William H. Faulkner - The Subjunctive Mood in the Old English Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History | Perfect (Grammar) | Grammatical Tense\nThe subjunctive mood in the Old English version of Bede's Ecclesiastical history .. by Faulkner, William Harrison, 1874-1949 Publication date 190-?] Publisher [Charlottesville? Collection cdl; americana Digitizing sponsor MSN Contributor University of California Libraries Language English Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Virginia Bibliography: p. -5\nsaveSave William H. Faulkner - The Subjunctive Mood in the ... For Later\nGregorius I. Morals on the Book of Job [Bliss, Marriott Eds.]. 1844. Volume 3, Pt. 2.\nWake. The genuine epistles of the Apostolical Fathers. 1810.\nBedjan. Homiliae selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis. 1905.\nBedjan. Homiliae S. Isaaci, Syri Antiocheni. 1903.\nAbbeloos. De vita et scriptis Sancti Jacobi Batnarum Sarugi in Mesopotamia Episcopi. 1867.\nChabot. De S. Isaaci Ninivitae vita, scriptis et doctrina. 1892.\nMontfaucon. Sancti Athanasii Archiepiscopi Alexandrini Opera dogmatica selecta. 1853.\nFabricius. Bibliotheca latina mediæ et infimæ aetatis, cum supplemento Christiani Schoettgenii. 1754. Voumes 1-2.\nSachau. Theodori Mopsuesteni Fragmenta Syriaca: e codicibus Musei Britannici Nitriacis. 1869.\nHergenröther. Photius, Patriarch von Konstantinopel; sein Leben, seine Schriften und das griechische Schisma. 1867. Volume 1.\nHergenröther. Photius, Patriarch von Konstantinopel; sein Leben, seine Schriften und das griechische Schisma. 1867. Volume 3.\nHergenröther. Photius, Patriarch von Konstantinopel; sein Leben, seine Schriften und das griechische Schisma. 1867. Volume 2.\nSedgefield. King Alfred's Old English version of Boethius De consolatione philosophiae. 1899.\nBY WILLIAM HARRISON FAULKNER, M. A.\nUNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA MONOGRAPHS\nSCHOOL OF TEUTONIC LANGUAGES\nProfessor of Teutonic Languages.\nI. THE SUBJUNCTIVE\na. Indirect Narrative,\nMOOD OF UNCERTAINTY, . .10\nb.The Indirect Question, . . . . .24\n2. The Conditional Sentence, . . . . .28\na. Conditional Sentences with the Indicative in both\nProtasis and Apodosis, . . . . .29\nb. Conditional Sentences with the Subjunctive in the\nProtasis, and the Imperative or equivalent, some-\ntimes the Indicative, in the Apodosis, . . 29\nc. The Unreal Conditional Sentence, . . . 33\nd. The Conditional Relative, 34\nThe Condition of Comparison, 35\n3. The Subjunctive in Temporal Clauses, . . .36\n4. The Concessive Sentence, . . . . .37\n5. The Subjunctive after iponne, . . . . .40\n6. The Subjunctive in Substantive Clauses, . . 40\nII. THE SUBJUNCTIVE AS THE MOOD OF DESIRE, . . 42\n1. The Optative Subjunctive,\n2. Sentences of Purpose,\na. Pure Final Sentences,\n....... . . . .42\nb. Verbs of Fearing, . . . . . . 47\nSentences of Result,\nThe Complementary Final Sentence, . . .47\nSubjunctive in a Relative Clause with Negative Antece-\nOLD ENGLISH VERSION OF BEDB'S\nACADEMIC FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY\nOF VIRGINIA FOR THE\nIn adopting as a subject for investigation the uses of the Sub-\njunctive Mood in Alfred's Translation of Bede, I did not labor\nunder the impression that I was entering on a hitherto un worked\nthat the Subjunctive Mood has been thoroughly and pains-\ntakingly investigated in its uses in all periods of English will be\neasily seen from an examination of the bibliography here ap-\npended. hope was that a complete course of research\nthrough the work taken might determine its uses in this one\nmonument of Anglo-Saxon prose. On this ground the chief\nclaim of my work to usefulness must be based, and on the fact\nthat as a large number of examples are given in full, this sketch\nwill serve as an index to the uses of the Subjunctive Mood in\nBede. As to the method of arrangement I have adopted, it is\nthe one that seemed to me the best for a clear and comprehensive\ngrasp of the whole subject. I am aware that in many instances\nthe various constructions merge into each other, particularly the\nuses of the Subjunctive after Yerbs of Kelating, etc., and Verbs\nof Desire, but as the use of the mood in each of these is of dif-\nferent origin, it has seemed best to me to treat them under\nseparate divisions and not as of the same character, as has been\ndone by some investigators.\nI wish to acknowledge here with gratitude the many kind-\nnesses of Prof. James A. Harrison of this university, who has\naided me constantly with valuable suggestions, and to whom I\nam indebted for the use of many valuable books from his pri-\nvate library, and the kindness of Prof. James W. Bright of the\nJohns Hopkins University, in allowing me for several days the\nuse of his fine collection of modern language dissertations, and\nfor several very valuable hints as to my work.\nIn the course of my investigation I have made use of the fol-\nlowing works :\nThe Old English Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History of\nthe English People, Thomas Miller, M. A., Ph. D. London,\nVenerabilis Bnedae Historiam Ecclesiasticam Gentis Anglo-\nrum, etc., Vol. I, C. Pluramer, A. M. Oxford, 1896.\nMaetzner's English Grammar, translated by Glair James\nGrece, LL.B., Vols. II and I El. London, 1874.\nGrammar of the Anglo-Saxon Language, Francis A. March.\nAn Old English Grammar, Edward Sievers, Ph. D., trans-\nlated by Albert S. Cook, Ph. D. Boston, 1899.\nA New English Grammar, Henry Sweet, M. A., Ph. D., LL.D.\nThe Philology of the English Tongue, John Earle, M. A.\nA Comparative Grammar of English and German, V. Henry.\nHarrison and Baskerville's Anglo-Saxon Reader.\nCook's First Book in Old English.\nGoodwin's Greek Grammar.\nPeter's Syntax of the Latin Verb.\nBibliographical Guide to Old English Syntax, F. H. Chase.\nUeber den Gebrauch des Conjuuctivs in Alfred's altenglisher\nUebersetzung von Gregor's Cura Pastoralis, W. Fleischaner.\nDer Conjuuctiv im Alt-Englischen und seine Umschreibung\ndurch Modale Hilfsverba, O. Hemricke. Gottingen, 1878.\nDie Syntax des Verbums in Aelfred's Heiligenleben, P. T.\nKuehn. Leipzig, 1889.\nUeber Bedeutung uud Gebrauch der Hilfsverba im friihen\nAltenglischen, Sculan uud willan, C. Luetgens. Kiel, 1888.\nThe Conditional Sentence in Anglo-Saxon, T. J. Mather.\nJohns Hopkins University, 1893.\nDie Syntax des Verbums in Aelfred's Uebersetzuug des\nHeptateuch und des Buches Hiob, T. Wohlfohrt. Muenchen,\nSyntax der Blickling Homilies, Julius Fleurme. Bonn, 1885.\nThe Present and Past Periphrastic Tenses in Anglo-Saxon,\nConstance Pessels, Ph. D. Strassburg, 1896.\nOn the Use of the Subjunctive Mood in Anglo-Saxon, Ger-\nald Hotz. Zurich, 1882.\nSyntax of the Verb in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle from 787\nA. D. to 1001 A. D., H. M. Blain, M. A. New York, 1901.\n1. It will hardly be disputed that the most serious loss sus-\ntained by the English language in the course of centuries is the\nalmost total disappearance or disuse of the Subjunctive Mood.\nSpoken English, at present,can scarcely be said to recognize such\na mood, and the literary dialect retains only a few and fast dis-\nappearing forms. It is true that this loss has been partially\nrepaired by the use of the Auxiliaries of Mood but this sub-\nstitution in many cases is merely an occasion for further con-\nfusion, as in sentences in which the idea expressed by the\nModal Auxiliary is one that requires the Subjunctive, where we\nmust have recourse to a periphrasis of a periphrasis.\nThe English of "the Period of Alfred the Great presents a\nstriking contrast to modern usage. In Anglo-Saxon, although\nthe tendencies which led to the enormous decrease of Subjunc-\ntive constructions are already apparent, the mood is in flourish-\ning use. In fact Anglo-Saxon can not only show a correspond-\ning construction for each use of the Latin Subjunctive, but\nseveral usages in which the Latin does not employ it, and the\nGreek has to be referred to for a parallel structure.\n2. SCOPE AND PUEPOSE OF THE DISSERTATION. In the fol-\nlowing dissertation I have limited my investigation as to the\nuses of the Subjunctive Mood in Anglo-Saxon to Alfred's Trans-\nlation of Bede's Ecclesiastical History of England. This work\nmay be considered a typical example of the best Anglo-Saxon\nprose, and owing to the influence of the Latin from which it\nwas translated, strikingly exemplifies the capabilities of the\nAnglo-Saxon Subjunctive. The investigation has been all the\nmore interesting from the opportunity thus offered of compar-\ning the idiom of our ancestors with that of a language so\nrich in Subjunctive constructions as the Latin, in a work in\nwhich every effort was made to give a correct and clear trans-\nlation of the original.