rhondda Cynon Taf County Borough Council election, Results, Aberaman South (two seats)
The boundaries were identical to those of the same ward on the previous Cynon Valley Borough Council.


1995 Rhondda Cynon Taf County Borough Council election, Results, Abercynon (two seats)
The boundaries were identical to those of the same ward on the previous Cynon Valley Borough Council.


1995 Rhondda Cynon Taf County Borough Council election, Results, Aberdare East (two seats)
The boundaries were identical to those of the same ward on the previous Cynon Valley Borough Council.


1995 Rhondda Cynon Taf County Borough Council election, Results, Beddau (one seat)
The boundaries were identical to those of the same ward on the previous Taff Ely Borough Council.


1995 Rhondda Cynon Taf County Borough Council election, Results, Church Village (one seat)
The boundaries were identical to those of the same ward on the previous Taff Ely Borough Council.


1995 Rhondda Cynon Taf County Borough Council election, Results, Llanharry (one seat)
Janet Davies, leader of the Taff Ely Borough Council since 1991, was defeated by a Labour opponent.


1995 Rhondda Cynon Taf County Borough Council election, Results, Tonteg (two seats)
The boundaries were identical to those of the same ward on the previous Taff Ely Borough Council.


1995 Rhondda Cynon Taf County Borough Council election, Results, Tyn-y-Nant (one seat)
The boundaries were identical to those of the same ward on the previous Taff Ely Borough Council.


1995 Rhythmic Gymnastics European Championships
The 1995 Rhythmic Gymnastics European Championships is the 11th edition of the Rhythmic Gymnastics European Championships, which took place from 6 July to 9 July 1995 in Prague, Czech Republic.


1995 Rice Owls football team
The 1995 Rice Owls football team was an American football team that represented Rice University in the Southwest Conference during the 1995 NCAA Division I-A football season. In their second year under head coach Ken Hatfield, the team compiled a 2–8–1 record.


1995 Rijeka bombing
The 1995 Rijeka bombing occurred on 20 October 1995 in Rijeka, Croatia, when an Islamic terrorist organization attempted to destroy a police station by driving a car with a bomb into the wall of the building. Twenty-seven employees in the police station and two bystanders on the street were injured, although the only person killed was the attacker.


1995 Rijeka bombing, Background
In the last days of the Bosnian War, the Croatian Defense Council (HVO), a Bosnian Croat military force, captured Tal'at Fu'ad Qasim when he attempted to enter Bosnia and Herzegovina. Qasim, an important member of al-Gama'a al-Islamiyya, was soon transferred to Egypt with the active help of Croatia. Because of that and because Croatia had de facto controlled the Croatian Defence Council, the military organization which had captured Tal'at Fu'ad Qasim, a decision was made to commit a terrorist attack in Croatia.


1995 Rijeka bombing, Attack
At 11:21 a.m. Central European Time, a Fiat 131 Mirafiori entered the parking lot of the Primorje-Gorski Kotar County police headquarters. Due to the 90-degree turn needed to enter the lot, the vehicle moved slowly. Near the entrance, the driver did not park in the parking spaces for civilians, but instead started to accelerate towards the wall at the end of the parking lot. Due to the low security measures, this incident was not noticed before the attack itself took place.


1995 Rijeka bombing, Attack
After 15–20 meters, passing 8-10 available parking spaces in the small lot, the Fiat crashed into the stairs leading to the police station and exploded. The time of explosion was recorded as 11:22 a.m. local time (10:22 UTC). Subsequently, a police investigation found out the car was loaded with 70 kg (150 lb) of highly explosive TNT. The police also found a part of a Canadian passport inside the remains of the attacker's car. The next day, representatives of the al-Gama'a al-Islamiyya terrorist organization from Egypt claimed responsibility for the attack, requesting extradition of Qasim.


1995 Rijeka bombing, Attack
Due to an error made by the attackers, the bombing did not cause fatalities, aside from the suicide bomber himself. The police headquarters is located on a higher ground than the parking lot itself, requiring the stairs in the first place. The other apparent miscalculation involved the size of the parking lot, where the Fiat 131 had neither the space and velocity, nor the horsepower, to climb the stairs and destroy the police station wall. As a result, the police station failed to collapse and only 29 injuries were recorded (including two unaware bystanders). The bomb also carved a large crater in the ground, battering nearby buildings and destroying vehicles.


