1982 Southwark London Borough Council election, By-Elections
The by-election was called following the resignation of Cllr. James Patrick


1982 Southwark London Borough Council election, By-Elections
The by-election was called following the resignation of Cllr. Robert Smyth


1982 Southwark London Borough Council election, By-Elections
The by-election was called following the resignation of Cllr. Ronald Slater


1982 Southwark London Borough Council election, By-Elections
The by-election was called following the resignation of Cllr. John Meakin


1982 Southwark London Borough Council election, By-Elections
The by-election was called following the resignation of Cllr. Paula Moore


1982 Southwark London Borough Council election, By-Elections
The by-election was called following the resignation of Cllr. Harold Young


1982 Southwark London Borough Council election, By-Elections
The by-election was called following the resignation of Cllr. Barbara Burgess


1982 Southwark London Borough Council election, By-Elections
The by-election was called following the resignation of Cllr. John Fowler


1982 Southwest Conference Baseball Tournament
The 1982 Southwest Conference Baseball Tournament was the league's annual postseason tournament used to determine the Southwest Conference's (SWC) automatic bid to the 1982 NCAA Division I Baseball Tournament. The tournament was held from May 14 through May 16 at Olsen Field on the campus of Texas A&M University in College Station, TX.


1982 Southwest Conference Baseball Tournament
The number 1 seed Texas Longhorns went 3-0 to win the team's 4th SWC Tournament under head coach Cliff Gustafson.


1982 Southwest Conference Baseball Tournament, Format and seeding
The tournament featured the top four finishers of the SWC's 8 teams in a double-elimination tournament.


1982 Southwest Conference Men's Basketball Tournament
The 1982 Southwest Conference Men's Basketball Tournament was held March 4-6, 1982 at Reunion Arena in Dallas, TX. The first round took place on March 1 at the higher seeded campus sites.


1982 Southwest Conference Men's Basketball Tournament
Number 1 seed Arkansas defeated 2 seed Houston 84-69 to win their 3rd championship and receive the conference's automatic bid to the 1982 NCAA Tournament.


1982 Southwest Conference Men's Basketball Tournament, Format and Seeding
The tournament consisted of 9 teams in a single-elimination tournament. The 3 seed received a bye to the Quarterfinals and the 1 and 2 seed received a bye to the Semifinals.


1982 Southwest Texas State Bobcats football team
The 1982 Southwest Texas State Bobcats football team was an American football team that represented Southwest Texas State University—now known as Texas State University–as a member of the Lone Star Conference (LSC) during the 1982 NCAA Division II football season. Led by fourth-year head coach Jim Wacker, Southwest Texas State compiled an overall record of 14–0 and claimed the LSC title with a conference mark of 7–0. They won their second consecutive NCAA Division II Football Championship with a win over UC Davis, 34–9, in the Palm Bowl.


1982 Southwestern Louisiana Ragin' Cajuns football team
The 1982 Southwestern Louisiana Ragin' Cajuns football team was an American football team that represented the University of Southwestern Louisiana (now known as the University of Louisiana at Lafayette) as an independent during the 1982 NCAA Division I-A football season. In their third year under head coach Sam Robertson, the team compiled a 7–3–1 record.


1982 Soviet Cup
The 1982 Soviet Cup was an association football cup competition of the Soviet Union. The winner of the competition, Dinamo Kiev qualified for the continental tournament.


1982 Soviet Cup, Competition schedule, Group stage
Games took place between February 19 – March 4, 1982.


1982 Soviet First League
The 1982 Soviet First League was the twelfth season of the Soviet First League and the 42nd season of the Soviet second tier league competition.


1982 Soviet Second League
1982 Soviet Second League was a Soviet competition in the Soviet Second League.


1982 Soviet Second League, Zone 6
1982 Football Championship of Ukrainian SSR was the 52nd season of association football competition of the Ukrainian SSR, which was part of the Soviet Second League in Zone 6. The season started on 4 April 1982. Administratively, the Ukrainian Zone was moved again this time from Zone 5 to Zone 6.


1982 Soviet Second League, Zone 6
The 1982 Football Championship of Ukrainian SSR was won by Bukovyna Chernivtsi. Qualified for the interzonal playoffs, the team from Chernivtsi Oblast did not manage to gain promotion by placing last in its group.


1982 Soviet Second League, Zone 6
The "Ruby Cup" of Molod Ukrayiny newspaper (for the most scored goals) was received by Bukovyna Chernivtsi.


1982 Soviet Top League, Overview
It was contested by 18 teams, and Dinamo Minsk won the championship.


1982 Soviet Top League, Medal squads
Goalkeepers: Mikhail Vergeyenko (28 / 1), Yury Kurbyko (7). Defenders: Yuri Kurnenin (31 / 7), Yury Trukhan (29), Viktor Yanushevsky (27), Sergei Borovsky (25), Viktor Shishkin (18), Liudas Rumbutis (17), Igor Belov (12). Midfielders: Aleksandr Prokopenko (31 / 11), Sergey Gotsmanov (31 / 2), Andrei Zygmantovich (30 / 2), Yuri Pudyshev (29 / 3), Sergei Aleinikov (21 / 8), Valeri Melnikov (18), Alyaksandr Vanyushkin (1). Forwards: Georgi Kondratyev (32 / 10), Igor Gurinovich (28 / 13), Pyotr Vasilevsky (20 / 5), Viktor Sokol (2 / 1).


1982 Soviet Top League, Medal squads
Goalkeepers: Viktor Chanov (24), Mykhaylo Mykhaylov (12). Defenders: Anatoliy Demyanenko (32 / 5), Oleksandr Sorokalet (29), Volodymyr Lozynskyi (28 / 1), Sergei Baltacha (26 / 1), Mykhaylo Olefirenko (25 / 2), Volodymyr Bezsonov (18 / 4), Oleksandr Boyko (12), Yuriy Makhynya (2). Midfielders: Andriy Bal (31 / 5), Yaroslav Dumanskyi (29 / 2), Leonid Buryak (21 / 3), Aleksandr Khapsalis (14 / 2), Vasyl Rats (11 / 1), Volodymyr Veremeyev (10), Pavlo Yakovenko (4). Forwards: Viktor Khlus (31 / 10), Vadym Yevtushenko (25 / 9), Oleg Blokhin (24 / 10), Hryhoriy Pasechnyi (4 / 1).


1982 Soviet Top League, Medal squads
Goalkeepers: Rinat Dasayev (28), Aleksei Prudnikov (12). Defenders: Oleg Romantsev (33 / 1), Vladimir Sochnov (33 / 1), Gennady Morozov (27), Vladimir Shcherbak (24), Boris Pozdnyakov (19), Vladimir Bukiyevskiy (4), Ivan Vyshnevskyi (2), Alexander Mirzoyan (2). Midfielders: Sergey Shavlo (34 / 11), Fyodor Cherenkov (33 / 10), Yuri Gavrilov (31 / 6), Edgar Gess (30 / 5), Yevgeni Kuznetsov (17), Sergei Nikitin (2). Forwards: Sergey Rodionov (30 / 9), Aleksandr Kalashnikov (26 / 5), Sergei Shvetsov (24 / 9), Viktor Hrachov (5 / 1), Mikhail Rusyayev (3), Vladimir Nikonov (1), Oleg Smirnov (1).


1982 Soviet Top League, Medal squads
Transferred out during the season: Viktor Hrachov (to FC Shakhtar Donetsk).


1982 Soviet nuclear tests
The Soviet Union's 1982 nuclear test series was a group of 20 nuclear tests conducted in 1982. These tests  followed the 1981 Soviet nuclear tests series and preceded the 1983 Soviet nuclear tests series.


1982 Sovran Bank Classic
The 1982 Sovran Bank Classic was a men's tennis tournament and was played on outdoor clay courts. The event was part of the 1982 Grand Prix circuit. It was the 14th edition of the tournament and was held at Rock Creek Park in Washington, D.C. from July 19 through July 25, 1982. First-seeded Ivan Lendl won the singles title.


1982 Sovran Bank Classic, Finals, Doubles
Raúl Ramírez /  Van Winitsky defeated  Hans Gildemeister /  Andrés Gómez 7–5, 7–6


1982 Spanish coup d'état attempt
The October 27, 1982, coup d'état attempt was a conspiracy conceived in Spain to overthrow the government. Meant to take place on October 27, 1982, a day before national elections, the plan was discovered and foiled the preceding October 1. Although made public, the importance of the coup attempt was downplayed with the cooperation of the main media, in order to avoid raising social unrest. This coup d'état plan hardly affected the election campaign for the October 28 elections, won by Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE). Over time, it has become an obscure chapter in Spanish history.


1982 Spanish coup d'état attempt, Dismantlement
The plans for the coup d'état were more precise than those of the 23-F previously attempted coup. On October 1, the Home Office Secretary Juan José Rosón had knowledge of the conspiracy. After appraising the situation, Rosón as well as the president of government Leopoldo Calvo Sotelo and Manglano, director of the CESID, decided it was preferable to intervene in a quick way, without more investigations, to avoid a more complicated situation. Because of this, on  Sunday October 2, early in the morning, the three top suspects were arrested. They were Artillery Colonels Luis Muñoz Gutiérrez and Jesús Crespo Cuspinera, as well as his brother, lieutenant colonel José Crespo Cuspinera. At the same time several persons, convicted for the 23-F coup were moved to other prisons, notably the chief of that coup, Jaime Milans del Bosch into Algeciras correctional.


1982 Spanish coup d'état attempt, Dismantlement
It is evident that Jaime Milans del Bosch met Colonel Muñoz Gutiérrez, one of the three implicated, in Fuencarral prison. Milans Bosch would be freed and he would lead the rest of the actions of the coup d'état.


1982 Spanish coup d'état attempt, The plan
The plan, codenamed "MN", possibly in relation to the Movimiento Nacional, was to prepare several violent actions against progressive personalities, autonomists and leftists, to culminate later with a great explosion in a block of military houses in Madrid. All this would be blamed on ETA and the inefficiency in the fight against the terrorism, as a means to justify military intervention.


1982 Spanish coup d'état attempt, The plan
The action would be carried out on 27 October, eve of the general elections. At a certain time which was not specified, the Academy of Artillery of Fuencarral where Milans del Bosch was, would be occupied. Later the chain of command would be neutralized occupying the Captaincy General of Madrid and the center of operations of the Board of Joint Chiefs of Staff.