\nThe text on which these investigations have been based is\nThe Old English Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History, edited\nwith T lAusiation aivd Introduction by Thomas Miller, M. A.,\nPh. D. London, MDCCCXC. The references are to pages\nIt be objected that, being a translation from the Latin,\nis not the place to look for a typical English use\nof the Subjunctive, as the Latin constructions undoubtedly\nexerted some influence on those of the translation. Prof. Sweet,\nhowever, says (King Alfred's W. S. Version of Gregory's Pas-\ntoral Care) In purely theological works such as the Pastoral,\nthe influence of the Latin original reaches its height ; yet even\nhere there seems to be no effort to engraft Latin idioms on the\nEnglish the foreign influence is only indistinct." On the other\nhand, however, nothing could more strongly show the capabil-\nities ofthe Anglo-Saxon than its parallel or divergent uses of\nthe Subjunctive in contrast with the Latin *use of that mood.\nIndeed, so close together were the two languages in the use of\nthis mood, that to an Anglo-Saxon learner the Latin Subjunc-\ntivemust have been as simple as it is difficult to the modern\nschool-boy. But Anglo-Saxon out-herods Herod," and shows\nseveral usages, such as the Subjunctive after J)onne, than, the\n.Present Subjunctive in a conditional sentence referring to the\nfuture, in which the Latin Subjunctive is not found. And,\nfinally, one direct imitation of the Latin, the use of the Infini-\ntive in Indirect Discourse instead of paet with the Subjunctive,\ntended to diminish the number of Subjunctive constructions.\nIn this investigation I have examined every distinct Subjunc-\ntiveform occurring in the work and have attempted to classify\neach, referring to the Latin original where this seemed neces-\nsary to obtain more light on the point in question.\n3. DISTINCTIVE ENDINGS OF THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD. I have\nsaid above that I have classified only those Subjunctive forms\nhaving endings distinct from the Indicative.\nIn the Present Tense these are the 2nd and 3rd persons singu-\nlar, and 1st, 2nd and 3rd persons plural, for both Strong and\nIn the Preterite Tense, of Strong Verbs, in the singular the 1st\nand 3rd persons have a distinct form for the Subjunctive, while\nthe plural shows throughout the Subjunctive termination.\nIn the Preterite Tense of Weak Verbs the singular has no form\nfor the Subjunctive distinct from the corresponding Indicative ,\nwhile even the termination en of the plural is uncertain. (See\nSweet, A. S. Reader, p. xcviii, in the later language where\nthere is no distinction between indie, and\nsubj. in the pret. of\nweak verbs "). Hence the following table of endings :\nPresent. Both Conjugations.\nSing. 2 *.\nPlur. 1, 2, 3 en.\nPreterite. Strong Verbs. Weak Verbs.\nSing. 1 e (with vowel of pret. pi.).\n3 e (with vowel of pret. pi.).\nPlur. 1, 2, 3 en. Plur. 1, 2, 3 en (?).\nReiiMrk. An uncertain form in -an is of frequent occur-\nrence, but, although in Bede it seems to represent more fre-\nquently the Subjunctive than the Indicative Plural, none of\nthese doubtful forms have been considered in this investigation.\n4. Method of Arrangement. The uses of the Subjunctive\nin Anglo-Saxon owe their origin partly to the primitive Opta-\ntive, from which the form of the mood is derived, partly to the\nprimitive Subjunctive. These uses may be classified under\ntwo heads :\nI.The Mood of Uncertainty.\nII.The Mood of Desire.\nHence the following arrangement :\nI. The Mood of Uncertainty.\n1. Indirect Discourse.\na. Indirect Narrative.\nb. The Indirect Question.\n2. The Conditional Sentence.\na. Simple Conditions.\nb.The Conditional Relative.\nc. The Condition of Comparison.\n3. The Subjunctive in Temporal Clauses.\n4. The Concessive Sentence.\n5. The Subjunctive after Iponne, than.\n6. Substantive Clauses.\nII. The Mood of Desire.\n1. The Optative Subjunctive.\n2. Sentences of Purpose.\na. Pure Final Sentences.\nb. Verbs of Fearing.\nComplementary Final Sentences.\n3. Sentences of Result. (Usually with the Indie.)\nI. THE SUBJUNCTIVE AS THE MOOD OF UNCERTAINTY.\n1. The Subjunctive in Indirect Discourse.\n5. Indirect Discourse in Anglo-Saxon follows all verbs and\nexpressions of Saying, Thinking, Believing and Perceiving, and\nthe Anglo-Saxon tyaet with the Subjunctive after such verbs is,\nin meaning, exactly parallel with the Latin Accusative with the\nInfinitive. Accordingly it may be stated as a rule of Anglo-\nSaxon syntax that verbs or expressions denoting Thought or\nPerception, or the Expression of Thought are followed by Ipaet\nand the Subjunctive Mood in the Principal Clause of the de-\npendent statement. In the dependent clause the Subjunctive\nis also the rule, but the exceptional use of the Indicative oc-\ncurs more frequently than in the principal clause. The Indic-\native occurs in both principal and dependent clause of the In-\ndirect Narrative, when a\nfact and not a statement is reported.\n6.Principal Clauses in Indirect Discourse. The Subjunc-\ntive of Indirect Discourse, while probably due originally to the\nidea of uncertainty, is in Bede merely formal and serves only to\nindicate dependency. That it is not due to the statement being\nforeign is clearly shown by the fact that the speaker or writer\nin reporting his own statement makes use of the Subjunctive\n7. Its use then after Verbs of Saying does not indicate doubt\nor uncertainty on the part of the reporter, but merely that a\nstatement and not a fact is reported.\n8. After Verbs of Perception the Subjunctive seems to\nindicate that the thing perceived is conceived of rather as 'a\nthought than a fact. It is considered merely as a conception\nof the mind and not as a necessarily real state of affairs.\n9. After both Verbs of Saying and Verbs of Perception, the\nIndicative is used of a factis, after Verbs of Saying, when\nthe Indicative is reported and not a statement,\nused, a fact is\nand after Verbs of Perception, the thing perceived is considered\nas objective and not subjective.\n10. After Verbs Hoping and Promising, which, as\nLatin, are followed by the same construction as Verbs of\nSaying, the Subjunctive seems to be partly that of uncer-\ntainty, partly that of desire. The Subjunctive occurs after such\nverbs with scarcely an exception, as would follow from the\ntheory above. After such verbs the dependent clause is\nnecessarily only a thought or a statement, and the decision as\nto its being a fact remains in the future.\n11. Tke Indicative in Principal Clauses. In all of the\ncases above mentioned the use of the Indicative is frequent.\nMany of these instances may be attributed to a confusion of\nforms, as is clearly the case, when of two co-ordinate verbs in\nthe same sentence, one is Indicative in form, the other Sub-\njunctive. For example, see Ex. 4, under cweftan (p. 162, 11.\n31-32, also p. 340, 11. 27-28).\n12. But laying aside these cases, there is a clearly defined\ntendency to use the Indicative Mood of a fact reported in oppo_\nsition to a statement reported or a thought conceived. While\nthe Subjunctive does not necessarily imply that the truth of\nthe statement or thought is not vouched for by the reporter,\nthe Indicative in Indirect Discourse does imply that the re-\nporter considered the Indirect Discourse not merely a state-\nment or conception, but the statement or conception of what\npresented mind as a fact. See Hotz, 34, seq.\n13. Accordingly we find that the Indicative occurs most\nfrequently after Verbs of Announcing, Knowledge, and Cer-\ntainty. Even here, however, the Subjunctive is occasionally\nfound, for what some one else announces as a fact, or thinks\nhe knows, the reporter may know not to be a fact.\nDependent Clauses in Indirect Discourse. The mood\nin the dependent clause, while determined in a general way\naccording to the rule given above, shows many exceptions. It\nis easily seen that in many sentences, while the principal might\nbe a mere reported statement, the dependent clause might be\na fact in addition to this any dependent clause which serves\nmerely as a determinative or modifier, or which gives an expla-\nnation of the reporter, goes into the Indicative Mood. From\nthese two causes arises the more frequent occurrence of the\nIndicative in dependent than in principal clauses in Indirect\nDiscourse. In fact, in Relative Clauses which are particularly\nlikely to be modifiers, the Indicative occurs with but few excep-\n15. Tenses of the Subjunctive as used in Indirect Dis-\ncourse. As the Anglo-Saxon verb possessed but two tense\nforms, the present and the preterite, these two tenses appear\nwith many uses, and frequently confusion results this confusion\nissometimes, though by no means always, avoided by the use\nof the auxiliaries magan, sculan, willan, and habban, sculan\noccurring most frequently.\n16. Table of Tenses of the Subjunctive in Indirect Dis-\nI. After a Present Leading Tense. After a Present Leading\nTense both present and preterite Subjunctive occur, the present\nof Contemporaneous and Subsequent, the preterite of Ante-\n17. 1. Contemporaneous Action. The A. S. Present Sub-\njunctive translates the Latin Present Infinitive, and is repre-\nsented by the Mod. Eng. Present Indicative.\nRemark. Occasionally the periphrasis pres. partic. + sie,\nused to express continued action in present time, as in\nthe so-called Progressive Present in Modern English, though\nfrequently merely equivalent to the simple pres'ent.