1995 Rijeka bombing, Aftermath
With the help of the CIA, officials examined the video footage of the attack. American and Croatian investigative sources came to the conclusion that Hassan al-Sharif Mahmud Saad had organized this attack. Saad had come to live in Bosnia only that year; previously, he had been living in Italy. Soon after the attack, Bosnian officials discovered that Saad was planning a new terrorist attack, against NATO forces, which was to happen in December 1995. A few days after that attack failed, he was killed in central Bosnia in a firefight with Croatian Defense Council forces.


1995 Rio de Janeiro motorcycle Grand Prix
The 1995 Rio de Janeiro motorcycle Grand Prix was the eleventh round of the 1995 Grand Prix motorcycle racing season. It took place on 17 September 1995 at the Autódromo Internacional Nelson Piquet.


1995 Riojan regional election
The 1995 Riojan regional election was held on Sunday, 28 May 1995, to elect the 4th General Deputation of the autonomous community of La Rioja. All 33 seats in the General Deputation were up for election. The election was held simultaneously with regional elections in twelve other autonomous communities and local elections all throughout Spain.


1995 Riojan regional election
For the first time, the People's Party (PP) emerged as the largest party in the General Deputation with an absolute majority of seats and almost 49% of the share, an increase of about eight percentage points from 1991. In contrast, the vote for the ruling Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) fell to its lowest level up until that time, losing four of its previously 16 seats and remaining with 12.


1995 Riojan regional election
United Left (IU) benefited from the Socialist defeat and entered the General Deputation for the first time with 2 seats, whereas the Riojan Party (PR)—which had formed the regional government together with the PSOE since 1990—obtained its best result since 1983. Turnout, at 76.2%, was the highest to date for a regional election in La Rioja.


1995 Riojan regional election
As a result of the election, PP leader Pedro Sanz became the new regional President, succeeding Socialist José Ignacio Pérez Sáenz.


1995 Riojan regional election, Overview, Electoral system
The General Deputation of La Rioja was the devolved, unicameral legislature of the autonomous community of La Rioja, having legislative power in regional matters as defined by the Spanish Constitution and the Riojan Statute of Autonomy, as well as the ability to vote confidence in or withdraw it from a President of the Autonomous Community. Voting for the General Deputation was on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprised all nationals over eighteen, registered in La Rioja and in full enjoyment of their political rights.


1995 Riojan regional election, Overview, Electoral system
The 33 members of the General Deputation of La Rioja were elected using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional representation, with an electoral threshold of five percent of valid votes—which included blank ballots—being applied regionally.


1995 Riojan regional election, Overview, Electoral system
The electoral law provided that parties, federations, coalitions and groupings of electors were allowed to present lists of candidates. However, groupings of electors were required to secure the signature of at least 1 percent of the electors registered in La Rioja. Electors were barred from signing for more than one list of candidates. Concurrently, parties and federations intending to enter in coalition to take part jointly at an election were required to inform the relevant Electoral Commission within ten days of the election being called.


1995 Riojan regional election, Overview, Election date
The term of the General Deputation of La Rioja expired four years after the date of its previous election. Elections to the General Deputation were fixed for the fourth Sunday of May every four years. The previous election was held on 26 May 1991, setting the election date for the General Deputation on Sunday, 28 May 1995.


1995 Riojan regional election, Overview, Election date
The General Deputation of La Rioja could not be dissolved before the date of expiry of parliament except in the event of an investiture process failing to elect a regional President within a two-month period from the first ballot. In such a case, the General Deputation was to be automatically dissolved and a snap election called, with elected deputies merely serving out what remained of their four-year terms.


1995 Riojan regional election, Opinion polls
The table below lists voting intention estimates in reverse chronological order, showing the most recent first and using the dates when the survey fieldwork was done, as opposed to the date of publication. Where the fieldwork dates are unknown, the date of publication is given instead. The highest percentage figure in each polling survey is displayed with its background shaded in the leading party's colour. If a tie ensues, this is applied to the figures with the highest percentages. The "Lead" column on the right shows the percentage-point difference between the parties with the highest percentages in a given poll. When available, seat projections are also displayed below the voting estimates in a smaller font. 17 seats were required for an absolute majority in the General Deputation of La Rioja.