1982 Spanish coup d'état attempt, The plan
The state of war would be declared and 80 commandos would be positioned in three rings that would encircle Madrid, controlling all power headquarters, like Zarzuela, (royal residence), Moncloa (governmental residence), Ministries, Spanish television TVE and radio stations. Conspirators counted on collaboration by Unit of Colmenar Viejo Helicopters and two Companies of Special Operations (COES) of Madrid.


1982 Spanish coup d'état attempt, Consequences
The three persons arrested were put to trial, but the investigation was not especially rigorous. The strategy of the PSOE, that won the elections of the 28 October by absolute majority, was to minimize this conspiracy, attempting to reinstate relationships with a distrustful army.


1982 Spanish general election
The 1982 Spanish general election was held on Thursday, 28 October 1982, to elect the 2nd Cortes Generales of the Kingdom of Spain. All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies were up for election, as well as 208 of 254 seats in the Senate.


1982 Spanish general election
The election was called several months ahead of schedule on 27 August 1982, by the then Prime Minister Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo, amid poor opinion poll ratings and severe infighting within his party, the Union of the Democratic Centre (UCD), that had seen the splits of former prime minister Adolfo Suárez's Democratic and Social Centre (CDS), Óscar Alzaga's People's Democratic Party (PDP) and the Democratic Action Party (PAD) of former minister Francisco Fernández Ordóñez.


1982 Spanish general election
The closing legislature had been characterized by political instability and the effects of an economic downturn resulting from the 1979 oil crisis: Suárez himself had resigned the premiership in January 1981 as a result of the ongoing UCD crisis, a military coup d'etat attempt had been thwarted during Calvo-Sotelo's investiture on 23 February 1981, and the UCD had become increasingly isolated during the administrative set up of the so-called "state of the autonomies", both parliamentarily—a result of its minority status and continuous defections—and politically, having been routed in every regional election held since 1979: the Basque Country, Catalonia, Galicia and Andalusia. Calvo-Sotelo himself had chosen not to run for re-election.


1982 Spanish general election
The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) led by Felipe González won the largest landslide victory in a Spanish democratic election, with 48.1% of the vote and a strong majority of 202 out of 350 seats in the Congress, by running a mainstream modern social democratic campaign and appealing to political change.


1982 Spanish general election
The UCD, on the other hand, was decimated, losing 93% of its 1979 seats and roughly 80% of its 1979 vote—still the worst defeat that a sitting government has suffered since the restoration of democracy, and one of the worst defeats ever suffered by a governing party in the Western world. The right-wing People's Alliance (AP), led into the election by former Francoist minister Manuel Fraga, benefitted greatly from the UCD's losses, becoming the main opposition party to the Socialists with slightly over 100 seats and 26.4% of the vote.


1982 Spanish general election
Adolfo Suárez's CDS had a modest entry into the Congress with 2 seats and 2.9% of the vote, while the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) vote plummeted, suffering from tactical voting to the PSOE. Turnout remains, at 79.97%, the highest ever recorded in a general election held in Spain to date. The 1982 election was the last general election to be held on a day other than Sunday.


1982 Spanish general election
González took office on 2 December, heading the first government in 43 years in which none of its members had served under Francoism.


1982 Spanish general election, Overview, Electoral system
The Spanish Cortes Generales were envisaged as an imperfect bicameral system. The Congress of Deputies had greater legislative power than the Senate, having the ability to vote confidence in or withdraw it from a Prime Minister and to override Senate vetoes by an absolute majority of votes. Nonetheless, the Senate possessed a few exclusive, yet limited in number functions—such as its role in constitutional amendment—which were not subject to the Congress' override. Voting for the Cortes Generales was on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprised all nationals over eighteen and in full enjoyment of their political rights.


1982 Spanish general election, Overview, Electoral system
For the Congress of Deputies, 348 seats were elected using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional representation, with an electoral threshold of three percent of valid votes—which included blank ballots—being applied in each constituency. Seats were allocated to constituencies, corresponding to the provinces of Spain, with each being allocated an initial minimum of two seats and the remaining 248 being distributed in proportion to their populations. Ceuta and Melilla were allocated the two remaining seats, which were elected using plurality voting. The use of the D'Hondt method might result in a higher effective threshold, depending on the district magnitude.


1982 Spanish general election, Overview, Electoral system
For the Senate, 208 seats were elected using an open list partial block voting, with electors voting for individual candidates instead of parties. In constituencies electing four seats, electors could vote for up to three candidates; in those with two or three seats, for up to two candidates; and for one candidate in single-member districts.


1982 Spanish general election, Overview, Electoral system
Each of the 47 peninsular provinces was allocated four seats, whereas for insular provinces, such as the Balearic and Canary Islands, districts were the islands themselves, with the larger—Majorca, Gran Canaria and Tenerife—being allocated three seats each, and the smaller—Menorca, Ibiza–Formentera, Fuerteventura, La Gomera, El Hierro, Lanzarote and La Palma—one each. Ceuta and Melilla elected two seats each. The law also provided for by-elections to fill seats vacated up to two years into the legislature. Additionally, autonomous communities could appoint at least one senator each and were entitled to one additional senator per each million inhabitants.


1982 Spanish general election, Overview, Election date
The term of each chamber of the Cortes Generales—the Congress and the Senate—expired four years from the date of their previous election, unless they were dissolved earlier. An election was required to be held within from thirty to sixty days after the date of expiry of the Cortes Generales. The previous election was held on 1 March 1979, which meant that the legislature's term would expire on 1 March 1983. An election was to take place no later than the sixtieth day from the expiry, setting the latest possible election date for the Cortes Generales on Saturday, 30 April 1983.


1982 Spanish general election, Overview, Election date
The prime minister had the prerogative to dissolve both chambers at any given time—either jointly or separately—and call a snap election, provided that no motion of no confidence was in process, no state of emergency was in force and that dissolution did not occur before one year had elapsed since the previous one. Additionally, both chambers were to be dissolved and a new election called if an investiture process failed to elect a prime minister within a two-month period from the first ballot. Barred this exception, there was no constitutional requirement for simultaneous elections for the Congress and the Senate. Still, as of 2021 there has been no precedent of separate elections taking place under the 1978 Constitution, with governments having long preferred that elections for the two chambers of the Cortes take place simultaneously.


1982 Spanish general election, Parties and candidates
The electoral law allowed for parties and federations registered in the interior ministry, coalitions and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates. Parties and federations intending to form a coalition ahead of an election were required to inform the relevant Electoral Commission within fifteen days of the election call, whereas groupings of electors needed to secure the signature of at least one permille—and, in any case, 500 signatures—of the electorate in the constituencies for which they sought election, disallowing electors from signing for more than one list of candidates.


1982 Spanish general election, Parties and candidates
Below is a list of the main parties and coalitions which contested the election:


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term
The I Legislature started with the UCD victory in the 1979 election, in which it received an increased plurality of 168 seats, but still short of an absolute majority. In his investiture speech as Prime Minister on 30 March, Adolfo Suárez outlined the main areas of his policy, including the constitutional development involving the implementation and structuring of the State of Autonomies. Subsequently, in April 1979, the first municipal elections since the Second Spanish Republic were held, in which UCD won in the overall vote tally, but lost control of the main urban centers to PSOE-PCE alliances.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term
From 1979 the political situation in Spain began to deteriorate as a result of different factors. On one hand, an increase of terrorist activity by ETA, which resulted in 77 dead in 1979 and 95 in 1980, and the government's perceived inability to cope with the situation. Discontent among far-right groups with Suárez's democratic reforms resulted in the conspiration that would lead to the 23-F failed coup. The economic situation had also started to worsen after the start of the 1979 energy crisis and an increase on the oil barrel price.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term
During Suárez's second term in office, inflation remained steady at 15% for several years, public deficit soared from 1.7% to 6% and the country's current account would register a net deficit of US$5 billion by 1980. The crisis also saw a sharp increase in unemployment, from 8.1% in March 1979 to 13.4% in March 1981.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term
The end of the political consensus that had dominated the Transition was confirmed with the launch by the PSOE of a tough opposition campaign. As the government was in minority status in the Congress, it was frequent for close votes to happen, with the government losing some of them at times.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term
The harsh Socialist opposition reached a high-point in May 1980 when the PSOE presented a motion of no confidence on Suárez, with Socialist leader Felipe González accusing him and his government of "poor handling of the economic and social situation", as well as "repeatedly failing to fulfill campaign promises and breaching of agreements with other political forces and within the Cortes Generales themselves". While the motion was defeated—166 votes against, 152 in favour and 21 abstentions—it was regarded as a political victory of González.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term
Suárez found himself politically isolated—its party being the only one voting against the motion—and the resulting debate, broadcast live on radio and later on television with high audience shares, gave González a pretext to expose the Socialist government program and to present the PSOE as a viable alternative to the UCD.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term
Growing division within UCD, with internal dissension and criticism gradually undermining the position of Suárez, also often resulted in the Prime Minister clashing with members of his own party. This was the result of the complex amalgamation of forces of very varying ideologies—social democrats, conservatives, liberals and christian democrats—into a party that was artificially created around the figure of Adolfo Suárez for the sole purpose of ruling. When UCD's popularity in opinion polls began to fall, internal tension began to flourish. The start of the UCD crisis would be a foreshadowing of what was to come in the later states of the I Legislature.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term, The autonomic process
The adoption of the first Statutes of Autonomy in Catalonia and the Basque Country led to the first regional elections in 1980, which gave a plurality to nationalist parties (CiU and PNV) and to disappointing results for UCD. Both Statutes were approved by the Catalan and Basque citizens through referendums with wide margins, complying with the procedure provided in article 151 of the Constitution for the "fast route" of accessing to autonomy, which allowed for an immediate assumption of full competences.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term, The autonomic process
The article 151 procedure was initially thought just for the three "historical nationalities" that had approved a "Statute of Autonomy" of its own during the Second Spanish Republic – namely, the Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia (which would see its own Statute approved in 1981) – while the rest would accede to autonomy via article 143, assuming fewer powers through a slower and longer process and maybe not even establishing institutions of self-government.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term, The autonomic process
Andalusia representatives, however, were firmly opposed to this and demanded for their region the maximum level of competences granted to the "historical nationalities". After a massive rally in support of autonomy held on 4 December 1977, a referendum was accepted to be organized for Andalusia to attain autonomy through the strict requirements of article 151, which required that in all of the provinces that were to constitute the new autonomy the 'Yes' had to win the support of over half of registered voters.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term, The autonomic process
The UCD, which was opposed to Andalusia accessing autonomy through article 151, called for abstention in the referendum, with the PSOE calling for a vote in favour. Eventually, in one of the eight provinces, Almería, the requirement of more than half of registered voters voting in favour was not met because of a high abstention, despite an overwhelming victory for the 'Yes' in Almería and the remainder of Andalusia.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term, The autonomic process
After several months of discussion, Adolfo Suárez and Felipe González reached an agreement whereby the Congress would approve an amendment allowing for Andalusia to take the "fast route" and have its Statute approved. As part of the agreement, no other region would use the procedure of article 151, but in exchange, all future autonomous communities would be allowed to establish a parliamentary system with all institutions of self-government.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term, The autonomic process
These 'autonomic pacts' between UCD and PSOE would later be formalized with the approving by Congress of the Organic Law of Armonization of the Autonomic Process (known by its acronym, LOAPA) in July 1982. The LOAPA provided for the devolution of competences to take place gradually, according to the ability of each region to assume them, so that in the end all of them possessed the same level of competences. The Law, however, was challenged as unconstitutional by the Catalan and Basque nationalists, with 14 out of its 38 articles being later invalidated by the Spanish Constitutional Court in August 1983.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term, The autonomic process
However, the UCD image in Andalusia would remain seriously damaged from this point afterwards as a result of the party's opposition to the application of article 151. The UCD was also accused during the referendum campaign of obstructing the ratification process of the Statute and of failing to offer the needed democratic guarantees for the referendum's celebration. This, coupled with the ongoing national crisis affecting the party, would result in the UCD being nearly wiped out in the first Andalusian regional election of May 1982, in which the party would fall below 15% to a discreet third place. The PSOE, on the other hand, became very popular, seen as the party defending the Andalusian people's interests, and would become the dominant force in the region from that point onwards.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term, Suárez's resignation and 23-F
These factors combined with an increasing political isolation and alleged pressures from military sectors led to Adolfo Suárez announcing his resignation as Prime Minister and party leader on 29 January 1981. In his resignation speech Suárez did not elaborate on the reasons motivating his departure; only that he thought that his resignation was "more beneficial to Spain than his stay in the Presidency" and that he "did not want the democratic system to be a parenthesis in the history of the country". Proposed as his successor was Second Deputy Prime Minister and Economy Minister Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo. It was rumoured that high-ranking military officials would have advised King Juan Carlos I to dismiss Suárez as a result of growing discontent with him from former ruling far-right sectors, the military and Suárez's party itself, though this was not confirmed.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term, Suárez's resignation and 23-F
Upon Suárez's resignation, events rushed. On 1 February, the Almendros Collective published a pro-coup article in the El Alcázar far-right newspaper; from 2 to 4 February, the monarchs visits the Basque Country, where Herri Batasuna MPs receive them with strong booing and several incidents, and on the same week, several people were found kidnapped or murdered by ETA. Amidst this tense climate, UCD's 2nd party congress is held from 6 to 9 February, where the party was internally divided.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term, Suárez's resignation and 23-F
Agustín Rodríguez Sahagún was elected as new party President, and on 10 February Calvo-Sotelo was confirmed as PM candidate for the investiture vote to be held on 20 February. Calvo-Sotelo, however, was unable to command the required absolute majority of votes in the first round; as a result, a second round was postponed to 23 February.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term, Suárez's resignation and 23-F
It was in that day, during Calvo-Sotelo's investiture, that the different coup plots that had been plotting since the beginning of the Transition met in a coordinated action in what was known as the 23-F coup d'etat attempt. A group of Guardia Civil members under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Antonio Tejero assaulted the Congress of Deputies, kidnapping both the legislative and executive power within. At the same time, Lieutenant General Jaime Milans del Bosch ordered tanks onto the streets of Valencia and decreed a state of emergency.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1979–81: Suárez's second term, Suárez's resignation and 23-F
The attempt eventually failed, however, as it did not count with the military's support. Key was King Juan Carlos I's role, broadcasting a message to Spaniards reassuring them of his personal opposition to the coup and his commitment with democracy and ordering the military rebels to stand down and surrender to constitutional order. Afterwards, Calvo-Sotelo was elected new Prime Minister with 186 votes, gaining the temporary support of CiU, the PAR and the entirety of AP as a result of the coup.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1981–82: Calvo-Sotelo's tenure
Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo's one-year term in office was marked by several events which further undermined UCD's electoral base. The colza oil scandal of 1981, in which the illegal marketing of denatured rapeseed oil (intended for industrial use) for food purposes resulted in the mass poisoning of 20,000 people and the death of over 600. The legalization of divorce in mid-1981 met with criticism from the Catholic Church and the most conservative sectors within the UCD, which even demanded the resignation of Justice Minister Francisco Fernández Ordóñez, promoter of the law.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1981–82: Calvo-Sotelo's tenure
The schism within UCD kept growing even after Suárez's departure from its leadership and desertions began to intensify. By early 1982, the UCD's parliamentary group was reduced to 164 in the Congress from 168 in the 1979 election (and with many within the group not following the party-line) and 108 in the Senate (out of the 121 it was entitled to), after Fernández Ordóñez split with his Democratic Action Party (PAD).


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1981–82: Calvo-Sotelo's tenure
By this point, defections and splits had begun to take a toll on the government's ability to win parliamentary votes, resulting in events such as the UCD defeat in the 1982 budget voting. Sotelo would assume full leadership over the UCD on 21 November 1981, succeeding Rodríguez Sahagún as party president.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1981–82: Calvo-Sotelo's tenure
Also during Calvo-Sotelo's tenure, Spain negotiated and accomplished its integration within NATO in May 1982. This move was met with the staunch opposition of the parliamentary left, headed by Felipe González' PSOE, which promised to hold a referendum on the issue if it ever came to government.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1981–82: Calvo-Sotelo's tenure
But it also caused a rift between Calvo-Sotelo and former PM Adolfo Suárez, still a UCD MP, on the grounds that the incumbent Cabinet had not been duly informed of the possible consequences of an eventual Spanish entry into NATO, as well as the haste and rush with which the integration process was being carried out.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1981–82: Calvo-Sotelo's tenure
On 20 October 1981, the first Galician regional election was held. Seen as an UCD stronghold after its landslide wins in the region in both the 1977 and 1979 general election, the UCD was predicted an easy win, despite the already-expected loss in support. However, voters' weariness with the UCD's internal crisis and its management of the country resulted in a surprise win for the right-wing People's Alliance on an extremely low turnout (46.3%).


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1981–82: Calvo-Sotelo's tenure
While AP's victory was narrow (a 3-point margin), the result evidenced the enormous loss of support for the UCD in the urban areas and how AP was beginning to capitalize on its losses. This was followed by the party's collapse in the 23 May 1982 Andalusian election; garnering only 13% of the votes (from 32% in 1979) and also surpassed by AP, it was considered a disaster for the party.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, 1981–82: Calvo-Sotelo's tenure
The dimensions of the electoral setback were unassailable (loss of 60% of its 1979 vote and displaced by AP as the main referent of the right in Spain's most populated region) and it had happened even after many of Calvo-Sotelo's Cabinet members had personally committed themselves to the election campaign (with up to 10 Ministers and Prime Minister Calvo-Sotelo himself publicly supporting the UCD candidate in Andalusia, Luis Merino). The national implications of the electoral results could not be ignored as the UCD had tried to do in Galicia, and the effects in national opinion polls were immediate; from that point onwards, the UCD began to trail both AP and the PSOE and was relegated to third party status.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, Snap election
The Andalusian election debacle paved the way for the party's final decomposition in the run up to the next general election. Calvo-Sotelo announced in July 1982 his intention not to run as his party's main candidate for the premiership and resigned from the UCD presidency, but remained as Prime Minister. Replacing him as party candidate and leader was Landelino Lavilla, elected with a strong internal opposition (with the support of only 67% despite being the only party candidate).


1982 Spanish general election, Background, Snap election
Concurrently, the UCD's continuous splits in the Congress (with its parliamentary group reduced to 150 out of 350) had, by the summer of 1982, deprived the party of a workable majority to govern until the end of the legislature in 1983, causing Calvo-Sotelo to announce the Cortes' dissolution and the call of a snap election for 28 October before the Parliament's reopening in September. Bill proposals such as the Statutes of Autonomy of Madrid, the Balearic Islands, Castile and León and Extremadura or the 1983 budget, scheduled to be approved throughout the autumn, had to be delayed until after the election as a result.


1982 Spanish general election, Background, Snap election
Adolfo Suárez, himself the UCD's founder, staged one of the most remarkable splits by founding the centrist Democratic and Social Centre (CDS) and announcing his intention to run on its own in the next general election. Also splitting from UCD was the new christian democrat People's Democratic Party (PDP) of Óscar Alzaga, which would run in coalition with AP. Had the Cortes reopened in September after the holidays as it was initially scheduled, the UCD parliamentary group in the Congress would have been down to 124, even less than a hypothetical sum of the PSOE and PAD parties (128 seats).