\n18. 2. Antecedent Action. The A. S. Preterite Subjunc-\ntive translates the Latin Perfect Infinitive and is represented in\nMod. Eng. by the Indefinite Past, the Progressive Past or the\nRemark 1. The Progressive Past is frequently represented\nhere by the pres. participle -f waere, etc., as in Mod. Eng.,\nespecially when accompanied by the temporal adverbs gen a,\nRemark 2. The Periphrastic Perfect with habban is occasion-\nally used to translate the Latin Perfect Infinitive.\n19. 3. Subsequent Action. The A. S. Present Subjunctive\ntranslates the Latin Future Infinitiveand is represented in Mod.\nEng. by the Future Indicative.\nRemark. Instead of the present of subsequent action, the\nauxiliaries sculan and willan in the Pres. Subj. followed by the\nInfinitive frequently appear. Occasionally the periphrasis beon\nand pres. part, appears with a fut. sense representing Lat. fut.\npart, and esse.\n20. II. After a Preterite Leading Tense. After a Preterite\nLeading Tense, the Preterite alone is used. Hence the Preterite\nSubjunctive in Indirect Discourse may denote Contempo-\nraneous, Antecedent or Subsequent Action.\n21. Contemporaneous Action. The A. S. Preterite Sub-\njunctive translates the Latin Present Infinitive, and is equiva-\nlent to the Mod. Eng. Indefinite Past, or the Mod. Eng. Pro-\ngressive Past Indicative.\nRemark. Frequently the periphrasis pres. participle +\nwaere, etc., appears and generally, though not always, indicates\n22. Antecedent Action. The A. S. Preterite Subjunctive\ntranslates the Latin Perfect Infinitive, and is equivalent to the\nMod. Eng. Pluperfect Indicative.\nRemark. Occasionally the periphrastic pluperfect with hab-\nban is used here.\n23. Subsequent Action. The A. S. Preterite Subjunctive\ntranslates the Latin Future Infinitive after Historical Tenses\nand is equivalent to the Mod, Eng. would (should) with the\nRemark. Frequently the preterite of the auxiliaries willan\nand sculan appear here, sculan being more common. When\nwillan appears here it has usually in addition to the future\nsense, its proper meaning of wish or desire, and is only a quasi-\nauxiliary. (See below, p. 15, Subseq. Act. Ex.\nVerbs followed by Indirect Discourse.\n24. Verbs of Saying. Of the four verbs of saying, cweftan,\nsecgan, andswarian, sprecan, which occur followed by the Sub-\njunctive in Indirect Discourse, two, cweftan and secgan are\nfound most frequently. Of these two there seems to be a ten-\ndency to use cweftan before an indirect quotation proper,\nwhile secgan generally introduces a mere report. This differ-\nence is especially noticeable in such expressions as Men say,"\n" it is said," etc. Cweftan rarely appears in the passive, while\nthe passive of secgan occurs frequently.\n25. CWE$AN, as remarked above, generally introduces an\nindirect quotation, and only one example occurs in Bede of its\nuse in the passive voice.\n26. Examples. After Present Tense.\nCwist 3u paet pe sy leofre paere my ran suuu ponne paet\nGodes beam, p. 196, 1. 22.\nAfter Preterite Tense.\nOnd he cwaeft paet he gelefde paet him sona wel waere,\np. 396, 11. 24-25. Ond cwaeft paet he selfa geara waere mid\nGodes fultome paet weorc to fremniene, p. 98, 1. 3. Ond\ncwaedon paefc him leofre waere ond heo wilnadon paet heo\npaere peode haelo beon rneahten, p. 162, 11. 31-32. Ond cwaeS\npaet heo fracuSe oud earme waere, p. 222, 1. 23. Ond peah\ncwaeft he, paette paet waere heora gewuua, p. 232, 1. 3. pa\nondswarede he him oud cwaeft paet he waere swa micles hades\nunwyrSe, p. 254, 11. 6-7. Cwaeft, paet he waere se cuftesta\ngeweota hire claennisse ond hire maegiShades, p. 316, 11. 20-21.\nOnd (he) cwaeft, paet he $a gena lifigende waere, pa he pis\ngewrit sette, p. 378,11. 12-13. ForSon ic gemon, paet -Saere\neadigan gemynde Theodor ercebiscop cwaeft paet iSaere tide\nblodlaes eow waere swrSe frecenlic, p. 392, 11. 14-16. WrSsoc\nse biscop ond cwaeft paet his mynster neah waere, paet he\nscolde pyder feran, p. 394, 11. 21-23. Da wrbsoc he se biscop\naerest ond cwaeft paetiSaet idel ond unnyt waere, p, 400, 11. 3-4.\naer cwaedon paet heo Cristen waere, p. 62, 1. 5. CwaeiS\nhe paet him saegde eald weota paet he waere gefulwad aet mid-\ndumdaeg, p. 144, 1. 11. Cwaeft paet he waere long on bodige\nond hwon forSheald haefde blaec feax ond blacne ondwlitan,\nmedmicle nose pynne ond waere arwyrSlic ge ond onderslic\non to seoune, p. 144, 11. 15-17. Cwaeft seo abbudesse paet heo\ngesawe paere niht paet leoht ofer his banum up a$ heofon heah,\np. 184, 1. 14. Bi paem aerestan we bufan cwaedon paet heo\nwaere in Eoforwiicceastre to biscope gehalgod, p. 334, 11. 24-\n26. pa audswaredon heo ond cwaedon paet heo paet ilce aer\nwisten ond ongeaton, p. 340, Cwaeft paet hit eafte\nmeahte beon paet hit purh biosmrunge eteawed waere, p. 410,\n11. 26-27. Ond he cwaeft paet he gesawe ungelice bee him\nberene bion, p. 440, 11. 20-21. CwaeiS paet he waere Michel\nse heah engel, p. 462, 1. 24. Also p. 174, 1. 6, p. 340, 11. 27-28.\nSubsequent Action. Cwaedon heo paet heo naenig pyssa don\nwolde, ne hine for aerce biscop habban wolden, p. 102, 11. 17-\n18. CwaeiS he paette sawl butan aengum sare ond mid micle\nbeorhtnesse leohtes waere utgangende of lichomau, p. 296, 11.\n10-11. (Seo abbuddisse) cwae$, paet heo gelefde paet hire sona\nwel waere aefter his blaetsunge, p. 392, 11. 9-10. Also p. 438,\nCweftan followed by tlie Indicative. He paet hie\naerest $a faegran boc ond ~3a hwitan englas forSbrohton, p.\n440, 11. 27-28.\nCwe^an used in Passive. ponon monegum waes geseweu\nond oft gecweden paette swelces modes wer ma gedafonade\nbeon to biscope gehalgad ponne cyning waere, p. 294, 11. 10-12.\n27. SECGAN, as distinguished from cweftan, frequently intro-\nduced a mere report, as in such expressions as "Men say," "it\nis said," etc. It is found frequently in the Passive Voice.\nExamples after Secgan.\nActive Voice of Secgan.\nAfter a Present Leading Tense.\nAntecedent Action. SecgaS men paet he eac waere mid\ngehate hine seolfne bindende, p. 306, 1. 22. SecgaiS eac men\npaet heo waere swiSe lust fnllieucle pisse\nond heo gewunalice cwaede oft, p. 322, 11. 15-17. ponne is\nsum wundor haelo pe seo ilce booc saga~$ paette aet liictune\ngeworden waere Gode paere leofan gesoranuoge, p. 102, 11. 14-\n16. Secgaft men paet paet gelumpe on sume tide py halgan\nEastordaege, p. 164, 1. 29. Also p. 96, 11. 6-8.\nAfter a Preterite Leading Tense.\nContemporaneous Action. Saegde hire paet his Infu waere\npaet he pa stowe neosade ond gesohte para eadigra apostola, p.\n452, 11. 18-19. Waes se gesihft him secgende paet he meahte\nheora lichaman in -Sere stowe gemaetan, paer he gesawe paet\nleoht of hiofonum in eorSan scinan, p. 418, 11. 10-11. Ond he\nsaegde paet him leof waere ond his lif midbehaefdlic,\n11. 23-24. Cwom sum ponon, pe me saegde paet pus\ngedon waere, p. 186, 1. 34. Saegde seo abbudisse paet sume\nfaemne of Sara nunnena rime mind hefigre adle gestonden waere,\np. 390, 1. 31. Ondette him ond saegde paet he waere cyninges\npegn, p. 328, 11. 21-22. Ac saede paet he folclic mon waere\nond pearfende ond gewiifad haefde ond paette he forSon in\npy fyrd cwome, p. 326, 1. 16. Aefter pon he underpeodde\noud him saegde, paet se daeg swrSe neah stode his forSfore, p.\n266, 1. 10. CirSe aerendwrecan saegdon Ecgberhte paem cyn-\ninge, paette se biscop waere in Francna rice, p. 256, 11. 17-18.\nOnd eac saegde paet se ilca broiSor pa gyt in paem mynstre\nlifigende waere, p. 188,1. 1. Saegdon men paet he waere Britta\nleod, p. 180, 1. 13. Oud saegde paem cyniuge paet aeghwouan\ncwome micel meningeo pearfena, p. 166, 1. 4. He pam cyn-\ninge saegde, paet him alyfed naere paet he his broSor wiife\nbrohte ond haefde, p. 70, 1. 23.\nAntecedent Action. Saegde he paet he hine cneoht weosende\ngesawe, p. 142, 1. 8. Ond heo him cySde cud saegde paet heo\ngeleornade on avvriguesse paet hire endedaeg ond hire forSfore\nwaere swrSe ueah, p. 174, 11. 4-5. Saegde heo him paet seo\nonwrigeuis pyslic waere, p. 174, nu gena sum aid\n1. 6. Is\nbroker lifiende usses mynstres, se me\nsaegde paet him saegde\nsum swiiSe aefest mann ond gepungen paet he pone Fnrseum\ngesege in Eastengla maegSe, p. 216, 11. 23-25. Donne waes\nBiise Eastengla biscop, pe we saegdou paette in pam forespre-\ncenan seonoSe waere, p. 280, 11. 12-13. Ongon him pa secgan,\npaet hire aeteawde sum halig wer ond hire cwaede to, ponue\ndagunge tid cwome, paet heo waere to pam ecan leohte\nferende, p. 286, 11. 23-25. Same men\neac swylce saegdou paet\nheo purh witedomes gast pa adle forecwaede, pe heo on forS-\nferde, p. 318, 11. 24-26. Saegde paet hiora niowau blodlaeten\nwaere iu earme ond in paere blodlaesme paet hio waere mid\nuntrymnesse gestonden ond seo sona waere to Son swiSe\nweaxende waere, p. 392, 11. 3-5. Ond hio saegde paet hio\nwaere on bedde licgeude, p. 392, 1. 7. pis wundor se gemyugeda\nabud saegde Saet hit ne waere him oudweardum pusgeworden,\nah paette pa hit him saegden $a pe Saer ondweorde waerou,\np. 398, 11. 11-13. Done seolfan riim wintra haebbende beon,\nhe oft aer his mannum foresaegde Saet he mid onwriguisse\nhis swefnes ongete, p. 406, 11. 