1995 Robert Morris Colonials football team
The 1995 Robert Morris Colonials football team represented Robert Morris College, now Robert Morris University, as an independent during the 1995 NCAA Division I-AA football season. The Colonials were led by 2nd-year head coach Joe Walton and played their home games at Moon Stadium on the campus of Moon Area High School. This was the second season of the Colonials' football program's existence.


1995 Rochford District Council election
Elections to Rochford District Council, in Essex, England, were held on 4 May 1995. One third of the council was up for election.


1995 Roller Hockey World Cup
The 1995 Roller Hockey World Cup was the thirty-second roller hockey world cup, organized by the Fédération Internationale de Roller Sports. It was contested by 12 national teams (8 from Europe, 3 from South America and 1 from Africa). The tournament was played in the city of Recife, in Brazil.


1995 Romanian Open
The 1995 BCR Open Romania was a men's tennis tournament held in Bucharest, Romania. The event was played on outdoor clay courts and was part of the ATP World Series of the 1995 ATP Tour. It was the third edition of the tournament and was held from 11 September through 18 September 1995. Thomas Muster won the singles title.


1995 Romanian Open, Finals, Doubles
Mark Keil /  Jeff Tarango defeated  Cyril Suk /  Daniel Vacek 6–4, 7–6


1995 Ronde van Nederland
These are the results for the 35th edition of the Ronde van Nederland cycling race, which was held from August 22 to August 26, 1995. The race started in Haarlem (North Holland) and finished in Valkenburg (Limburg).


1995 Rose Bowl
The 1995 Rose Bowl was a college football bowl game played on Monday January 2, 1995, because New Year's Day was on a Sunday. It was the 81st Rose Bowl Game. The Penn State Nittany Lions defeated the Oregon Ducks 38–20. Ki-Jana Carter of Penn State and Danny O'Neil of Oregon both were named the Rose Bowl Players of the Game. Many observers point to this game as the one that made Ki-Jana Carter a number one selection in the 1995 NFL Draft.


1995 Rose Bowl, Teams
Both teams were appearing in the Rose Bowl after being away for many years. The Oregon Ducks last appeared in the 1958 Rose Bowl, 37 years prior. The Penn State Nittany Lions appeared only one other time, the 1923 Rose Bowl, when the Rose Bowl stadium was used for the game for the first time.


1995 Rose Bowl, Teams, Penn State Nittany Lions
Penn State was playing their second season as the 11th member in the Big Ten Conference. They went undefeated through the Big Ten season and were ranked #2 going into the contest.


1995 Rose Bowl, Teams, Oregon Ducks
Oregon opened with a win over Portland State, but then lost to non-conference opponents Utah and Hawaii. However, on October 1, 1994, the Ducks pulled off a surprise trouncing of #19 USC, a team that the Ducks had defeated only one other time since 1972. Two weeks after defeating #19 USC the Ducks upset #9 Washington in a game that sparked a period of unprecedented success in the Oregon-Washington rivalry. They would go on to win the rest of their conference games, excepting a week 6 loss to Washington State, including a 10–9 victory over Arizona. The season ended with a 17–13 win over Oregon State with the Rose Bowl on the line. Oregon finished in sole possession of first place, with Arizona and USC tied for second.


1995 Rose Bowl, Game summary
Penn State running back Ki-Jana Carter provided the highlight of the game when he scored an 83-yard touchdown on Penn State's first offensive play, prompting announcer Keith Jackson to utter the quote "They had him, they thought and then he was gone." After Carter's touchdown, Oregon came right back to tie the game. Penn State scored again and led 14–7 at halftime. But Oregon rode the short passing game of QB Danny O'Neil and kept the ball away from the potent Penn State offense. Oregon tied the game midway through the 3rd quarter.


1995 Rose Bowl, Game summary
Penn State scored to take a 21–14 and got the ball back. Then came the key play of the game. Penn State S Chuck Penzenik intercepted O'Neil with just over two minutes left in the third quarter, returning the ball to the Oregon 13-yard line. Carter then scored his third touchdown, a short 3-yard run that put the Nittany Lions ahead 28–14. Penn State went on to win in comfortable fashion, 38–20.