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Pre-election
One of the most discussed issues in the road to the 1982 general election was the parties' policy of electoral alliances. Fernández Ordóñez' PAD had already reached an agreement by the spring of 1982 to run under the PSOE banner, while talks for an eventual AP–PDP coalition were underway already before the Cortes' dissolution, being confirmed in early September. Initially confirmed was also the nationwide coalition between the UCD and the Liberal Democratic Party (PDL) of Antonio Garrigues Walker under the UCD banner; the PDL having been founded in July amidst the internal crisis of UCD.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Pre-election
However, the UCD–PDL alliance broke apart because of "technical differences" in the making up of electoral lists, with the PDL opting for not contesting the election. Some sectors within UCD had also tried to ally itself with Suárez's CDS with little success as a result of the latter's refusal, with the UCD's general reluctance against any electoral coalition in which it was not dominant causing new internal clashes within the party, as the belief of it heading towards election defeat increased.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Pre-election
There were also voices within the party calling for a nationwide coalition with Manuel Fraga's AP, which was rejected by the party's leadership, although a coalition at the regional level between both parties for the Basque Country was confirmed on the basis of "exceptional circumstances" existing in the territory.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Pre-election
People from the business and banking world, concerned about a hypothetical victory of the PSOE with an absolute majority, also voiced their support for an UCD–AP coalition, criticizing the centrists' rejection of such an agreement, while Manuel Fraga was confident in that "the natural majority [a hypothetical union of the Spanish centre-right electorate] will be realized, either from above or from below". However, Lavilla wanted to distance himself and his party from the right and appeal to the centre of the political spectrum, viewing AP as too right-wing for that purpose.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Pre-election
During the first days of October, preparations for a coup d'etat attempt scheduled for 27 October (on Election Day's eve) were unveiled and foiled. The plan was to stage a number of violent actions against different personalities, to culminate later with a great explosion in a block of military houses in Madrid. This would be blamed on ETA and the inefficiency in the fight against terrorism as a means to justify a military takeover.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Pre-election
The importance of the coup attempt was downplayed by the media in order to avoid raising social unrest, and it hardly affected the election campaign starting on 7 October. PSOE Vice Secretary-General Alfonso Guerra, however, would state that the incorporation of the Army to democracy was to be one of the goals of a future PSOE government.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Development
The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party centered its campaign on the perceived need for a political change in the Spanish government. Unlike the 1977 and 1979 campaigns, the PSOE resorted to a catch-all party strategy, presenting itself as the "only effective alternative to UCD". It used a single, simple and catchy slogan ("For change"), meant to simplify the party's message as well as to transmit confidence in the new government. Raised fists and singing of The Internationale also disappeared from PSOE's rallies.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Development
Instead, seeking to move away from its traditional left-wing stance and to appeal to a broader electorate through a more centrist platform, the party usually ended its rallies with a jingle ("We must change") centering on the message of "change". The PSOE also relied in a strong personalization around the figure of Felipe González, appealing to ethics and messages of hope as drivers of the political change, but also to show an image of party unity in contrast to the UCD's internal infighting of the previous years. The party's final campaign rally on 26 October, held in the University City of Madrid, was estimated to have gathered roughly half a million people.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Development
Among the PSOE election pledges were the creation of 800,000 employments, the nationalization of banks in a critical economic situation and the decrease of retirement age from 69 to 64, as well as to establish the maximum working time at 40-hour week. It also proposed a wide range of social policies: raising taxes to higher incomes, increasing lowest-earning pensions, promotion of public companies, to increase control and monitoring of companies by workers, to expand unemployment insurances and to reduce social inequality through the social security. Regarding NATO, the PSOE was also a staunch advocate of Spain's exit from the organization, though eventually it would defend a 'Yes' vote in the 1986 referendum on NATO membership.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Development
Leading all opinion polls and fresh from its success in the May Andalusian regional election, the PSOE was widely expected to win the election; its victory being so assured that all other parties' efforts were directed towards avoiding a Socialist absolute majority so that it had to govern through coalitions or agreements, rather than in winning the election themselves.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Development
The Union of the Democratic Centre tried to campaign focusing on the values of the centre against the alleged radicalism of the PSOE and AP, the two of them had begun to polarize the political scene by 1982.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Development
Nonetheless, the UCD campaign was plagued by organizational problems. No proper campaign chief was named, the messages were varied and confusing and the economic waste, despite being the best-funded campaign, was deemed unaffordable given the electoral prospects. No attempt for simplification of the party's message was made; their proposals consisting of dense and long texts to the simpler and more effective slogans of the other parties.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Development
Incumbent Prime Minister Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo was mostly left out from the party campaign, and defections to other parties as well as the refusal to form a broad centre-right coalition with AP had left the UCD in a weak position to voters. Landelino Lavilla was also deemed to have poor public performances: in an opinion article published during the campaign on the Cambio 16 magazine it was noted how Lavilla's speeches were unable to incite any euphoria or to make clear any ideas.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Development
Overall, the party campaign was criticised as having been carried out with reluctance and lack of conviction.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Development
The People's Alliance and the People's Democratic Party ran in a common ticket for this election, in what would be a foreshadowing of the future People's Coalition from 1983 to 1986. The coalition's communication strategy for the campaign revolved around two main ideas: emphasis on Manuel Fraga's leadership and in the coalition as the only viable alternative to the PSOE. The coalition strategy was also meant to present itself as an example of political cooperation, contrasting with UCD's disintegration. All in all, the purpose of the AP–PDP ticket was to turn itself into the main centre-right reference force of Spain. Manuel Fraga was also concerned in moderating his right-wing stance, avoiding themes such as death penalty or constitutional reform.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Development
Among AP's election pledges were a tax reduction consisting in the suppression of the wealth tax, exemption from the income tax (IRPF) for incomes lower than 750,000 yearly pesetas, deduction of any economic amount intended for productive investments and the setting of an upper limit to individual tax burden.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Development
It also proposed the political immunity of Administration officials against successive government changes and a partial privatization of the social security system so that only the most basic levels of attendance would be maintained generally, with other benefits depending on what users paid (but providing extensions for the person attending home in each family and to young people unable to find employment after completing their studies). Finally, it advocated for completing the integration of Spain into NATO, ensuring full employment and to guide the cultural policy under christian humanism.


1982 Spanish general election, Campaign, Development
After its success in the 1981 Galician and 1982 Andalusian regional elections, all opinion polls pointed to AP becoming the main Spanish opposition party, but at a great distance from the PSOE.


1982 Spanish general election, Results, Outcome
With a record high turnout of 79.97%, the Spanish political landscape underwent an electoral earthquake. The ruling UCD was devastated; it lost 157 seats and fell to 11, a 93.5% loss from 1979. In terms of votes, it went from 6.3 million down to 1.4 million, a loss of 4.9 million votes or 77.8% of its 1979 vote, and plunged to 6.8% of the share to the 34.8% it had won in 1979—a loss of 80.5% of its share.


1982 Spanish general election, Results, Outcome
Of its 11 seats, 5 were obtained in Galicia, 3 in Castile and León, 2 in the Canary Islands and only 1 in Madrid, winning no seats in all other regions. Incumbent Prime Minister Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo, which stood in second place in the Madrid list, lost his seat—the only time in recent Spanish history that a sitting Prime Minister seeking re-election as MP was unseated.


1982 Spanish general election, Results, Outcome
It was the worst defeat, both in absolute terms and in terms of percentage of seats lost, for a ruling party at the national level in Spain, and one of the worst defeats ever suffered by a governing party in any country at the time, rivaling only with the collapse of Christian Democracy at the 1994 Italian election or the Progressive Conservatives' downfall at the 1993 Canadian election.


1982 Spanish general election, Results, Outcome
The PSOE swept the popular vote in nearly all regions of the country—only AP and PNV wins in Galicia and the Basque Country denied them a clean sweep of the entire national territory. They won a majority of seats in every region but Galicia, La Rioja and the Balearic Islands, and obtained an astounding 60% in Spain's most populous region, Andalusia—a feat never to happen again. In Catalonia it obtained a 23-point lead over the second most-voted party, a result that would only be surpassed by the PSOE's own result in the 2008 election.


1982 Spanish general election, Results, Outcome
Andalusia and Catalonia would become from that point onwards as the main strongholds of PSOE support, which was to remain the dominant political force in both regions in each general election until 2011. Overall, the PSOE won 202 seats—its best historical performance and the best performance of any party in a Spanish general election. This gave them an overwhelming majority in the Congress, nearly doubling the seat-count of its immediate competitor. The PSOE was also the only party to win seats in every district, the first of only three times since the Spanish transition to democracy that this has happened—the other two being PP results in the 2000 and 2011 elections.


1982 Spanish general election, Results, Outcome
The AP-PDP coalition had a major breakthrough, gaining a substantial portion of UCD previous support, displacing it as the main party to the right-of-centre in Spain and becoming the country's main opposition party. Despite only topping the polls in Galicia, its results elsewhere where still considered impressive for a party that, in the 1979 election, had only obtained 6% of the vote and 9 seats. It obtained 107 seats—despite opinion polls predicting that it would be well-below the 100-seat mark—and climbed up to 5.5 million votes.


1982 Spanish general election, Results, Outcome
It did not win any seats, however, in the districts of Ceuta and Melilla, which essentially worked under a FPTP system. The AP-UCD-PDP coalition in the Basque Country won 2 seats, 1 each for Álava and Biscay, being left out from Gipuzkoa. It would also be the only one of three times that AP and its successor, the PP, would win a seat in the district of Girona.


1982 Spanish general election, Results, Outcome
The PCE suffered from PSOE's growth, falling from 23 seats to 4—a loss of 82.6%—and losing 1.1 million votes to 850,000 —a loss of 60%. Furthermore, it fell to 4.02% of the share, from 10.8% in 1979. As a result of not reaching the required 5% threshold and 5 seats to obtain a parliamentary group in Congress of its own, the PCE was forced into the Mixed Group, with the fear of becoming an extraparliamentary party at the next election remaining for the entire legislature. On the other hand, nationalist parties such as PNV and CiU benefitted from the UCD's collapse and enlarged its political representation. CiU gained 4 seats for a total of 12, placing among the top two in Catalonia, a first in a general election since 1977.


1982 Spanish general election, Aftermath
The 202-strong PSOE absolute majority would come to be known as the "roller" (rodillo in Spanish), in reference to the party's overwhelming parliamentary power. Any bill submitted by González' government was assured to be approved by Congress, with the parliamentary process of law-making and approval turning into a mere formality.


1982 Spanish general election, Legacy
The October 1982 general election led to a major reconfiguration of the Spanish political scene. While institutionally, the Spanish transition to democracy ended in December 1978 after the approval of the 1978 Constitution in referendum and its subsequent adoption, historically the transition is considered to have ended with the 1982 election. The threat of a military coup d'etat after the failed 23-F coup had effectively ended, after preparations for the 27-O coup attempt were foiled. The election's aftermath ensured a lasting political stability that would favour the implementation of reforms that would definitely settle democracy in Spain.


1982 Spanish general election, Legacy
Furthermore, the exceptionally high turnout (80%) was seen as a strong endorsement by the Spanish people on the democratic system, and the political earthquake resulting from the election was deemed as the Spaniards' desire to break up with the past and to look into the future, rallying behind the PSOE and the "for change" premises it had campaigned for.


1982 Spanish general election, Legacy
The UCD, the political party which had led the country into the transition from Francisco Franco's dictatorship into a fledgeling democracy, was not only ousted from power, but almost entirely decimated in the election. From the 35% of the share and 168 seats it had obtained in 1979 it was reduced to a mere 7% and 11 seats. It had lost 4.9 million votes in its last three years in power (roughly 80% of its 1979 voter base) and was left as a third party with no ability to influence the government.