21-23. He swrSe guorniende\nond gemftreduni gelic ongan him secgan paet he gesawe helle\nopene ond Satanan pone ealdan feond moncynnes besencedue\nin pam gruudum helle tintreges paet he paer gesawe (Jaiphan\npone ealdorman para sacerda mid pam oftrum, p. 442, 1. 26,\nSecgan used in the Passive Voice. Secgan frequently\nappears in the Passive. It is to be noted that the passive of\nsecgan, as well as the passive of seon, and other expressions of\nseeming and appearing, is frequently used personally, the sub-\nject of the dependent clause being used also as the subject of\nthe principal clause. This appears to be an imitation of the\nLatin personal use of dicitur, videtur.\nExamples. Passive Voice used Personally. paes biscopes\nlif ond drohtungein his biscophade ge aer biscophade is saegd\npaette waere paet halgeste, p. 282. 1 1. Seo aerest wiifa is\nsaegd in Norpanhymbra maegSe, paet heo munuchade oud\nhalig ryfte onfenge purh halgunge Aidanes paes biscopes, p.\n332, 11. 25-27. pa se Godes wer Scs Agustinus is saegd paet\nhe beotigende forecwaede gif heo sibbe mid Godes monnum\noufon ne wolden, paet heo waeren unsibbe ond gefeoht fram\nheora feondum onfonde, p. 102, 11. 23-25. Se waes saegd\npaet he his broSor waere Osweos suuu paes cyninges, p. 360,\nPassive Voice used Impersonally. para geleafan ond geh wyrf\nednesse is 'saegd paet se cyning swa waere efn blissende, p.\n62, 1. 17. Is paet saegd, paet he Cristes mael hrafte weorce\ngeworhte ond liit stondan scolde,\nseaiS adulfe, in paem p. 154,\n11. 23-24. Is paet saegde, paet he waere be his trymnesse ond\nlare swiSe gefeonde ond waere arisende of his setle of midduni\nhis ealdormannum ond his witurn, p. 470, 11. 6-7. Is saegd\npaet he his eagau mid his hondum to heofonum hofe ond\ninid tearum pus cwaede, p. 202, 1. 6. Eac swilce is saegd, paet\nhe waere paere maestan eaftmoduesse, p. 196, 1. 4. Is baet\nsaegd iSaet in "Sa tid swa micel sib waere iu Breotone aeghwyd-\nerymb, swa Eodwines rice waere, peah pe an wif wolde inid\nhire nicendum cild, heo meahte gegan butan aelcere sceftenisse\nfrom sae sae ofer eall pis ealond, p. 144, 11. 21-24. Is paet\nsaegd, paette swa micel haetu ond lust waere Cristes geleafan\npaette Paulinus se biscop sumre tid com mid pam cyniiig\noud cwene in pam cynelican tun oud paer wunade syx ond\nprittig daga, p. 140, 11. 7-10.\n29. Secgan with the Indicative. Occasional examples occur\nof the Indicative in Indirect Discourse ahev secgan. The mood\nhere, as in the first example given below, may be due to the\nindirect statement being a fact. In most instances, however,\nit is difficult to understand in this way, and seems simply due\nto confusion of the two moods.\nExamples. Cwaeft him mon\nto ond saegde paet heo\nhaeSne waeron, p. 96, 1. 17. Ond nionige para broSra saegdou\npaet heo swutolice engla song geherdon, ge eac sweggeherdon,\nswa swa micelre mengu in paet mynster gongan, p. 174, 1. 16.\nDa gesaegdon Romane on an Bryttum paet hi no ma ne inihton\nswa gewinnfullicum fyrdum swencte beon, p. 44, 1. 33.\nExamples of Indirect Discourse after Andswarian. Ond\nhim andswarode, paet he oiSer lif ma cure ond lufade ponne\npaet wornedlif, p. 454, 11. 13-14. pa ondswarede he paet he\nnoht swylcra craefta ne cube, p. 328, 11. 8-9. Ne meahtou heo\nawiht elles ondswarian, uemne paet heo forpon yrre waere ond\npaem cyning feond, p. 288, 1. 1. Andswearedon Scottas paet\nheora lond lie waere to paes rnycel, paet hit mihton two peode\ngehabbau, p. 28, 1. 11. Oudswarede he paet paet alyfed naere,\npaette cristeno faemne haeiSnam men to wiife seald waere, p.\n120, 1. 14.\nRemark 1. One example occurs of the Indicative after\nandswarian. Ex. Ondswarede him mou paet heo Ongle\nueuined waeron, p. 96, 1. 22.\nRemark 2. A frequent combination is andswarede ond cwaeft,\netc. Examples. Ond him mon ondswarede ond cwaeiS paette\nhe Aell haten waere, p. 96, 1. 31. Oudswaredon hy ondcwaedon\npaet heo to pon pider senden waeron paet heo sceolden paet\ngyldue mynet mid him geneoman paette pider of Cent cwom,\np. 174, 11. 9-10. (Notice Indie, here.) For other examples,\nsee above under cwe^San.\nSprecan only rarely appears, but two examples occur-\nring followed by distinct subjunctive forms.\nExamples. pa spraecou heo be life haligra faedra ond paet\neac onhyrgan wolden, p. 270, 11. 19-20.\nRemark. In the second of these two examples the introduc-\ntory Ipaet is omitted and the Indirect Discourse follows imme-\ndiately, being only indicated by the Subjunctive mood. Ex.\nDa waeron pa haeiSnan betwih him sprecende sticcemaelum\nall hiora maegfte neded waere, paet hio hiora aid bigong for-\nleorte ond paet uiowe beade, p. 416,11. 20-21.\n32. Examples of Indirect Discourse after Writan. Writed\nEutropius paet Constantinus se casere waere on Breotone\nacenned, p. 42, 1. 17. ForSon bi paem ilcum faedrum awriten\nis paet heo waeren todaelende heora weoruldgood syndrigum\nmannum, p. 66, 1. 2.\n33. Verbs of Announcing. After Verbs of Announcing\nthe Indicative occurs rather frequently, being used when a\nfact and not a statement is announced. (See example under\nAfter cy^an. pa saegdon hie "Saet ond cy$don Eadbyrhte\nheora biscope paet him ftaet licede ond leof waere, gif his\nwilla waere, p. 374, 11. 25-26. Sona seude aerendwracan paet\nheo scealden secgan oncl cypan paetn eadigau biscope Scs\nGregorius paette Ongelpeode haefde onfougen Cristes geleafan\nond paette he to biscope gebalgod waere, p. 64, 1. 1-2.\nAfter onbeodan. Swelce Agustinus heht him eac onbeadau\npaette her waere micel rip anweord oud fea worhton, p. 88,\nI. 28. And pa seude to Aepelbyrhte aerenddracan ond onbead\npaet he of Home came ond paet betste aerend laedde, p. 58,\nAfter (ge)bodian. Wulfhere se cyning onget ond him ge-\nbodad waes paet in paere maegiSe Eastseaxna of daele Cristes\ngeleafa aidlad waes, p. 250, 11. 17-18.\n34. Verbs of Believing and Supposing. Examples,\nAfter gelyfan. ponue is he gelyfed paet he Cristes geoc\nbere ond eow laere to beoreune, p. 100, 11. 28-29. Is ftaet to\ngelyfenne paette paet waere mid forestihtunge don paere\ngodcundau arfaestnesse, paet he swa geefeulicad waere mid pa\ngife his ftingeres, p. 372, 11. 27-31. Oud\nforSon seo uplice arfaestnis wolde mec hefigade beon ond sare\nmines sweoran, paet ic swa waere oulesed paere scylde paere\nswiSe idlan leasnisse, p. 322, 11. 20-23. Ne paet furiSum gelef-\ndon paet it 6 waere, p. 150, 1. 9. pa sette he pa reliquias in\nheora cyste, and gelefde paet his eage for $y fexe paes Godes\nweres hrafte gehaeled waere, p. 382, 11. 29-32.\nAfter tellan. pa fuude he oiSerne pnrh eal ping him pone\ngelicastan, pa getealde he paet he hit waere, p. 326, 11. 29-30.\nAfter pencan. Heo pohton paet him mislicra and gehael-\nodra waere, p. 56, 1. 3.\nAfter wenan. pa ongau ic peucan ond wende paet hit hel\nwaere, p. 426, 1. 2. Ic waenu paet he waere bensiende $a\nuplicau arfaestnisse miura gesyuta, p. 402, 11. 9-10. Tealdon\nhie oud weudon paet his ofter lichoma iSy Seawe deadra manna\nfornumen waere ond to duste gewordeu, p. 374, 11. 20-22.\nAfter raesian. Da ongon he mid gleawe mode pencan oud\nraesian, paette uaenig ofter iutinga waere paere stovve grennis\noud faegeruis nemne paet sum haligra mon hwylcwugu pam\noiSrum weorode ofslegen waere, p. 180, 11. 16-18.\nAfter wen beon. Ondgif wen sy paet he in strengopeodscipes\nond prea to wlaec sy, p. 74, 1. 2.\n35. and Certainty. As might be\nVerbs of Knowledge\nexpected Verbs and Expressions of Knowledge and Certainty\nare followed by the Indicative Mood. A few examples are\nExamples after witan. Ic wat geare paet ftu eart min se\nleofesta biscop, p. 402, 1. 15. Be paem aefteran is hraeftlice\nto witanne paet he waes in Dorsetceastre to biscope gehalgod,\np. 334, 1. 26. Ac wite pu hwaeftre paet pu onfehst paes pu\nbaede, p. 244, 1. 8. WitaiS ge paet he bift Cristes peaw, p. 102,\nRemark. The Accusative with the Infinitive sometimes\noccurs after witan, instead of Ipaet with the Subjunctive. Ex.\nWite pu me cristene beon, p. 36, 1. 16.\nExamples after cu% is. ponne is paet cuiS paet he nis of\nGode, p. 100, 1. 30. Be pam ponne cuft is, paet he waes\nhwaeiSre mid py baeSe his blodes geclaensad, p. 40, 1. 15.\n36. Verbs of Perceiving. Examples.\nAfter ongytan. Heo ongeton paette paet waere soft faest-\nnesse weg, p. 100, 1. 12. pa gemunade Oswia se cyning paet\nhe hine trymede ond laerde paette he ongete paette ne meahten\ngodo beon, p. 224, 1. 13.\nAfter metan. Ealra heora dome he unscyldig ond butan\nleahtrum waes gemeted ond paet he waere his biscophade well\nwyrSe, p. 458, 11. 27-29. ForSon nis awer gemeted in halgum\nboccum paette pisse fregnesse waerword sy gesegen, p. 68, 1. 25.\n37. Verbs of Seeming and Appearing. The two verbs of\nSeeming and Appearing, which occur most frequently followed\nby the Subjunctive of Indirect Discourse are the passive of\nseon, used like the Latin videor, and the impersonal tyyncan.\nThe passive of seon, gesegen beon, is frequently used person-\nally with the subject of the verb in Indirect Discourse as sub-\nject also of the leading verb, possibly an imitation of the usage\nin Latin in the simple tenses of videor.