1995 Rose Bowl, Aftermath
Danny O'Neil contributed to 13 Rose Bowl records including individual records for passes attempted, passes completed, and passing yardage. As of 2008, his records still stood for most offensive plays (74), most passes attempted (61), most passes completed (41) and most yards passing (456).


1995 Rose Bowl, Aftermath
Ki-Jana Carter was inducted into the Rose Bowl Hall of Fame as a member of the Class of 2014.


1995 Round Australia Trial
The 1995 Round Australia Trial, officially the Mobil 1 Trial was the thirteenth running of the Round Australia Trial. The rally took place between 13 June and 2 July 1995. The event covered 18,500 kilometres around Australia. It was won by Ed Ordynski and Ross Runnalls, driving a Holden Commodore.


1995 Rover British Clay Court Championships
The 1995 Rover British Clay Court Championships was a women's tennis tournament played on outdoor clay courts at  West Hants Tennis Club in Bournemouth in the United Kingdom that was part of Tier IV of the 1995 WTA Tour. It was the ninth edition of the tournament and was held from 15 to 20 May 1995. Unseeded Ludmila Richterová won the singles title.


1995 Rover British Clay Court Championships, Finals, Doubles
Mariaan de Swardt /  Ruxandra Dragomir defeated  Kerry-Anne Guse /  Patricia Hy-Boulais 6–3, 7–5


1995 Rover British Clay Court Championships – Doubles
Mariaan de Swardt and Ruxandra Dragomir won in the final 6–3, 7–5 against Kerry-Anne Guse and Patricia Hy-Boulais.


1995 Rover British Clay Court Championships – Doubles, Seeds
Champion seeds are indicated in bold text while text in italics indicates the round in which those seeds were eliminated.


1995 Rover British Clay Court Championships – Singles
Ludmila Richterová won in the final 6–7, 6–4, 6–3 against Patricia Hy-Boulais.


1995 Rover British Clay Court Championships – Singles, Seeds
A champion seed is indicated in bold text while text in italics indicates the round in which that seed was eliminated.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod MR2 crash
On 2 September 1995, a Royal Air Force Hawker Siddeley Nimrod aircraft crashed into Lake Ontario during an air display, killing all seven crew members on board. This was the second loss of an RAF Nimrod in four months, following the ditching of a Nimrod R1 in May.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod MR2 crash, Aircraft
The aircraft involved was XV239, a Nimrod MR.2 maritime patrol aircraft from RAF Kinloss. Operated by No. 120 Squadron, the aircraft was originally delivered to the RAF as an MR.1 in 1971, before being one of 35 Nimrod airframes selected for upgrade to MR.2 standard in the mid 1970s.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod MR2 crash, Background
On 23 August 1995, the aircraft and its crew had departed RAF Kinloss for Canada, where it was scheduled to take part in two separate air shows. On the 26 and 27 August, the aircraft had been displayed at the Shearwater International Air Show at CFB Shearwater in Nova Scotia. Following this, it transited to Toronto Pearson International Airport from where it would be based for display at the Canadian International Air Show (CIAS).


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod MR2 crash, Background
The manoeuvres planned had been used to display the Nimrod for much of the previous twenty years, with the four and a half minute routine described as "relatively straightforward". The day prior to the CIAS display, the aircraft's captain, Flight Lieutenant Dom Gilbert, gave an interview in which he stated that the plan was to approach the limits of the aircraft's performance.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod MR2 crash, Crash details
On 2 September, the aircraft left Pearson Airport on time for its planned display slot. The weather was classed as excellent, with a slight on-shore wind (the display was to take place offshore over Lake Ontario).