1982 Spanish general election, Legacy
As a result, the UCD, which had been in office since its inception in 1977 until December 1982, effectively ceased to exist as in February 1983, when its leadership decided to dissolve the party as it was unable to cope with the mounting debts. Its collapse was seen with time as the result of the voters' perception of it not acting with consistency, clarity and effectiveness, and because of the internal party division and infighting that plagued the UCD's final time in power.


1982 Spanish general election, Legacy
The PSOE won the election in a landslide with a large absolute majority of seats and roughly half (48.1%) of the vote share. With 202 out of the 350 seats at stake in the Congress and 134 out of the 208 electable seats in the Senate, it won roughly 60% of the seats in each chamber, a record result not surpassed ever since by any political party.


1982 Spanish general election, Legacy
Its 10,127,392-vote result, comprising 38% of the voting-able electorate at the time, was not reached by any party until the 2000 general election held 18 years later, when the PP obtained 10,321,178 (however, as the voting-able electorate was much larger in 2000, that result was not as lopsized in percentage terms as it was in 1982). For the next decade, the Socialists would dominate Spanish politics with no other party having a realistic chance of forming government, leading some commentators to suggest that Spain had moved to a dominant-party system.


1982 Spanish general election, Legacy
Eventually, the PSOE would not be seriously challenged until 1993, when they were reduced to a minority government, remaining in power for another 3 years until 1996. To date, Felipe González' 1982–1996 stay in power (four terms comprising 14 years) remains the longest period of continuous government by a democratically elected PM, with governments ever since usually having shorter durations of 8 years (two terms).


1982 Spanish general election, Legacy
The People's Alliance became the major opposition party as a result of this election, having been a minor party in the 1977–1982 period. It replaced the UCD as the main non-socialist party in Spain, and has maintained this position for most of the last four decades. However, despite its position as the main alternative to the PSOE, its perceived right-wing stance, subsequent internal crises and leadership changes, as well as the PSOE's enduring popularity until the early 1990s, ensured the party would remain electorally stagnant throughout the decade.


1982 Spanish general election, Legacy
AP would also face the direct competition of Suárez's CDS in the 1986–1989 period, which for some time was even expected to surpass AP as the PSOE's main rival. The party's position would not improve until its relaunch as the People's Party in 1989 and the leadership of José María Aznar, which would eventually led to the establishment in 1993 of a two-party system in Spain, and in the PP's rise to power in 1996.


1982 Spanish motorcycle Grand Prix
The 1982 Spanish motorcycle Grand Prix was the fourth round of the 1982 Grand Prix motorcycle racing season. It took place on the weekend of 21–23 May 1982 at the Circuito Permanente del Jarama.


1982 Speedway World Pairs Championship
The 1982 Speedway World Pairs Championship was the thirteenth FIM Speedway World Pairs Championship. The final took place in Sydney, Australia, at the Liverpool City Raceway.


1982 Speedway World Pairs Championship
The championship was won by Dennis Sigalos and Bobby Schwartz of the United States, who were undefeated on the night. Peter Collins and Kenny Carter of England finished second, with Hans Nielsen and Ole Olsen of Denmark third. As the host nation, Australia was seeded directly to the Final and were represented by Australian Champion Billy Sanders and Australian championship runner up Gary Guglielmi, both Sydney based riders who were riding on their home track. Australia finished in a disappointing fourth place.


1982 Speedway World Pairs Championship
Despite Motorcycle speedway having its origins in Australia as far back as the 1910s, the 1982 World Pairs Final was the first time Australia had held a Speedway World Final. 1982 was also the only time the World Pairs Championship was held outside of England or Europe.


1982 Speedway World Pairs Championship, Semifinal 1
m - exclusion for exceeding two minute time allowance • t - exclusion for touching the tapes • x - other exclusion • e - retired or mechanical failure • f - fellns - non-starter • nc - non-classify


1982 Speedway World Pairs Championship, Semifinal 2
m - exclusion for exceeding two minute time allowance • t - exclusion for touching the tapes • x - other exclusion • e - retired or mechanical failure • f - fellns - non-starter • nc - non-classify


1982 Speedway World Pairs Championship, World final
m - exclusion for exceeding two minute time allowance • t - exclusion for touching the tapes • x - other exclusion • e - retired or mechanical failure • f - fellns - non-starter • nc - non-classify


1982 Speedway World Team Cup
The 1982 Speedway World Team Cup was the 23rd edition of the FIM Speedway World Team Cup to determine the team world champions.


1982 Speedway World Team Cup
The final took place on 15 August, at the White City Stadium in London. The United States won their first title.


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Qualification, Round 1
M - exclusion for exceeding two-minute time allowance • T - exclusion for touching the tapes • X - other exclusion • E - retired or mechanical failure • F - fell


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Tournament
Aleš Dryml Sr. - 11 Petr Ondrašík - 9 Jiří Štancl - 9 Václav Verner - 9 Petr Kucera - NS


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Tournament
Roman Jankowski - 9 Henryk Olszak - 9 Edward Jancarz - 3 Zenon Plech - 3 Leonard Raba - 0


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Tournament
Francesco Biginato - 8 Gianni Famari - 6 Armando Dal Chiele - 5 Mauro Ferraccioli - 4 Luigi Bazan - NS


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Tournament
Zoltan Hajdu - 4 Zoltán Adorján - 3 Istvan Sziraczki - 3 Ferenc Farkas - 0 Janos Oresko - 1


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Tournament
13.Aleš Dryml Sr. - 9 (3,3,2,1) 14.Jiří Štancl - 10+3 (1,3,3,3) 15.Václav Verner - 4 (2,f,1,1) 16.Petr Ondrašík - 8 (3,2,2,1) 20.Petr Kucera - NS


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Tournament
1.Georg Hack - 7 (0,2,3,2) 2.Alois Wiesböck - 6 (3,0,3,0) 3.Egon Müller - 8+2 (2,3,f,3) 4.Karl Maier - 10 (3,1,3,3) 17.Georg Gilgenreiner - NS


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Tournament
9.Edward Jancarz - 6 (1,3,2,0)10.Roman Jankowski - 6 (2,2,f,2) 11.Marek Kepa - 2 (1,1,-,0) 12.Henryk Olszak - 5 (2,1,0,2) 19.Jerzy Rembas - 0 (-,-,f,-)


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Tournament
5.Viktor Kuznetsov - 5 (e,1,1,3) 6.Mikhail Starostin - 3 (f,0,2,1) 7.Valery Gordeev - 6 (1,2,1,2) 8.Rif Saitgareev - 0 (0,-,-,0) 18.Vladimir Paznikov - 1 (-,0,1,-)


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Tournament
13.Bruce Penhall - 10 (3,3,2,2) 14.Dennis Sigalos - 5 (r,2,3,0) 15.Shawn Moran - 9 (3,3,2,1) 16.Kelly Moran - 10 (1,3,3,3) 20.Bobby Schwartz - NS


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Tournament
9.Ole Olsen - 3 (0,1,1,1) 10.Alf Busk - NS 11.Preben Eriksen - 7 (1,1,2,3) 12.Hans Nielsen - 8 (2,2,1,3) 19.Erik Gundersen - 10 (2,2,3,3)


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Tournament
1.Kenny Carter - 12 (3,3,3,3) 2.Dave Jessup - 4 (2,e,0,2) 3.Chris Morton - 6 (2,1,2,1) 4.Peter Collins - 3 (1,0,-,2) 17.Michael Lee - 0 (-,-,0,-)


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Tournament
5.Jan Andersson - 3 (2,0,1,0) 6.Richard Hellsen - 3 (f,2,0,1) 7.Tommy Nilsson - 1 (f,1,0,0) 8.Bjorn Andersson - 1 (1,0,-,0) 18.Lillebror Johansson - 1 (-,-,1,-)


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Tournament
1.Bruce Penhall - 10 (3,2,3,2) 2.Bobby Schwartz - 9 (3,3,3,-) 3.Shawn Moran - 8 (3,1,1,3) 4.Kelly Moran - 10 (1,3,3,3) R Scott Autrey - 0 (-,-,-,0)


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Tournament
1.Ole Olsen - 1 (0,1,-,-) 2.Hans Nielsen - 11 (3,3,3,2) 3.Erik Gundersen - 7 (2,3,2,e) 4.Preben Eriksen - 4 (f,-,2,2) R Tommy Knudsen - 1 (-,0,1,0)


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Tournament
1.Georg Hack - 5 (2,2,f,1) 2.Karl Maier - 7 (1,2,1,3) 3.Egon Müller - 5 (2,2,0,1) 4.Alois Wiesböck - 0 (0,0,-,-) R Georg Gilgenreiner - 1 (-,-,0,1)


1982 Speedway World Team Cup, Tournament
1.Aleš Dryml Sr. - 7 (1,1,2,3) 2.Jiří Štancl - 4 (1,0,2,1) 3.Václav Verner - 6 (2,1,1,2) 4.Petr Ondrašík - 0 (0,-,0,-) R Antonín Kasper, Jr. - 0 (-,0,-,0)


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum
The 1982 Sri Lankan national referendum took place on December 22, 1982, giving the people of Sri Lanka the option to extend the life of parliament by 6 years. It was the first and so far only national referendum to be held in Sri Lanka. The referendum was called for by President J. R. Jayawardene, who had been elected to a fresh six-year term as President in October 1982.


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum
With the life of the current parliament due to expire in August 1983, Jayawardene faced the possibility of his ruling United National Party losing its massive supermajority in parliament if regular general elections were held. He therefore proposed a referendum to extend the life of parliament, with its constituents unchanged, thereby permitting the United National Party to maintain its two-thirds parliamentary majority.


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum
President Jayawardene claimed that he needed the existing parliament to complete work on the programs he had begun, hence the referendum to extend its term. Opposition parties saw the referendum as a dictatorial move by Jayawardene, strongly opposed the referendum and campaigned to defeat the proposed extension of parliament via referendum.


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum
At the polls, voters were presented the proposal to extend the life of parliament, and asked to vote either “yes” or “no”. Over 54 percent of votes cast were in favor on extending the life of parliament. The existing parliament was therefore extended for six further years beginning in August 1983, and served out its mandate until the 1989 general elections.