\nAfter gesegen beon. pa waes heo gesegen purh twegan dayas\npaet hire leohtor ond wel waere, p. 320, 11. 24-25. Monnum\ngesewen waes paet aet forSfore waere, p. 396, 1. 19. Eac\nswelce paet gesegen paet he waere gewis his seolfes forSfore,\np. 348, 11. 2526. pa waes him eallum gesegen paet waere\nfram Drihtne sylfum heofonlice gifu forgifen, p. 344, 11. 23-24.\nPuhte him^seolfum ond him gesegen waes paet heardlice ond\nstranglice spraece, p. 348, 11. 11-12.\nAfter Ipyncan. Him eallnm puhte paet hit gerisenre waere\npaet his lichoman mon gesette to eastdaeles paes wigbedes, p.\n218, 1. 28. pencan ond me hum puhte paet paer\npa ongan ic\nwaere heofona 11. 11-12.\nrice, p. pa ongunnon heo open-\nlice deofolgildum peawian, pe monnum gepuhte paet heo\nhwaeiShwegu forlaeten haefde bi paem faeder lifiendum, p. 112,\n1. 5. Me pynceft, broftor, cwaeiS he, paet pu waere paem\nheardra ponne hit riht waere, p. 164, 1. 4.\nof Deciding. Findan and deman in the sense\nof to decide," each occur once with the Subjunctive of Indi-\nrect Discourse. Examples. Ond pa to raede fundon ond\ngemaenre gepeahte paet him selre ond gehaeledre waere, p.\n112, 1. 9. Ond pa heora ealra dome gedemed waes paet he\nwaere biscophades wyrSe, ond paet he to lareowe sended\nwaere Ongolcynne, p. 164, 11. 11-12.\n39. Verbs of Hoping and Promising. After verbs of\nHoping and Promising, the A. S. Present Subjunctive after a\nPresent leading tense, the Preterite Subjunctive after a Prete-\nrite leading tense, translate the Latin Future Infinitive, where\nthe Mod. Eng. equivalent is the Present Infinitive or that with\nthe future after principal, the so-called conditional (should,\nwould) after historical tenses. The verbs of this class found\nare tiatan, gehatan, to promise, and gehihtan to hope.\nExamples. After hatan. Ond he hiene het aefterfylgendre\ntide, ponne he synna hreawe ond ondettuesse\nildra waere, his\ndon. p. 438, After gehatan. Swelce he eac gehat geheht\nalne saltere in gemynd paere god-\npaet he aeghwilce daege\ncundan herenisse asunge, p. 242, 11. 31-35. Geheht paet he\nhim swiiSe blrSe waere, p. 198, 1. 1.\nRemark. Treowesellan, to pledge one's faith, being equiva-\nlent to a verb of promising occurs with the same construction.\nEx. Heora treowe sealdon paet heo riht midhealdan woldon\nto heora eiSle hwurfen, p. 248, 11. 1-2.\nAfter gehihten, to hope. Ondswylceeache waes gehihtende\npaet he sona his lichoman tolesed waere, p. 404. 11. 22-24.\n40. Verb of Rejoicing. Bl>ssian, to rejoice, occurs followed\nby Ipaet and the Subjunctive, equivalent to the Latin quod with\nthe Indicative. Ex. Se arwyrpa faeder blissade pact he\ngesawe Drihtnes daeg, p. 474, 11. 20-21.\n41. Examples after other verbs, Forgitan. pa forget he\npaet he in oftere stowe paet geheolde, p. 156,1. 30. Ondettan.\npa ondred he ondettan paet he cyninges pegn waere, p. 326,\n1. 15. Toaetecan. Ond pa gen toaetecte paet hit waere\nwintres tiid ond se winter waere grim ond cald ond fyrstig\nond raid hiise gebunden paet se halga wer saete in pynnum\nhraegle, p. 216, 11. 26-28.\n42. Any word or expression denoting the same idea as a\nverb of saying or thinking may be followed by Indirect Dis-\ncourse. Ex. Se maereste hlisa is paette waere in eowere\npeode wundorlice halignesse cyning, p. 192, 1. 1. He Ceddan\nbiscop mid wordum preade paet he rihtlice gehalgad ne waere,\np. 260, 11. 34. Ond swa waes gefylled se witedom paes hal-\ngan biscopes Agustinus paet heo sceolden for heora treaw-\nleasnesse hwilendlicre forwyrdt) wraec prowigan, p. 104, 1. 9.\n43. Virtual Indirect Discourse. In many examples, though\nthere is no formal indirect quotation, the leading verb involves\na verb of saying. In such cases the Subjunctive is frequently\nfound in relative and other dependent clauses. This is espec-\nially the case in relative clauses after a complementary final\nsentence, as verbs of asking, commanding, etc., are to a cer-\ntain extent verbs of saying, though they may not introduce a\nformal indirect quotation.\nExamples. pa baed he hine paet he him iSaes arwyrSan\ntreas hwylcne hwego dael brohte ponne he eft ham come, p.\n156, 1. 23. See also p. 100, 1. 16 p. 198, 1. 31 p. 210, 1. 17.\nRemark. Sometimes the mere appearance of a word of say-\ning is enough to cause the use of the Subjunctive. For in-\nstance, in the following example, witedom, which precedes the\nverb in the sentence causes the principal clause to go into the\nSubjunctive. Ex. Da aefter Esaies witedome in paem cleo-\nfura pe aer dracan eardodon, waere upyrnende grawnes hreodes\nond rixa, p. 230, 11. 20-21.\n6. The Indirect Question.\n44. As Verbs of Asking imply speaking, the Subjunctive\nused in the Indirect Question may be considered as of the\nsame nature and origin as the Subjunctive of Indirect Narrative,\nand is found with even greater regularity. Sometimes, how-\never, the Subjunctive here seems also to denote duty or obli-\ngation and to point to a subjunctive in the direct question ; in\nsuch cases it seems to have something of an optative or jussive\ncharacter. The sense of duty or obligation, however, is fre-\nquently expressed by the auxiliary sculan.\n45. Words introducing the Indirect Question. Indirect\nQuestions are introduced by the regular interrogative pronouns\nand adverbs and by hwae^er. Ilwaefter translates regularly the\nLatin num we, and is represented in Mod. Eng. by whether,"\nor "if," introducing an Indirect Question. No example of gif,\nas an interrogative particle occurs. The Double or Disjunc-\ntive Question uses hwaefter oftfte (pe) (Lat. utrum. an, etc.).\nAfter verbs of looking, the interrogative pronouns and hwaefter\nhave a peculiar use. See 48.\nTenses of the Subjunctive in Indirect Questions. The\ntenses used in Indirect Questions are the present and preterite\nwith the same force as in Indirect Narrative. It is to be noted,\nhowever, that to denote subsequent action, the periphrasis\ngerund -f beon, or the auxiliary sculan frequently appear, convey-\ning also the idea of obligation. Willan occasionally appears\nalso to represent subsequent action, and emphasize the idea of\n47. Examples of Indirect Questions.\n1. After a Present leading tense.\nContemporaneous Action. Ond pe ic hate paet $u hit gehele\nond gehealde oftSaet ic wite hwaet God wille ond hwaet be mi\ngewurSe, p. 462, 11, 21-22. Wast $u hwaet $as ping ealle seon ?\np. 430, 11. 28-29. Naefre ofer pis ic demo hwaet o$pe hu\nmicel of uncrum feo ftu Godes beornum selle, p. 196, 1. 31.\nGeseoh pu, cyning hwelc peos lar sie, p. 134, 1. 12. Be hwon\nmagon we iSaet weotan hwaefter he sy? p. 100, 1. 25. We\nsmealice gepencan sculan, of hwylcre wisan paein moode hit\ngegonge paes slaependan, p. 86, 1. 5. Dis maeg gepencan\nof paes peofes hade hu he geriht beon maegge, p. 68, 11. 1-2.\nSage me hwylces cynnes pu si ? p. 36, 1. 14. Hwaet lumped\n$aes to i5e of hwylcum wyrtruman ic acenned si, p. 36, 1. 16.\nGesage me pinne naman hwaet pa haten sie, p. 36, 1. 19. Sio\nwise hwelcne ende haebbende sie, sio aefterre eldo gesrS ond\nsceawaiS, p. 480, 11. 12-13.\nAntecedent Action. HwaeiSer he paet bi him seolfum cwaede\npe be oiSrum men hwelcum, paet us is uncuiS, p. 270, 11. 26-27.\nNis eis ponne se hlisa to foreswigienue for hwilcum intingan\nhe monad waere, p. 96, 1. 6. Waes godes mannes geearnung\nofrSo his liif, hwelc were, cuftlicor seined, p. 384, 11. 9-10.\nSubsequent Action. Do pis, cwaeft he, oSpaet ic pe fullicor\naeteawe hwaet pu don scyle ond hu longe pu on hreawe awu-\nnian scyle, p. 350, 1. 33 seq. Hwaet paer foregange ofrSe\nhwaet paer aefter fylige, we ne cunnun, p. 136, 1. 6. Cwist pu\nhwaefter pu pa halwendan monunge onfon wille ond him\nhearsum beon p. 130, 1. 8.\n? Ac gesage me hwylce mede pu\nwille sellan pam men, p. 128, 1. 25. Hafa -Su mid pone elcan\nbiscop spraec ond gepeahte hwaet to donne sy, p. 72, 1. 26.\nUton biddan aelmihtigne God, paet he geeaiSmodige us to tac-\nnian hwelc gesetenes to fylgenne sy, hwelcum wegum to efes-\ntenne sy to ingange his rices, p. 98, 11. 29-30. Hafa pu mid\nPone ilcan biscop spraec ond gepeahte hu pa gerehte ond gehette\nbeon scylen, p. 74, 1. 1.\n2. After a Preterite leading tense.\nContemporaneous Action. Fraegn se cyning hiene hwaet\n$aet waere, p. 438, 11. 20-21. Fraegn pa ond acsade hwaer\nAcca maessepreost waere, p. 462, 11. 12-13. pa ongan he mec\nacsean ond frinan hwaefter ic wiste hwaefter ic on rihtan bu-\ntan inan gefulwad waere, p. 402, 11. 20-21. pa fraegn he hine\noud ascode hwaet him waere, p. 352, 1. 23. Da fregn he mec\nhwaefter ic wiste hwa ftaet waere, p. 402, 1. 13. pa gyt he\nfraegn hu neah paere tide waere paette pa broker arisan scol-\nden, p. 381, 11. 13-14. pa wundrade se pegn for Inyon he iSaes\nbaede, p. 346, 1. 30. He him gecypan wolde\nhwaet he waere, p. 328, 11. 19-21. Fraegn hine pa geornlice\nhwonon he waere, p. 328, 11. 18-19. Ond hine ascade hwaeiSer\nhe Sa alysendlecau rime ctrSe, p. 328, 1 6. pa fraegu hine se,\nhwaet he waere, p. 326, 11. 14-15. Summum monnum cwom\nin tweon in hwaeSer hit swa waere, p. 316, 11. 18-20. He paet\nsceolde geornlice gewitan ond geleornian hwelces geleafau\nOngolcyunes cirice waere, p. 314, 11. 