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod MR2 crash, Crash details
Having completed safety checks, the aircraft was taken on the standard display sequence for the Nimrod, two circuits of the display line (the area where the viewing crowd was located) and two "dumb-bell" turns; the dumb-bell manoeuvre encompassed a turn away from the display line and climb to approximately 1,000 ft, followed by a turn in the opposite direction and descent back onto the display line. The circuits and first dumb-bell manouvre were successfully completed, followed by a slow fly-past with the undercarriage lowered.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod MR2 crash, Crash details
The aircraft then turned to starboard to begin the second dumb-bell turn - the undercarriage raised and the flaps set to allow the aircraft to climb at an attitude of 24°. As it reached the top of the climb, the airspeed fell to 122 knots as a result of the engines being powered back, before the aircraft banked and pointed downwards.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod MR2 crash, Crash details
Although the airspeed increased slightly, it was well below the recommended 150 knots for that part of the display, while the g-force load went to 1.6g. The low speed and g-loading led to a stall which saw the aircraft's nose drop to 18° below the horizon and it bank 85° to port. Despite full starboard aileron and full power being applied, the aircraft was too low by this point to recover and it hit the water. The impact caused the airframe to break up, with the seven crew on-board killed instantly.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod MR2 crash, Recovery
The recovery effort was immediately set in motion; divers initially located the wreckage, which had broken into four sections, but were unable to locate the crew. The search was then postponed for a day to allow the air show to continue. On the resumption of the search, a boat from the Toronto Police Service made its way to the crash site and dropped a remotely operated underwater vehicle containing sonar and video cameras. This was able to display images of the wreckage clearly to allow the recovery team to recover the bodies of the crew and debris from the aircraft.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod MR2 crash, Investigation
A significant amount of data was available, given the public nature of the accident, and the RAF inquiry was able to determine that all of the aircraft's systems had been functioning normally, making it possible to rule out any mechanical or structural failure of the Nimrod as a potential cause. This resulted in the inquiry focusing on the actions of the crew, and in particular the aircraft's captain.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod MR2 crash, Investigation
It was determined that, at a previous display, he had made an error following the second dumb-bell turn that led to his crossing over the display line; this had not been reported as it should have been, which would have allowed analysis of the display manoeuvres before a scheduled practice run. Instead, on deploying to Canada, the captain amended the manoeuvre by tightening his turn to avoid crossing over the crowd through reducing engine power. This removed the safety margins for the aircraft in performing the display manoeuvres (primarily the dumb-bell) as it took it below the recommended speed and led to it stalling.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod MR2 crash, Investigation
The inquiry identified a number of deficiencies in the training regime for Nimrod display that may have contributed to the accident. Primarily, it suggested that the lack of a structured training programme, with theory and simulation as well as practice flights, combined with a lack of supervision in the air, led the captain to try out techniques outside the recommended performance envelope of both the Nimrod and the display.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod MR2 crash, Aftermath
The recommendations of the RAF inquiry as regards the display of the Nimrod saw a change in the selection of display crews - up to this point, several Nimrod captains and crews per display season were selected. Following the inquiry, it was decided that a single crew, made up of instructors, would be specially selected from the Nimrod Operational Conversion Unit, rather than from operational squadrons.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod R1 ditching
On Tuesday 16 May 1995, a Royal Air Force Nimrod R1 aircraft suffered an in-flight engine fire which led to the aircraft having to ditch in the Moray Firth. This was the first of two Nimrods to be lost in 1995; it was followed by the crash of a Nimrod MR2 in Canada in September.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod R1 ditching, Aircraft
The aircraft involved was XW666, one of three specially converted Nimrod aircraft for use in the SIGINT gathering mission. The aircraft, operated by 51 Squadron, first flew in 1973, before being delivered to the RAF for entry into service in late 1974. At the time of the accident, the aircraft had undergone a major service at the Nimrod Major Servicing Unit (NMSU) at RAF Kinloss in Moray. As a result of its serial number, XW666 was unofficially referred to as "The Beast", and "Damien" owing to its connotation as the Number of the Beast.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod R1 ditching, Crash details
On 16 May 1995, following the completion of major servicing work, XW666 had departed RAF Kinloss on a routine air test flight with a crew of seven on board. Thirty-five minutes into the flight, after a test of the anti-icing system, the fire warning light of number 4 engine came on. At this, the crew began the fire drill procedures but, while this was taking place, the warning light for the number 3 engine also illuminated. Following this, a member of the crew confirmed that the aircraft was indeed on fire, with panels falling from the starboard wing.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod R1 ditching, Crash details
At this point, the captain, who had attempted to divert to Lossiemouth, elected to instead try and ditch the aircraft in the Moray Firth, as it was unclear whether the structural integrity would hold, and whether control could be maintained any longer. Despite the lack of flaps, which were not functional due to hydraulic failure associated with the fire, the pilot was able to make a controlled ditching on the waters of the Moray Firth. This caused the fuselage to break into two pieces, which eventually sank.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod R1 ditching, Cause
Following an inquiry by the Air Accident Investigation Branch and the RAF, it was determined that the DC loom on the aircraft's Number 4 engine had somehow sustained damage prior to the flight. An arc occurred when the anti-icing system was turned on, which led to the engine air start sequence initiating. The engine was running idle as part of the testing regime during the flight, so when the starter turbine ran up to high speed, it caused a structural failure that led to the turbine disc puncturing one of the fuel tanks. The fuel leak was subsequently ignited, either by the high engine temperature, or the arc from the faulty loom.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod R1 ditching, Aircraft replacement
Owing to the fact that the Nimrod was not an ordinary MR2 maritime patrol aircraft, but rather one of the RAF's specialized SIGINT reconnaissance aircraft, the procurement of a replacement was given the highest priority.