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum, Background
Since independence, Sri Lanka has been continuously led by either the United National Party, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, or coalitions headed by one of the two parties. The Sri Lanka Freedom Party, led by Sirimavo Bandaranaike, won a 5-year term in the 1970 General Elections, obtaining over the two-thirds supermajority in Parliament required pass constitutional amendments. Bandaranaike proceeded to change the Constitution of Sri Lanka in 1972, and in the process unilaterally extended the life of parliament by 2 years, to 1977.


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum, Background
By 1977 the SLFP government was deeply unpopular, and the United National Party headed by J. R. Jayawardene won the 1977 general election by a large majority, obtaining 140 of the 168 seats in parliament—almost five-sixths of the seats. The SLFP won just 8 seats, to become only the third largest party in parliament, behind the Tamil United Liberation Front, who won 18 seats based entirely on votes from the Tamil majority regions in the north and east of Sri Lanka.


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum, Background
Following the victory, the UNP used their two-thirds majority in Parliament to create a new constitution, which added the position of Executive President, introduced proportional representation to elect members to Parliament, which was to be expanded to 225 members, and extended of the terms of elected Presidents and Parliament to 6 years from the date of the election. In 1978 Jayewardene named himself President of Sri Lanka, and promised a pro-Western foreign policy and economic development through the introduction of a system of free enterprise.


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum, Background
Subsequently, the first direct vote to elect a President of Sri Lanka was held in 1982, with President Jayewardene obtaining 52% of votes cast. Former Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike was stripped of her civic rights in 1980 on charges of abuse of power during her term as Prime Minister, and was unable to contest in the election. Hence the little-known Hector Kobbekaduwa was put forward as the candidate of the SLFP, and he obtained 35% of the popular vote. This marked the 1st time in 30 years that an incumbent party had won a national election in Sri Lanka. The last time this happened was when the United National Party, led by D. S. Senanayake, won the 1952 general election.


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum, Background
As executive President, Jayawadene possessed vast power in determining government policy. However he needed the approval of parliament to pass budgets and major economic decisions. Therefore, his margin of victory posed a problem to the UNP. With general elections upcoming under the new constitution, they knew that a similar result to the presidential election will see the party lose its supermajority. By 1982, as a result of a number of by elections, the UNP had picked up a net of two seats for a total of 142, well above the two-thirds majority required to pass constitutional changes. Jayawardene admitted to the media that the Sri Lanka Freedom Party could win at least 60 seats in elections to the expanded parliament, a possibility he termed disastrous to the country.


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum, Initial steps
In order to maintain the parliamentary supermajority of the UNP, Jayawardene decided to extend the life of parliament without holding direct elections. In order to do this, the government was required to obtain support from over two-thirds of parliament, and Jaywardene also decided to have the extension approved by the people in a national referendum. As the first step, the government presented the 4th amendment to the constitution, which proposed to extend the life of the parliament by six years, to August 4, 1989. The bill was found to be constitutional by the Supreme Court, in a 4-3 majority ruling. The ruling stated "the majority of this court is of the view that the period of the first Parliament may be extended as proposed (if) passed with the special majority (in parliament) required by Article 83 and submitted to the people at a referendum."


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum, Initial steps
The bill was subsequently presented to parliament on November 5, 1982. All members of the UNP who were present in the house voted in favor of the bill. As did two members of the SLFP, Maithripala Senanayake and Halim Ishak. Senanayake told the house that he had no moral right to oppose the amendment as he had previously supported the extension of parliament by two years in 1975. Appapillai Amirthalingam, leader of the main opposition Tamil United Liberation Front told parliament that his party would oppose the bill, but all members of the TULF abstained from voting. The only votes against the bill were cast by Lakshman Jayakody, Anura Bandaranaike and Ananda Dassanayake of the SLFP and Sarath Muttetuwegama, a member of the Communist Party. The bill was passed by well over the required two-thirds majority, with 142 votes in favor and four votes against.


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum, Referendum
Following the approval of the bill by parliament, President Jayawardene issued a gazette notification on November 14, 1982 requesting Chandrananada de Silva, the Commissioner of Elections, to hold a nationwide referendum on December 22, 1982. At the polling booths, voters were to be presented with a ballot paper containing the following question,


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum, Referendum
Do you approve the Bill entitled the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution published in Gazette Extraordinary No 218/23 of November 13, 1982, which provides inter alia that unless sooner dissolved the First parliament shall continue until August 4, 1989, and no longer and shall thereupon stand dissolved.


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum, Referendum
Voters were then asked to vote either “yes” or “no”. A “yes” vote was signified by lamp, and a “no” vote by a pot. According to the Referendum Act No 7 of 1981, which was certified by Jayawardene on February 27, 1981, in order of the referendum to pass it had to meet one of two conditions.


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum, Referendum
Claiming that sections of the SLFP conspired to assassinate him, leaders of the SLFP and others soon after the Presidential election and take power in a coup, Jayawardene had imposed a state of emergency over the country after the presidential election in October. Even though there were no sign of trouble, Jayawardene did not lift the state of emergency. Therefore, the December referendum became the first vote in Sri Lanka to take place while the country was under the state of emergency.


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum, Referendum
The opposition parties campaigned strongly to defeat the referendum. Although former Prime Minister Srimavo Bandaranaike had been stripped of her civic rights, she was allowed to lead the opposition campaign. She addressed five or six meetings a day, drawing large crowds. She was joined by a variety of opposition parties, including Tamil parties and communist parties. Although they differed in opinion in most other issues, they joined together in the lead up to the referendum.


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum, Referendum
Jayawardene too campaigned vigorously in support of the referendum, arguing that it was sometimes necessary to engage in what may seem to be undemocratic measures in the larger interests of the nation. He also warned that holding parliamentary election would give increased power to people he termed "Naxalites", a band of Communist extremists who preach violent revolution. He also attempted to pass the referendum as a vote of confidence on the right wing economic policies of his government.


1982 Sri Lankan national referendum, Referendum
The referendum was held on December 22, 1982. Turnout at the election was 70.82 percent, out of a total of 8,145,015 Sri Lankans eligible to vote. Over 54 percent voted in favor of extending the life of parliament, an increase from the 52 percent Jayawardene obtained at the presidential election 3 months before. This was in spite of a large majority of voters in Tamil majority areas of the country voting against the referendum. In total, majorities in the 120 of the 168 electorates voted in favor of the referendum.


1982 Sri Lankan presidential election
Presidential elections were held in Sri Lanka for the first time on 20 October 1982. Nominations were accepted on 17 September 1982 and electoral participation was 81.06%. The election was described as a fight between capitalism and socialism, Hector Kobbekaduwa who advocated to carry on the policies of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party - led regime from 1970-1977 was expected to undo most of the open market and capitalist reforms brought in by J. R. Jayewardene. Incumbent president Jayewardene of the governing United National Party was elected, receiving 53% of all votes cast. Although the SLFP lost they managed to win a significant number of votes in Tamil speaking areas such as Point Pedro.


1982 St. Louis Cardinals (NFL) season
The 1982 St. Louis Cardinals season was the franchise’s 63rd year with the National Football League and the 23rd season in St. Louis. It was the Cardinals first postseason appearance since 1975, and their last before the team’s 1988 move to Arizona, as well as the last NFL postseason appearance for any St. Louis franchise until the Rams’ Super Bowl championship season of 1999. The 1982 Football Cardinals were 5–4 during the regular-season.


1982 St. Louis Cardinals (NFL) season
This season would be the last season the Cardinals made the playoffs until 1998, when the team was far into its current tenure in Arizona.


1982 St. Louis Cardinals season
The St. Louis Cardinals' 1982 season was the team's 101st season in St. Louis, Missouri and the 91st season in the National League. Making up for the previous season's near-miss, the Cardinals went 92—70 during the season and won their first-ever National League East Division title by three games over the Philadelphia Phillies. They achieved their first postseason appearance since 1968 and defeated the National League West champion Atlanta Braves in three straight games to claim the NL pennant. From there, they went on to win the World Series in seven games over the American League champion Milwaukee Brewers. It was the Cardinals' first World Championship since 1967, and their last until they opened the current Busch Stadium in 2006.


1982 St. Louis Cardinals season, Regular season
First baseman Keith Hernandez and shortstop Ozzie Smith won Gold Gloves this year.


1982 St. Louis Cardinals season, Player stats, Batting, Starters by position
Note: Pos = Position; G = Games played; AB = At bats; H = Hits; Avg. = Batting average; HR = Home runs; RBI = Runs batted in


1982 St. Louis Cardinals season, Postseason, World Series
In Game 3, rookie outfielder Willie McGee hit two home runs, tying a World Series record for rookies.


1982 St. Louis Cardinals season, Postseason, World Series
NL St. Louis Cardinals (4) vs. AL Milwaukee Brewers (3)


1982 Stanford Cardinal baseball team
The 1982 Stanford Cardinal baseball team represented Stanford University in the 1982 NCAA Division I baseball season. The Cardinal played their home games at Sunken Diamond. The team was coached by Mark Marquess in his 6th year at Stanford.


1982 Stanford Cardinal baseball team
The Cardinal won the Pacific-10 Conference Playoff and the West I Regional to advanced to the College World Series, where they were defeated by the Maine.


1982 Stanford Cardinal football team
The 1982 Stanford Cardinal football team represented Stanford University in the Pacific-10 Conference in the 1982 NCAA Division I-A football season. Led by third-year head coach Paul Wiggin, the Cardinal had an overall record of 5–6 (3–5 in Pac-10, seventh).


1982 Stanford Cardinal football team
This was the first football season for Stanford's new singular nickname Cardinal; from 1972 to 1981, it was the plural Cardinals. Both represented the color.


1982 Stanford Cardinal football team, Regular season
With consensus All-American John Elway at quarterback, the 1982 Cardinal were exciting - seven of its eleven games were decided in the fourth quarter - but maddeningly erratic:


1982 Stanford Cardinal football team, Regular season
After a hard-fought 38–35 loss at Rose Bowl-bound and 12th-ranked UCLA in week 10, the Cardinal traveled to Berkeley for its eleventh game.


1982 Stanford Cardinal football team, Regular season
Elway's last football game at Stanford was one of the most famous games of all time, the 1982 Big Game versus rival California. It ended with "The Play," a kickoff return for a touchdown with five backward lateral passes that allowed Cal to win the game as time expired.