26-28. pa frugnon heo\npa ymbsittendan mid hwone heo sprecende waere, p. 290,\n11. 26 -27. Ono hwylcre geearnunge pes biscop waere aelmihtig\nGod monnum gecyftde, p. 198, 1. 18. pa fraegn hine ond\nahsode his maessepreost for hwon he weope, p. 198, 1. 7. And\nsmealice sohton on hwon paet gelang waere, p. 182, 1. 3.\nWoldon gewitan hwaet paet waere. Cunuode pa mid his hond\nond sohte hwaet paet waere, p. 158, 1. 1. Syndriglice was\nfram, him eallum frignende hwaet him puhte and gesawen\nwaere peos niwe lar, p. 134, 1. 9. Da fraegn he hine hwaet to\nhim lumpe hwaefter he wacode pe slepe ond hwaeiSer he pe ute\npe inne waere, p. 128, 11. 20-21. pa eode he to him ond fraegn\nfor hwon he in para tid ana swa unrot on stone waeccende\nsaete, p. 128, 1. 19. pa wuudrade he swrSe ond ahsode hwylc\nmon to paes gedyrtig waere, p. 114, 1. 30. Ond hine waes\nfrignende pa gesettan Cristes seep in middum wulfuin hwyl-\ncum heorde he fleonde forlete, p. 114, 1. 21. Fraegn he ond\nahsode hwaet paet weorod waere, p. 102, 1. 33. Da gyt he\nahsode hwaet heora cyning haten waere, p. 96, 1. 30. Eft he\nfraegn hwaet se peod nemned waere, p. 96, 1. 12. Eft he\nfraegn hwaefter pa ilcan londleode cristne waeron, pe hi pa\ngen in haeftennesse gedwolan lifden, p. 96, 1. 16.\nAntecedent Action. Ac se aelmihti God wolde gecypan\nhwylcre gearnunge se halga wer waere, p. 90, 1. 23. Hwelc\npaes cyninges geleafa ond modea welsumnis in God waere paet\nmid maegena wundrum waes gecySed, p. 178,\naefter his deaiSe\n1. Geornlice smeadon hwaet he cwaede, p. 164, 1. 11.\nAscade hwelces geleafon heo waeren, p. 310, 1. 8. Ge eac\nswylce hwelcre gearnunge he haefd waere mid pone inlican\ngewitan, ic waes ongeotende, p. 398, 11. 19-22. Ond geornlice\nhim fraegn ond ascode hwonan he iSa wisan cufte ond ongete,\np. 352, 11. 31-30. Ond heo pa geornlice hine ahsodon hu paet\ngelumpe, p. 186, 1. 12. Hwylc hire maegen waere, ma aefter\nhire deaiSe gecyiSed waes, p. 176, 1. 2. Saegde se ilca mon\nhwylc paes biscopes heow waere Scs Paulinus, p. 144, 1. 15.\nAc hwaeftre sargende mode geornlice pohte hwaefc se waere\no$pe hwonan he come, p. 130, 1. 22. He wolde userne siftfaet\nsceawian ond geseon hwaet us gelumpe, p. 386, 1. 6.\nSubsequent Action. pa waes seo abbudisse ond seo modor\npaere gesomnunge bighygdig ond sorgende in hwylce tid pone\ndael paes mynstres paet ilce wite gehrine, p. 282, 1. 28, seq.\nOswia NorSanhymbra cyning ond Ecgberht Centwarena cyn-\ning haefdon betweoh him spraece ond gepeahte, hwaefc to donne\nwaere bi paene stealle Ongolcynnes cirican, p. 248, 11. 3-6.\nOnd heo pa haefdon in paem gemote micle smeaunge ond\ngepeahte hwaet him to donne waere, p. 162, 1. 30. Geornlice\nmid him seolfum sineade ond pohte hwaet him saelest to donne\nwaere ond hwylc aefaestnes him to healdanne waere, p. 132,\n11. Ond ne wiste hwider he code, oftpe hwaefc him\nselest to donne waere, p. 128, 1. 13. He gelomlice mid hine\npeahtade ond sohte hwaet be pissum pingum to donne waere,\np. 124, 1. 30. Sohte ond smeade mid Laurentio and Justo, his\nefnbiscopum, hwaet him be ftissum pingum to donne waere, p.\n112, 1. 28. pa gesomnedon hi gemot ond peahtedon ond raed-\ndon hwaet him to donne waere, hwaer him waere fultum to\nsecanne, p. 50, 1. 10. Ond mid halwende worde laerde hwaet\nymb para haelo to donne waere, p. 216, 1. 11.\n48. A fter Verbs of Looking, hvmefter and the Interrogative\npronouns are used like the Latin si after verbs denoting trial\nand attempt. The Mod. Eng. translation is " look to see if,"\nExamples. Da aet nestan locadon we on baecling hwae$er\nwoen ware, p. 384, 1. 25. Da ahof icmine eagan upp ond\nlocade hider oud geond hwae^er me\naenig fultum toweard\nwaere, p. 428, 11. 16r-18. Heo geornlecor bihealdende waes\nhwelcum teonde up ahefen waere se wlite paes wulderlecan\nlichoman, p. 288, 11. 14-15.\n49. Ne witan. After verbs and expressions such as ne\nwitan, nytan, not to know, me uncuft is, etc., it is unknown to\nme, the Indirect question takes the Indicative or Subjunctive\nwith a well defined difference of meaning. If the action of the\nverb of the Indirect question is contemporaneous with or an-\ntecedent to that of the leading verb, the Indicative is used ; if\nsubsequent, the Subjunctive.\nExamples. With Indicative. Ne wiste ic hwaer min lat-\nteow becom, p. 426, 1. 17. With Subjunctive. Me waes un-\ncu$ hwaet ic dyde oiSpe hvvider ic eode oiSpe hwelc ende me\ncome, p. 426, 11. 27-28.\n50. The Conditional Sentence in Anglo-Saxon is introduced\nby gif, if = Latin si. The negative of gifis regularly nernne,\nbutan, unless, except = Latin nisi, sometimes gif ne, if not\n= Latin si non. The mood used in the Protasis is Indicative\nor Subjunctive with a well defined difference, the Indicative\nbeing used in a supposition assumed to be true, while the Sub-\njunctive is used when the supposed case is uncertain or con-\ntrary to fact. The Subjunctive is used in both Protasis and\nApodosis in the Unreal Condition, where both Protasis and\nApodosis are contrary to fact. Instead of the Indicative in\nthe Apodosis, the Imperative or its representative, the Optative\nSubjunctive appear. may\n51. The Conditional Sentences occurring in the Old Eng-\nlish Version of Bede may be classified according to form as\na. Conditions with the Indicative in both Protasis and Apo-\nConditions with the Subjunctive in Protasis, and the\nImperative or equivalent, sometimes the Indicative, in the\nc. Conditions with the Subjunctive in both Protasis and\nRemark. In (a) instead of the Indicative in the Apodosis,\nthe Imperative or Optative Subjunctive may appear.\n52. a. Conditional Sentences with the Indicative in both\nProtasis and Apodosis. The tense of the Indicative used in\nthe Protasis is regularly the present form, referring either to\npresent or future time, though the Preterite Indicative occurs\nof a past event assumed to be true. In the Apodosis the mood\nisregularly the Indicative, although sometimes the Imperative\nor Optative Subjunctive appears equivalent to a future.\nThis class of Conditional Sentences correspond to conditions\nusually known as the Logical Condition, in which the condition\nis assumed to be a fact.\nExamples. Present Tense. Nu gif Agustinus is milde ond\neaftmodre heortan, is he gelyfed paet he Cristes geoc bere,\np. 100, 11. 27-28. Ac hwaet maeg ic mvSaere faenman do, gif\nhie aet forSfore is, p. 392, 11. 17-18.\nPreterite Tense. Breac ealdre halsunge gif hi hwylcne\ndrycraeft haefdon, p. 58, 11. 21-22. Him gehetan eaftmode\nhyrnysse, gif hi him gefultumadou, p. 44, 1. 14.\n53. 1). Conditional Sentences with the Subjunctive in the\nProtasis, and the Imperative or equivalent, sometimes the Indi-\ncative in the Apodosis. This class of conditions may be con-\nveniently subdivided, as follows :\n1. Conditions with the Pres. Subj. in the Protasis, and the\nImperative or equivalent in the Apodosis.\n2. Conditions with the Pret. Subj. in the Protasis and the\nIndicative in the Apodosis.\n54. 1. Conditions with the Pres. Subj. in the Protasis, and\nthe Imperative or equivalent in the Apodosis. In conditions of\nthis class, the Subjunctive in the protasis appears to emphasize\nthe uncertainty of the supposed case, as being in the future,\nand the use of the mood here may be compared to the use of\nthe Greek Subjunctive in the so-called More Vivid Future\nCondition. In the apodosis the verb is in the Imperative, or\nequivalent in a large majority of cases, and the few instances\nof the Indicative occurring are equivalent to a wish or a com-\nmand, as will be seen on referring to the examples given below.\nHotz (Use of the Subjunctive Mood in Anglo-Saxon, 17) at-\ntributes the mood in the protasis to a kind of attraction, say-\n" In such\ning: contingency the subj. owes its existence rather\nto the correlation of condition to consequence wanting to be\nreflected by concordance of mood than to its absolute value.\nAs for the imperative, its influencing the verb of the condition\nin the same way as opt. and jussive, the elucidation is surely\nto be taken from them. Indicatives with optat. or jussive pur-\nport work upon mood in the same way as optatives themselves."\nT. J. Mather, however (The Conditional Sentence in Anglo-\nSaxon, p. 8), says :\nfollowing would seem to be the expla-\nnation of the Subjunctive in the protasis of a command or wish.\nThe speaker introduces a strong subjective element into the\nsentence by the expression of his own desire or command.\nHe thereby falls out of the role of a mere reporter and ex-\npresses a particular interest in the relation. This element of\nwill may extend through the whole sentence and influence the\nverb of the protasis which becomes subjunctive, the proper\nmood for the expression of will or wish. The subjunctive in\nsuch clauses is rather adhortative, at least in origin, than poten-\ntial or hypothetical." In certain examples, as in the second\nquoted below from p. 160, 11. 