1995 Royal Air Force Nimrod R1 ditching, Aircraft replacement
By 13 June 1995, four weeks after the crash, the Government had approved what became known as Project Anneka, after the BBC programme Challenge Anneka, with a budget of up to £30m. A stored MR2 was selected for conversion to R1 standard, after which it was serviced, before having its ASW equipment removed and a full set of the highly secret communications intelligence and electronic intelligence gathering equipment installed. The installation work and testing was eventually completed by 28 April 1997, and the new aircraft (XV249) was delivered to 51 Squadron.


1995 Rugby League Emerging Nations Tournament
The 1995 Rugby League Emerging Nations Tournament was held alongside the Centenary Rugby League World Cup. Although the competition received little build-up or promotion, the novelty value of the teams taking part encouraged relatively large crowds, and the competition was a success. A crowd of 4,147 was present at Gigg Lane, Bury for the final between the Cook Islands and Ireland.


1995 Rugby League Emerging Nations Tournament, Venues
The games were played at various venues in England. The Final was played at Gigg Lane in Bury.


1995 Rugby League World Cup
The 1995 Rugby League World Cup was held during October in the United Kingdom. It was the eleventh staging of the Rugby League World Cup and was marketed as the Halifax Centenary World Cup, reflecting the tournament's sponsorship and the fact that 1995 marked the centenary of the sport. Envisaged as a celebration of rugby league football, the size of the competition was doubled, with four additional teams invited and Great Britain split into England and Wales (Scotland and Ireland took part in the Emerging Nations Tournament that was held alongside the World Cup.)


1995 Rugby League World Cup
The tournament had been preceded by doubts and pessimism; many feared that it would produce one-sided-matches that would be unattractive to supporters. The forthcoming Super League war also hung over the tournament, with the Australian Rugby League refusing to select players who had signed for the rival competition.


1995 Rugby League World Cup
In the event, the fears proved unfounded, and the tournament was acclaimed a great success. Although many early matches did prove as one-sided as feared, fans still flocked to see newer rugby league nations such as Fiji, Tonga, Western Samoa and South Africa. Large home crowds for the group involving Wales proved particularly encouraging for the sport.


1995 Rugby League World Cup
For the 1995 tournament, a £10,000 cup was made by Tiffanys to celebrate the centenary of the game.


1995 Rugby League World Cup
The final between Australia and England drew a crowd of 66,540 to Wembley Stadium. Australia won the tournament, their eighth World Cup win and fifth in succession.


1995 Rugby League World Cup, Teams
Ten teams competed in the Centenary World Cup: Australia, England, Fiji, France, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea, South Africa, Tonga, Wales and Western Samoa. It was the first time since the 1975 World Series that the Great Britain team was split into England and Wales. Fiji, South Africa, Tonga and Western Samoa were all making their World Cup débuts.


1995 Rugby League World Cup, Teams
A sore point for the tournaments organisers was that Australia was missing a large portion of their best players, a number of whom had been Kangaroo Tourists the previous year, due to the Super League war and the ARL's refusal to select Super League aligned players. Australia's win in the end with what many considered to be a second-string side was seen as a blow to the rebel Super League organisation, with which every other nation was aligned.