1982 Stanford Cardinal football team, Regular season
After that game, Elway congratulated the Stanford Band trombone player that got run over in the end zone. Although Elway never led Stanford to a bowl game, he had an accomplished college career. In his four seasons (1979–1982), he completed 774 passes for 9,349 yards and 77 touchdowns. Stanford had a 20–23 (.465) record during his tenure. Elway's 24 touchdown passes in 1982 led the nation, and he left with nearly every Stanford and Pacific-10 career record for passing and total offense.


1982 Stanford Cardinal football team, Regular season
He won Pac-10 Player of the Year honors for the second time in 1982, and was a consensus All-American. In addition, he finished second in Heisman Trophy balloting.


1982 Stanford Cardinal football team, Season summary, at Ohio State
John Elway threw for 407 yards and 2 touchdowns, including the game-winner to Emile Harry with 34 seconds remaining.


1982 Stanley Cup Finals
The 1982 Stanley Cup Finals was the championship series of the National Hockey League's (NHL) 1981–82 season, and the culmination of the 1982 Stanley Cup playoffs. It was played between the Vancouver Canucks in their first Finals appearance and the defending champion New York Islanders, in their third Finals appearance. The Islanders won the best-of-seven series, four games to none, to win their third consecutive and overall Stanley Cup championship. This was the first time that a U.S.-based team won three straight Stanley Cups.


1982 Stanley Cup Finals
This 1982 Finals took place under a revised NHL divisional alignment and playoff structure, which de facto revived the "East vs. West" format for the Finals that had been abandoned when the Western Hockey League folded in 1926. It was also the first time a team from Western Canada contested the Finals since the WHL stopped challenging for the Stanley Cup (the Victoria Cougars, who had also been the last team from British Columbia to win the Cup in 1925, played the 1926 Finals too).


1982 Stanley Cup Finals, Paths to the Finals
Vancouver, despite having a losing record in the regular season, defeated the Calgary Flames 3–0, the Los Angeles Kings 4–1 and the Chicago Blackhawks 4–1 to advance to the finals. This was their first Finals appearance.


1982 Stanley Cup Finals, Paths to the Finals
New York defeated the Pittsburgh Penguins 3–2, the New York Rangers 4–2, and the Quebec Nordiques 4–0 to make it to the finals for the third year in a row.


1982 Stanley Cup Finals, Paths to the Finals
With New York having 118 points and Vancouver having 77, the 41-point difference between the two teams in a final round is the largest in Stanley Cup Finals history.


1982 Stanley Cup Finals, Game summaries
The Canucks had their best chance to win a game in the first one, as a Jim Nill short-handed marker gave them a 5–4 lead with only seven minutes to play in regulation time. However, the Islanders tied it when Mike Bossy banged home a loose puck after goaltender Richard Brodeur had collided with his own defenceman, Harold Snepsts, while trying to smother it.


1982 Stanley Cup Finals, Game summaries
In the dying seconds of the first overtime period, Snepsts attempted to clear the puck up the middle, but it was intercepted by Bossy, who completed his hat trick with two seconds left on the clock to win the game for the Islanders. In game two, the Canucks led 4–3 after two periods, but the Isles came back to win again.


1982 Stanley Cup Finals, Game summaries
The series then shifted to Vancouver, where the Canucks were boosted by a boisterous, towel-waving Vancouver crowd and had a great first period, but failed to score on Billy Smith, who was brilliant. The Islanders went on to win 3–0, and then completed the sweep with a 3–1 victory on May 16 to win their third straight Cup and first on the road.


1982 Stanley Cup Finals, Game summaries
Mike Bossy scored seven goals in the four games, tying Jean Béliveau's record from 1956, and won the Conn Smythe Trophy.


1982 Stanley Cup Finals, New York Islanders vs. Vancouver Canucks
Mike Bossy won the Conn Smythe Trophy as playoff MVP.


1982 Stanley Cup Finals, Broadcasting
The series aired on CBC in Canada and on the USA Network in the United States. USA's national coverage was blacked out in the New York area due to the local rights to Islanders games in that TV market, with SportsChannel New York airing games one and two, and WOR televising games three and four.


1982 Stanley Cup Finals, Broadcasting, Technical Difficulties
During the first period of the fourth game, WOR's broadcast experienced technical difficulties due to videotaping and editing issues causing an estimated 4 minutes and 30 seconds delay on their broadcast with a WOR identification card with text reading "Please Stand By" on the center of the screen. After a minute of silence, music by Alan Hawkshaw began playing with an announcer saying "Please stand by, we're experiencing technical difficulties. As soon as they have been corrected, we shall return to our scheduled programs". This occurred before a commercial break.


1982 Stanley Cup Finals, Team rosters, Vancouver Canucks
Note: Stan Smyl served as the Canucks acting team captain during the 1982 Stanley Cup playoffs. Kevin McCarthy was injured late in the season and did not play in the playoffs and is listed as the official team captain.


1982 Stanley Cup Finals, Stanley Cup engraving
The 1982 Stanley Cup was presented to Islanders captain Denis Potvin by NHL President John Ziegler following the Islanders 3–1 win over the Canucks in game four


1982 Stanley Cup Finals, Stanley Cup engraving
The following Islanders players and staff had their names engraved on the Stanley Cup


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs
The 1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, the playoff tournament of the National Hockey League (NHL) began on April 7, after the conclusion of the 1981–82 NHL season. The playoffs concluded on May 16 with the champion New York Islanders defeating the Vancouver Canucks 3–1 to win the final series four games to none and win the Stanley Cup.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs
The first round of the 1982 playoffs saw three first-place teams (Edmonton, Minnesota, and Montreal) upset by fourth-place teams, a round which featured what is still the greatest comeback in NHL history:  The Kings' 6–5 win over Edmonton in game three. After trailing 5–0 after two periods, the Kings scored five third period goals—three in the last 5:22, the final goal coming with only five seconds left in regulation. Los Angeles then scored on a face-off early in overtime, thus completing the "Miracle on Manchester".


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs
The eventual champion New York Islanders nearly capitulated in the first round as well, losing games three and four of their first-round playoff series with Pittsburgh after crushing the Penguins in the first two games. In game five, the Islanders scored twice in the last five minutes to force overtime and then won the series on John Tonelli's goal 6:19 into the extra session. This served as a wake-up call for New York, who lost only two more games the rest of the way on their march to a third straight Stanley Cup. Their Finals opponents, the Vancouver Canucks, finished the regular season with only 77 points, defeating three teams beneath them in the standings (Calgary 75, Los Angeles 63, and Chicago 72) in the much weaker Campbell Conference.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Playoff seeds
The 1982 playoffs introduced a new format, in which the four teams with the best regular-season records from each of the four divisions would secure playoff berths. The best-of-five division semi-finals would see the first-place club against the fourth-place team, while the second- and third-place teams faced off. The winning clubs would then meet in a best-of-seven division final. Home-ice advantage for these first two rounds of the playoffs would be granted to the team with the better regular-season record. Division winners would then face one another in the conference finals. The two Conference Champions played for the Stanley Cup. With the exception of extending the first round to a best-of-seven in 1987, this format remained in place through the 1993 playoffs.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Playoff seeds
Home-ice advantage for the conference finals was determined by coin flips. Occurring prior to the start of the regular season, this event determined that home-ice advantage would be granted to champions of the Patrick and Norris divisions. The Adams and Smythe division champions would receive that advantage for the following season. Similarly, a puck flip determined that home-ice advantage for the Stanley Cup finals would be granted to the Wales Conference champion this year, with the Campbell Conference champion receiving the advantage next season.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Division Semifinals, Prince of Wales Conference, (A1) Montreal Canadiens vs. (A4) Quebec Nordiques
This was the first playoff series meeting between these two teams.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Division Semifinals, Prince of Wales Conference, (A1) Montreal Canadiens vs. (A4) Quebec Nordiques
Dale Hunter scored the game-winning overtime goal in the decisive Game 5 twenty-two seconds into the first OT to help the Nordiques eliminate the Canadiens.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Division Semifinals, Prince of Wales Conference, (A2) Boston Bruins vs. (A3) Buffalo Sabres
This was the first playoff series meeting between these two teams.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Division Semifinals, Prince of Wales Conference, (P1) New York Islanders vs. (P4) Pittsburgh Penguins
This was the second playoff series meeting between these two teams. New York won the only previous meeting in seven games in the 1975 Stanley Cup Quarterfinals after falling behind 3–0 in the series.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Division Semifinals, Prince of Wales Conference, (P1) New York Islanders vs. (P4) Pittsburgh Penguins
John Tonelli scored the game-tying goal late in the third period and game-winning overtime goal in the decisive Game 5 to lift the Islanders over the Penguins.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Division Semifinals, Prince of Wales Conference, (P2) New York Rangers vs. (P3) Philadelphia Flyers
This was the fourth playoff series meeting between the two teams. Philadelphia won two of the previous three meetings, including their most recent meeting in the 1980 Stanley Cup Quarterfinals in five games.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Division Semifinals, Clarence Campbell Conference, (N1) Minnesota North Stars vs. (N4) Chicago Black Hawks
This was the first playoff series meeting between these two teams.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Division Semifinals, Clarence Campbell Conference, (N2) Winnipeg Jets vs. (N3) St. Louis Blues
This was the first playoff series meeting between these two teams.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Division Semifinals, Clarence Campbell Conference, (S1) Edmonton Oilers vs. (S4) Los Angeles Kings
This was the first playoff series meeting between these two teams.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Division Semifinals, Clarence Campbell Conference, (S2) Vancouver Canucks vs. (S3) Calgary Flames
This was the first playoff series meeting between these two teams.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Division Finals, Prince of Wales Conference, (A2) Boston Bruins vs. (A4) Quebec Nordiques
This was the first playoff series meeting between these two teams.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Division Finals, Prince of Wales Conference, (P1) New York Islanders vs. (P2) New York Rangers
This was fourth playoff series meeting between these two teams. The Islanders won two of the previous three meetings. This was a rematch of last year's Stanley Cup Semifinals, in which the Islanders won in a four-game sweep.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Division Finals, Clarence Campbell Conference, (N3) St. Louis Blues vs. (N4) Chicago Black Hawks
This was the third playoff series meeting between these two teams. Chicago won both previous meetings, including their most recent meeting in a three-game sweep in the 1980 Preliminary Round.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Division Finals, Clarence Campbell Conference, (S2) Vancouver Canucks vs. (S4) Los Angeles Kings
This was the first playoff series meeting between these two teams.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Conference Finals, Prince of Wales Conference Final, (P1) New York Islanders vs. (A4) Quebec Nordiques
This was the first playoff series meeting between these two teams.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Conference Finals, Clarence Campbell Conference Final, (N4) Chicago Black Hawks vs. (S2) Vancouver Canucks
This was the first playoff series meeting between these two teams.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Conference Finals, Clarence Campbell Conference Final, (N4) Chicago Black Hawks vs. (S2) Vancouver Canucks
Canucks Coach Roger Neilson was tossed out of game 2 for holding up a white towel on a hockey stick as a form of protest. He was ejected from the game along with two players but the protest began the Canucks Towel Power tradition that still exists to this day and has since been copied by other teams.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Stanley Cup Finals
This was the second playoff meeting between these two teams. New York won the only previous meeting in a two-game sweep in the 1976 Preliminary Round.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Stanley Cup Finals
In the Stanley Cup Finals, the Cinderella run of the Vancouver Canucks came to an end with a four-game sweep by the Islanders, winning their third consecutive Stanley Cup.