7-8, where the logical apodosis is a\nclause dependent on a verb of desire > etc., this is undoubtedly a\nconvenient and correct explanation (see Rem. 2, below), but com-\nparison with other languages and with modern English usage does\nnot support belief in this sort of attraction of mood. Logically\nthe protasis is the principal, the apodosis the dependent clause, so\nthat if this attraction takes place it should occur in just the con-\ntrary direction. For this reason it seems that the present subjunc.\nin the protasis of conditions of this class is closer to the Greek\nMore Vivid Future protasis and is due to the idea of doubt\nor uncertainty rather than to that of desire. The condition,\nhowever, does not correspond to the Latin ideal, except in one\ninstance (see last example) below, but translates regularly the\nLatin logical condition with the indicative in the protasis, fol-\nlowed by the imperative or equivalent in the apodosis.\n56. Examples. Positive. Meleof is, gif Su maegge, p. 292,\npus araeded seo, ond pis cwide onwended\n1.33. Gif hit eallinga\nbeon ne moste, ic biddo ond halsio paet ne sy more fac bi-\ntweonum pon peos nehste neaht an, p. 290, 11. 24-25. ForSon\ngif peos lar owihfc cu$licre ond gerisenlicre bringe, paes\nweorSe is paet we paere fylgen, p. 160, 11. 7-8. Fulwian ponne\npaet cennende wiif oiSpe paet beam, gif heo syn preade mid\nfrecennisse deaiSes, naenige gemete is bewered, p. 76, 1. 20.\nOSpe gif wiif numen sy en monafteiSle gewunan, hwaefter alefaft\nhire in circan gangan, p. 74, 1. 17. Do swa, gif ge willen, p.\n400, 1. 6. he ponne eow forhogie ond eow ne wille\narisan togegnes, sy he ponue from eow forhogad, p. 102, 11. 2-3.\nOnd gif he arise angegnes eow, ponne wita$ ge paet he bip\nCristes peaw, p. 100, 1. 33. Gif he Godes man sy, fylgaiS ge\nhim, p. 100, 1. 23. Ond gif wen sy paet he in strengo peod-\nscipes ond prea to wlaec sy, ponne is he to onbaernenne,\np. 74, 11. 1-2. Gif hwylce ponne ofer paet gefrernmen, ponne\nseondon heo to bescyrieune Cristes lichoman ond blodes, p.\n72, 1. 6. Gif $u wille pysses lifes geselignysse brucan, ne yld\npu, p. 36,1. 23. Ac gif ftu wylle gehyran paet so^, ponne wite\npu me cristene beon, p. 36, 1. 16.\nIdeal. Ac gif e foor gelimpe (Lai. contingat) in Gallia\nmaegSe, hafa pu mid pone ilcan biscop spraec, p. 72, 1. 24.\nhe mid waetre apwegen ond bibaftod sy,\nne sceal he in circan gangan, p. 80, 1. 23. Ond pas wiif, nemne\nseo claesnunge tiid forftgeleore, ne scealon heo heora werum\ngemengde beon, p. 78, 1. 1. Nemne aer paet fyr paere unrehtan\nwillunge from mode acolie, ue sceal he hine wyrSe tilgan, p.\n80, 1. 31. Hine ne forgifeft paette he mote in Godes has gan-\ngan nemne he sy waetre aiSwegen, p. 84, 1. 26.\n57. 2. Conditions with the preterite Subjunctive in the Pro-\ntasis,and the Indicative in the Apodosis. Only three condi-\ntions of this class with unmistakable subjunctive forms occur\nin Bede, and in all three the protasis is negative introduced\nby nemne (2), gif ne (1) (Lat. nisi (2), si non (1) ). The third\nof these (p. 366, 11. 26-30), shows the Subjunctive in both\nmembers in the Latin original, the mood and tense (perfect\nform) in the apodosis being due to Bede's late Latin indirect\ndiscourse construction after quia. The Anglo-Saxon, as is fre-\nquentty the case, loses sight of the indirect discourse, and rep-\nresents the sentence as an independent statement. In the\nother two examples, however, the Latin has the Indicative in\nthe apodosis, with the Subjunctive in the protasis. It has\nseemed best to give the Latin in full, in order to see to what\nextent it coincides with the Anglo-Saxon structure. In the\norder in which these examples are given below, the first is an\noccurrence of the rare conditional form, the Ideal from the\nPoint of View of the Past. (Gildersleeve Latin Grammar,\n596, 2.) The\nIndicative in the apodosis is due to the poten-\ntial idea of the verb (posse). With regard to this form in\nLatin, Prof. Gildersleeve says "When non possum is followed\nby nisi (si non), the protasis has the Ideal of the Past after a\npast tense." Gram., 596, R. 3).\n(Lat. Hence, in the first\nexample below, the Anglo-Saxon corresponds exactly to a rare,\nthough regular form of the Latin Ideal Condition, and the\nmood isdue to the idea of uncertainty. In the other two\nexamples the Latin shows the form of condition known as the\nIterative. Of this condition, Prof. Peters (Syntax of the Latin\nVerb, 363), says: "The mood is regularly the Indicative in\nthe Protasis and Apodosis, where particularly in late Latin,\nthe Subjunctive is more usual, in fact the rule, in the protasis.\nIt is used in describing habits, customs and the general effect\nof actions, in the different spheres of time. The tenses are in\nthe Past time, the Imperfect and Imperfect when the actions\nare coincident, the Pluperfect and Imperfect, less frequently\nthe Aorist, when one action is completed and precedes* the\nother." Hence it would seem that the Anglo-Saxon employed\nhere the same structure as the Latin, and the condition ap-\nproaches closely the Greek General Condition in Past time.\nThe Latin perfect subjunctive form in the 3d example repre-\nsents the aoristic perfect Indicative, the mood being due to\nthe oblique relation as mentioned above.\nExamples 1. Ideal. Ne him mon on o$re wisau his bene\ntygpian wolde nemne he Cristes geleafan onfenge, p. 220, 1. 26.\n(Lat. Neque aliter, quod petebat, impretrari potuit, nisi fidem\nChristi acciperet.) 2. Iterative in Past Thne. Ne he on horses\nhricge cuinan wolcle, nemne hwilc mare nyd abaedde. p. 160, 1.\n17. (Lat. Discurrere per cuncta et urbana et rustica loca, non\nequorum dorso, sed pedura incessu vectus, nisi forte necessitas\nconpulisset, solebat.) 3. Ond symle, gif hire hefigre untrym-\nnesse ne bewere, of paere tide uhtsanges oft hluttorne daeg in\ncirican in halgan gebedum stod, p. 318, 11. 22-24. (Lat. Semper\nsi non infirmitas gravior prohibuisset, in ecclesia precibus in-\n58. Remark. In some instances gif is equivalent to " in\ncase that." In such sentences the protasis becomes virtual\nindirect discourse, as it implies a thought or intention on the\npart of the subject of the principal clause or apodosis. When\nthe verb in the Apodosis is one of Commanding or Demanding,\ngif has regularly this sense. In both cases the Preterite Sub-\njunctive seem.s due rather to the idea of Indirect Discourse or\nto the Verb of Wishing, than to the supposition.\nExamples. Geaf he ond sealde pact betste hors Aidane\npaem biscope, gif hwylce ned gelumpe, paet he hraedlicor\nferan sealde, p. 196, 11. 9-10. Da se biscop mid his honda\nslog tacen, gif hwilc mon ute waere, paet he in to him code,\np. 264, 11. 33-34. See also p. 126, 11. 1J-12 p. 414, 11. 17-19.\nDa heht he him beresaed bringan, gif wen waere paet paet\nwexan wolde, oftpe ftaere eorSan gecynd waere, p. 366,11. 26-30.\nAgustinum him to biscope gecoren haefde, gif heora lar oufongen\nwaere, p. 56, 1. 8.\nTo iSaem se foresprecena Cristes caempa cuman wolde, gif\nwen waere, paet he ftaer hwelce mohte diofle oftgripan ond to\nCriste gecerran, p. 408, 11. 25-27.\n59. c. The Unreal Conditional Sentence. When the sup-\nposition is contrary to fact, the Preterite Subjunctive is used\nin both Protasisand Apodosis, and no distinction is made in\nform between the Unreal of the Present and the Unreal of the\nPast. Hence the Preterite Subjunctive represents both the\nLatin Imperfect and Pluperfect Subjunctive in such condi-\ntions. The Indicative sometimes occurs in one or both mem-\nbers of the condition. Frequently the apodosis is the Unreal\nof the Past, and the protasis of the Present or vice versa,\n60. Examples. Unreal of the Present. Gif ic nu on oiSrum\nlife waere ponne waere min sawl paer purh his pingunge from\npam ecum bendum ond witum onlysed, p. 328, 11. 1113.\nUnreal of the Past. Gif he from paem untrymnesse gehaeled\nwaere, he wolde to Home feran, p. 274, 1. 31. paet lif he oft\nond geara wolde geceosan ond paet eorSlice rice forlaetan,\ngif him ne wrSstode paet wrSerworde mod his wifes, p. 294, 11.\nMixed Condition, Past and Present. ForSon gif pa pisses\nmonnes feo ue onfenge, ue burne his wiite on pe, p. 216, 1. 9.\nThe Conditional Relative. Sentences introduced by\nIndefinite RelativePronouns and Adverbs, being equivalent to\ngeneral suppositions occur with the constructions mentioned\nabove, and may be classified in the same way.\nExamples. With Subjunctive in Protasis or Rel. Clause.\nDonne pis tacen pislic pe tocyme, ponne gemyne pu pas tide\nuncres gespreces, p. 130, 1. 15. Ono se mon br5, paes pe swa\nto cweSenne sy, aeghwaefter ge gehaefted ge freo, p. 88, 1. 23.\nAhsa paes pu willa, p. 268, 1. 23. Forpon hy nedde se to-\nwearda winter paet heo stille wunedon swa hwaer swa heo\nmeahten, p, 256, 11. 15-17. Daette ofer seo oud to lofe, sella$\naelmesse, p. 66, 1. 13,\n62. Conditional Sentences in Indirect Discourse. In Indi-\nrect Discourse the Conditional Sentence is subject to the usual\nrules for tense and mood, so that frequently the Indicative and\nSubjunctive protasis in Direct become indistinguishable in In-\ndirect Discourse. A\ntendency to prevent this confusion by re-\ntaining the Indicative protasis with mood unchanged is fre-\nquently shown. (See last example below.) After a preterite\nleading tense, the Unreal and the condition with Subjunctive\nin the Protasis only, regularly have the same form and some-\ntimes all three may be blended under one form.