1995 Rugby League World Cup, Teams
In light of the ARL's stance on not selecting players who had signed with Super League, Canberra Raiders players Laurie Daley, Ricky Stuart, Bradley Clyde, Steve Walters and Brett Mullins, won a court order against the ARL making SL players eligible for representative games. However, despite assurances from the ARL that all players were considered, it came as no surprise when only ARL loyal players made the Kangaroos World Cup squad. As one unnamed ARL official allegedly said, the court decision only forced the ARL to consider Super League players, they were not forced select them. As the list of players considered for the squad was never made public by the ARL it remains unknown how many, if any, SL players were actually considered for World Cup selection with rumours persisting that no SL player was actually given any consideration.


1995 Rugby League World Cup, Venues
The games were played at various venues in England and Wales.


1995 Rugby League World Cup, Venues
Wembley Stadium in London was the host stadium for the opening ceremony and match featuring hosts England and defending champions Australia. Wembley, England's national stadium, would also host the Final of the tournament.


1995 Rugby League World Cup, Matches, Semi-finals
England as expected defeated reigning European Champions Wales in their Semi-final at Old Trafford. The other Semi at Huddersfield almost produced a boil over. After defeating New Zealand 3–0 in the Trans-Tasman Test series earlier in the year, and with the Kiwis lackluster form in their Group B games, Australia was expected to easily account for Frank Endacott's side, but the Kiwis found form and the game ended 20–all at the end of 80 minutes. However, 20 minutes of extra time saw Australia skip away to a 30–20 win to book their place in the Final at Wembley.


1995 Rugby League World Cup, Matches, Final
The Australians had reached the final after a hard-fought 30–20 Semi-final win over New Zealand at the McAlpine Stadium which had gone into extra time after the score was locked at 20-all after 80 minutes. Their opponents and tournament host England, had an easier time defeating Wales 25–10 in their Semi at Old Trafford. Even though they were favoured to win, Australia went into the final having lost three of their past four games at Wembley (the only win being the World Cup final of 1992), and had already lost the opening match of the tournament there to the English.


1995 Rugby League World Cup, Matches, Final
Also, due to the ARL's policy of not selecting Super League aligned players, the Kangaroos went into the game with 11 of their 17 players under the age of 24. Although considered mostly a 'second string' team without the likes of Laurie Daley, Ricky Stuart, Andrew Ettingshausen, Steve Renouf, Steve Walters and Glenn Lazarus, most of the Kangaroos had played in the 3–0 whitewash of New Zealand in the Trans-Tasman series earlier in the year. Kangaroos captain and five-eighth Brad Fittler and fullback Tim Brasher were the only members of Australia's 1992 World Cup Final win over Great Britain at Wembley, with both players in the same positions as they had been three years previously.


1995 Rugby League World Cup, Matches, Final
England's captain Shaun Edwards ruled himself out of the final with an infected knee. Despite almost being ruled out of the tournament with pneumonia, St Helens centre Paul Newlove was selected by coach Phil Larder for starting line-up in the final. Larder also handed the captaincy to veteran test forward Denis Betts. With the former Wigan back rower now playing for the Auckland Warriors in the Australian premiership, his selection as captain created history as he became the first player to captain England while not currently playing in the British competition.


1995 Rugby League World Cup, Matches, Final
After winning in 1992, Australian coach Bob Fulton became just the second coach (after Harry Bath) to win two Rugby League World Cups. It was Fulton's 5th World Cup win after also winning in 1968, 1970 and 1975 as a player. Coincidentally, Fulton's coach in the 1968 and 1970 World Cup Finals was Harry Bath.


1995 Rugby League World Cup, Matches, Final
England won the coin toss and Australia's Andrew Johns kicked off the match. In England's first set with the ball Australia were penalised for their skipper Brad Fittler's high tackle on Andrew Farrell. From the resulting good field position England were able to force a line drop-out and get another set of six in Australia's half of the field. At the end of the set, Radlinski put up a high kick, which Australia's fullback Tim Brasher failed to secure and Australia were penalised for regathering the ball when off-side.


1995 Rugby League World Cup, Matches, Final
Bobbie Goulding kicked the penalty goal from fifteen metres out, giving his side a 2 – 0 lead. From Australia's resulting kick-off, the English players couldn't secure the ball and it was regathered by the Kangaroos deep in the opposition half. On the last tackle of the ensuing set, Johns at first receiver put a chip kick into the left-hand corner of England's in-goal area where winger Rod Wishart dived in and got a hand on it, giving Australia the first try of the match in the seventh minute.