1982 Stanley Cup playoffs, Player statistics, Goaltenders
This is a combined table of the top five goaltenders based on goals against average and the top five goaltenders based on save percentage, with at least 420 minutes played. The table is sorted by GAA, and the criteria for inclusion are bolded.


1982 Star World Championships
The 1982 Star World Championships were held in Medemblik, Netherlands in 1982.


1982 Star World Championships, Results
Legend: PMS – Premature start; YMP – Yacht materially prejudiced;


1982 State of Origin series
The 1982 State of Origin series was the first annual three-match series between New South Wales and Queensland to be played entirely under "state of origin" selection rules. After the matches in 1980 and 1981 that trialed the concept, 'Origin' was fully embraced in 1982, with no matches using the previous seventy-four years' residential-based selection rules ever played again.


1982 State of Origin series
The series came down to the deciding third match, which a mistake-riddled New South Wales lost to a more professional Queensland.


1982 State of Origin series, Game I
In preparation for the first ever full State of Origin series, the Blues were afforded a two-and-a-half-week preparation under New South Wales' coach Frank Stanton, including time spent training for the annual City vs Country Origin match. Maroons coach Artie Beetson however had only four days to build a team out of his men as Sydney clubs refused to release their players from club duties the weekend before game one. This would lead the QRL to demand more of their players' time to prepare for State of Origin fixtures.


1982 State of Origin series, Game I
New South Wales, captained for the first time by Manly-Warringah hooker Max Krilich who got the job ahead of Parramatta lock Ray Price, won their first Origin match in game I of the 1982 series at Lang Park 20-16, inspired by a fine display from halfback Steve Mortimer but not before resisting another valiant comeback by Queensland. The Blues led 17-6 and appeared to be coasting toward a comfortable victory until centre Mal Meninga – who achieved the rare feat of winning the man-of-the-match award from a losing side – cut a swathe through the New South Wales defence.


1982 State of Origin series, Game I
His destructive bursts led to tries for winger John Ribot and centre Mitch Brennan which cut the Blues’ lead to one point. Mortimer laid on a late try for Penrith's powerful young replacement back Brad Izzard to lift the Blues to a 20-16 lead and the Maroons were then required to battle desperately to hold their line intact for the final minutes. Fullback Greg Brentnall kept the scores tight when he leapt spectacularly to claim a Queensland bomb a minute from full-time.


1982 State of Origin series, Game II
For game II, also played at Lang Park, the Maroons made several changes as they tried to keep the series alive. Meninga was sidelined with a shoulder injury, opening the way for the debut of Gene Miles who would go on to star in 20 Origins for Queensland throughout the 1980s and would form a regular Australian Test side pairing with his Origin opposite Brett Kenny, who would debut in the next game.


1982 State of Origin series, Game II
Maroons coach Arthur Beetson sprang a late surprise when he replaced Manly-Warringah second-rower Paul Vautin, who made his Australian debut a month later in the test series against New Zealand, in the starting line-up with veteran front-rower Rod Morris. Morris had played only a handful of club games for Wynnum-Manly after emerging from retirement, but Beetson's move proved a masterstroke.


1982 State of Origin series, Game II
The Queensland plan was to bustle the Blues out of the contest and they were aided in this by Qld referee Barry Gomersall making his own Origin debut and allowing the Maroons enormous latitude in the tackles.


1982 State of Origin series, Game II
With Morris leading from the front in a man-of-the-match winning performance, Queensland ground New South Wales out of the contest, scoring three tries to one to win 11-7. Miles scored the first try when he ran over the top of Blues fullback Greg Brentnall. The Maroons led 8-7 before Vautin sealed the result with a late try scored after second-rower Rohan Hancock punched a hole in the Blues defence close to the line.


1982 State of Origin series, Game II
Queensland's win in game 2 ensured that the third game would also be played under Origin rules. According to some reports, had NSW wrapped up the series in the second game, the third game in Sydney would have reverted to the old State of Residence rules and would most likely have been played at Leichhardt Oval instead of on the hallowed turf of the Sydney Cricket Ground.


1982 State of Origin series, Game III
The first three-match series came down to a Game III decider to be played at the Sydney Cricket Ground, the first time the Maroons had played at the ground since 1976. The attendance of 20,242 was the largest for an interstate game in Sydney since 1973 when 19,049 saw NSW defeat Qld 26-0 (reports at the time said NSWRL officials would have been happy if they got 20,000 to Origin's first game in Sydney after years of sub 5,000 crowds for interstate games at Leichhardt Oval). Officiated by a neutral referee – New Zealander Don Wilson, it was the first State of Origin match to be played in Sydney, and for the players, test positions in the Australian team for the upcoming series against New Zealand hung in the balance.


1982 State of Origin series, Game III
I cannot imagine any match having more appeal than this in the rugby league calendar. If ever the resistance by fans to representative matches in Sydney is to be broken down, this will be the match to do it.


1982 State of Origin series, Game III
The Blues made wholesale changes and among the new faces were Brett Kenny at five-eighth in place of Manly's Alan Thompson, Canterbury centre Phil Sigsworth at fullback, and virtual unknown Moree Boomerangs winger Phillip Duke who had starred for NSW Country in the annual City vs Country Origin match in Sydney, despite City winning the game 47-3.


1982 State of Origin series, Game III
Duke and Sigsworth were involved in one of the most memorable bungles in State of Origin history. With the series poised on a knife’s edge and the score at five all, Sigsworth scrambled to field a Lewis kick in the Blues in-goal. Trapped by Second-rower Paul McCabe, Sigsworth threw a pass to Duke who fumbled the ball and Wally Lewis dived on it for a try that rocked the Blues. However, Qld should not have had the ball at all at that stage.


1982 State of Origin series, Game III
Referee Wilson had penalised Blues halfback Steve Mortimer for a second-row scrum feed 10 metres out from the Maroons try line. In a complete foul up, Wilson had somehow penalised the wrong man as it was actually Qld halfback Mark Murray who had fed the scrum! When Motrimer protested his innocence, Wilson then marched the Blues 10 metres downfield for backchat. It was at the end of the following set of tackles where Lewis put in his kick leading to the Blues fateful fumble.


1982 State of Origin series, Game III
Blues coach Stanton however refused to blame Wilson for the error, or lay blame with Sigsworth and Duke, instead claiming that errors throughout the game had cost NSW victory. Incredibly, NSW failed to complete 27 sets of 6 tackles during the game, often handing Qld the ball in an attacking position.


1982 State of Origin series, Game III
Queensland went on to win 10–5, claiming the first three-match series 2–1 and their first interstate series win over New South Wales since 1960. Lewis won the first of his record total of eight man-of-the-match awards and beginning a run of five Origin best player awards in six games.


1982 State of the Union Address
The 1982 State of the Union Address was given by the 40th president of the United States, Ronald Reagan, on Tuesday, January 26, 1982, at 9 p.m. EST, in the chamber of the United States House of Representatives to the 97th United States Congress. It was Reagan's first State of the Union Address and his second speech to a joint session of the United States Congress. Presiding over this joint session was the House speaker, Tip O'Neill, accompanied by George H. W. Bush, the vice president.


1982 State of the Union Address
The speech lasted 40 minutes and 14 seconds and contained 5154 words. The address was broadcast live on radio and television.


1982 State of the Union Address
The speech was the first to acknowledge a special guest, Lenny Skutnik. Taking the place of Supreme Court Justice Byron White was retired Justice Potter Stewart.


1982 State of the Union Address
The Democratic Party response was delivered by Senator Donald Riegle (MI), Senator James Sasser (TN), Rep. Albert Gore Jr. (TN), Senator Robert Byrd (WV), Senator Edward Kennedy (MA), House Speaker Thomas P. O'Neill III (MA), Senator Gary Hart (CO), Senator Paul Sarbanes (MD), Senator J. Bennett Johnston (LA), and Senator Alan Cranston (CA).


1982 Stella Artois Championships
The 1982 Stella Artois Championships, also known as the Queen's Club Championships, was a men's tennis tournament played on outdoor grass courts at the Queen's Club in London in the United Kingdom that was part of the 1982 Volvo Grand Prix circuit. It was the 80th edition of the tournament and was held from 7 June through 13 June 1982. Second-seeded Jimmy Connors won the singles title.


1982 Stella Artois Championships, Finals, Doubles
John McEnroe /  Peter Rennert defeated  Victor Amaya /  Hank Pfister 7–6, 7–5


1982 Stella Artois Championships – Doubles
Pat Du Pré and Brian Teacher were the defending champions but they competed with different partners that year, Du Pré with Lloyd Bourne and Teacher with Bruce Manson.


1982 Stella Artois Championships – Doubles
Bourne and Du Pré lost in the first round to Tony Graham and Matt Mitchell.


1982 Stella Artois Championships – Doubles
Manson and Teacher lost in the quarterfinals to Andy Andrews and John Sadri.


1982 Stella Artois Championships – Doubles
John McEnroe and Peter Rennert won the doubles title at the 1982 Queen's Club Championships tennis tournament defeating Victor Amaya and Hank Pfister in the final 7–6, 7–5.


1982 Stella Artois Championships – Singles
Jimmy Connors won the singles title at the 1982 Queen's Club Championships tennis tournament defeating defending champion John McEnroe in the final 7–5, 6–3.


1982 Stevenage Borough Council election
The 1982 Stevenage Borough Council election took place on 6 May 1982. This was on the same day as other local elections. One third of the council was up for election and the Labour Party retained control of the council, which it had held continuously since its creation in 1973.