\nExamples. Durh pone sacerd waes cweden behis geferum,\npaette, gif heo fram wifum claene waeren, paet heo moston\nonfon ond picgan paforesettnesse hlofes, p. 84, 1. 14. Cwaedon\ngif heo to iSem ealdormen becwomen ond mid hiene sprecende\nwaeran, Saet hio him fram hiora godum acerden, p. 416, 11.\n17-20. CySdon him openlice ond saedan butan he him maran\nandlyfne sealdoD, paet he woldan him self niman, p. 52, 1. 22.\nThe Condition of Comparison.\n63. The Condition of Comparison is introduced by swa swa\n(sometimes swa) as if." (Lat. ac si, velut si, quasi). The\ncomparison isalways contrary to fact ;\nhence the Subjunctive\nMood. In Bede the sentence always refers to past time, al-\nthough the form for the present would be the same. The tense\nused is the preterite, and the mood is very consistent, only one\ninstance occurring of the Indicative, given below. In this the\nIndicative seems to be due to the fact that the verb (meahton)\nitself is potential in meaning.\nExamples. OiSer hiora (the comets) foreeode pa sunnan on\nmorgen, ofter on aefeu aefterfyligde, swa swa hie witegan were\ngrimmes waeles, p. 476, 11. 10-12. pa waes ic sona swa ic\nhefgum slaepe aweht waere, p. 402, 11. 12-13. Eall iSaet sar\nond se ece ge of ininuru earme ge of eallum minum lichoman\neall onweg alaeded waes, efne swa se biscope pone ece ond paet\nsar mid hiene ut baere, p. 394, 11. 4-7. Da gefelde he swa swa\nmycel bond ond brad his heofod gehrine in iSaem daele pe paet\nsar oud seo adl waes, p. 380, 11. 11-13. Swylce eac ealle iSa\nhraegl swa hwit ond swa neowe wunderlice aeteawdon, swa he\n$y ilcan daege midgewered waere, p. 376, 11. 2-5. Waes paet eac\nmicel wuudor, paet seo phruh waes swa gescrepe paere faem-\nnan lichoman gemeted, swa swa heo synderlice hire gegearwod\nwaere, p. 324, 11. 1-3. pa waes he (the body) gemeted swa\nungebrosnad ond swa ungewemmed swa heo py ylcan daege\nforSfered ond bebyrged waere, p. 320, 11. 15-17. Eft heo swa\nswa heo leohtlice gebylged waere aefter pon heo cwae$, p.\n290, 11. 18-19. pa geswigade heo hwon, swa swa heo bidende\nwaere his andsware, p. 290, 11. 16-17. Ond in gemet para\nbiddendra swa swa heo to hire lifigende spraece, baed. p. 288,\n11. 32-33. Da geseoh heo, swa swa mid gyldnum rapum he in\npa uplican ahefen waere, p. 288, 11. 16-17. pa waes he meted\nswa unseeded swa he in pa ilcan tid of pissum leqhte gelaeded\nwaere, p. 218, 1. 26. pa gemette he his earm ond his hond\nswa hale ond swa gesunde swa him naef re bryce ne daro gedon\nwaere, p. 158, 1. 2. (See also p. 292, 1. 31, seq., p. 120, 1. 32.)\nWith the Indicative. pa ongunnon heo pa heargas edniwian\nswa swa heo purh pas ping meahton fram pam woole ond\nfram paere deaplicnesse gescilde waere, p. 250, 11. 9-12.\nIn Indirect Discourse. pyslic me is gesewen, pu cyning,\npis andwearde lif manna swylc swa pu aet swaesendum sitte\nmid pinum ealdormannum ond sie fyr onaeled oud pin heall\ngewyrmed ond hit rine ond sniwe ond stymie ute curne ane ;\nspearwa ond hraetlice paet hus purhfleo, cume purh opre\nduru in, purh oiSre ut gewite, p. 134, 1. 24, seq.\nAfter aertyon pe, oftftaet, until, before.\n64. The Subjunctive Mood is used in temporal clauses in-\ntroduced by aerpon, aerlpon J)e. before, until, (Lat. priusquam,\nquoadusque) o^&aet until (Lat. donee), whose action looks to the\nfuture for fulfilment. The is considered from the stand-\npoint of the leading verb, and hence may be future from the\npresent, or future from the past. If the leading verb is in the\npresent tense, the fulfilment is necessarily uncertain and the\nSubjunctive is the invariable construction. After the preterite\ntense, the Subjunctive does not necessarily imply the non-\nfulfilment of the action, it may or\nmay not have taken place.\nThe Indicative, however, is used only when the fulfilment is\nemphasized. Hence the sole example of the preterite used\nafter a leading clause with a negative is in the Indicative mood\n(see p. 466, 11. 27-28, quoted below).\nSometimes the Subjunctive may have a trace of purpose or\ndesire (see p. 380, 11. 1-3 ; p. 204, 1. 31, quoted below).\n65. Of the conjunctions used aerlpon, aerpon ])e, appears\nfollowed by either the present or preterite, but usually with the\nSubjunctive mood. O^Saet is the regular conjunction before\nthe preterite tense, after a negative in the principal clause.\nAfter aerpon (pe). Present Tense. To hire gerestscipe\nponne hire wer ne sceal gangau aerpon paet acenuende beam\nfrom meolcum awened sy, p. 76, 1. 28. Se wer, se $e his wiife\ngemengad brS, aerpon he bebaftod S} mot he in circan gon-\ngan ? p. 74, 1. 19.\nAc aerpon heo seo heannis paes wealles\ngefylled waes ond geendad, he se cyning mid arleasne cwale\nofslegen waes, p. 138, 1. 26. peo halga wer, aerpon pe he\nbiscop geworden waere, tu aeftele mynster he getimbrede, p.\n282, 11. 9-11.\nAfter After Preterite Tense only, pa heald paere\ncyrican biscophad an gear Wilfrid se arwyrSa biscop o^paet\nse biscop gecoren waere, p. 374, 11. 6-8. Ond pa baad feower\nmonaiS, o&5aet him feaxe geweoxe, p. 254, 1. 31. Ond his lich-\noman se ilca ealdormon Eorconwald onfeng ond in portice his\ncirican sumre geheald o^Spaet seo cirice gehalgod waere, p. 218,\nIn Indirect Discourse. pa gepohte he on his mode nytte\ngepeahte, pet he wolde to cynican cuman ond paer his cneow\nbegan oftpaet he from iSaere adle genered waere, p. 380, 11. 12.\nO^p act followed l>y the Indicative (pret. See above, 64)\nSeo adle weax ond hefigade, oftftaet he waes to pam ytemestan\ndaege geledded, p. 442, 11. 24-25.\nAfter a negative. He paes ne blon, o&Saet he from Gocle\nonfeng, his arfaestre wilsumnesse, p. 466, 11. 27-28.\nRemark. Two instances occur of other conjunctions used\nin a similar sense, hwonne, until, and swa longe swa, so long as\n(cf. Lat. quam diu).\nEx. Ond paer hwile bad, hwonne\nhis horse bet wurde oiSpe\nhe hit paer dead forlete, p. 178, 1. 23. Bearnaft me eower\nblaecern ond leohte swa longe swa ge willen, p. 286, 11. 20-21.\n67. The Concessive Sentence, denoting that the action of\nthe principal clauses takes place in spite of that of the depend-\nent clause, is introduced by peah (pe/*) pc', Ipeah (peh), though,\nalthough (Lat. quamvis, with the verb regularly\nin the Subjunctive Mood, present or preterite tense. In two\nexamples (see below) the Indicative occurs to emphasize the\nreality of the action.\n68. Examples. Present Tense. Bryttas ponue, peah pe\nhie of miclum daele Ongolpeode ond pone steall ealre rihtge-\nlyfedre Godes cirican afehted, hwaepere him is wrSstanden\npaet hi no hweperum hira willnunge habban ne purhteon magon,\np. 480, 11. 16. peah pe pu mic hate ealle niht waeccende in\ngebedum stondon, ond peah pe ic sceole ealle wicau faestan,ic\npaet leoflice do, p. 350, 11. 29-31. Ic Theodor, peah ic un-\nwyrSe sy, waes ic fram paem apostolican seiSle sended biscop\nContwara burge cirican, p. 276, 11. 1517. ForSon, peah pe\npis fyr sy egeslic ond micel gesegen, hwaeiSre hit aefter weorca\ngegearnunge anra gehwylcne demeiS ond beornaiS, p. 214, 1. 7.\nAll oSer ping iSa ge doiS, peah heo ussum peawnm wifterworde\nsyn, we gepyldelice araefnaS, p. 102, 1. 16. Ne, peah pe he\nbibaftod sy, sone mot ingangan, p. 80, 1. 24. Ond peah pe\npaet wiite hwene heardor ond stranger don sy, ponne is hit of\nlufan to donne, p. 68, 1. 6. Ond peah pe se swile iSaes earmes\nnu gena gesene sie, hwaeftre paet sar is ealle ofgewiten, p.\n394, 11. 7-8.\nPreterite Tense. pa cwelleras aredon him ond ne woldon\nhine cwellan mid py biscope, peah pe paet his wille waere, p.\n456, 11. 9-11. Ond peah Se he geloinlice monad waere, hwaeftre\nhe forhogade $a haelo word, p. 436, 11. 29-30. Seo an hinne\naawunade, peh pe hio swrSe forht were ond heofiende, p. 422,\nseq. Ne Wihtbriht owiht fremede, peh pe in $a daelas\nbecome, p. 414, 11. 1-2. Ond peh pe he gewiss geworden\nwaere purh $a aetewnesse paere gesihfte, nohte pon laes he his\nfore gegearwede mid pain gemyndgadum broiSrum, p. 412, 11.\n5-7. Waes se wer in wisdome gewrito wul gelaered, "Seah pe\nhe no sie his foregeugan to wibmeotene, p. 408, 11. 2-5. Ond\npeah $e icgeorne baede, ne meahte uaenga pinga lefnesse abid-\ndan, p. 400, 1], 10-11. Ond Hrofesceastre eac swelce, in pa6re\nwaes Putta biscop, peah pe he in $a tid paer ondweard ne\nwaere, he mid gemaene hergunge fornom, p. 298, 11. 16-18.\nOnd peah pe waergcweodole Godes rice gesetton ne maegen,\nhwaeftre isgelyfed paette pa be gewyrhte wyrgde waeron for\nheora arleasnesse, p. 356, 11. 26-28. peah pe he swiiSe wiiSwin-\nnende waere, mid anmode willan heora ealra he waes ofer-\nswrSed, p. 368, 11. 16-18. Ac for intingan hersumnesse ic haten\ngepafode, paet ic pone had underhnah, peah iSe ic unwyrSe\nwaere, p. 260, 11. 78. In $a ilcau tiid waeron in Eastseaxna\nmaegiSe twegen cyningas Sighere ond Sebbe, peah pe heo\nWulfhere Merena cyning underpeode waeren in hernesse, p.\n250, 11. 1-4. ForSon Osweo soiSlice ouget, peah pe from Scot-\nturn afeded ond gelaered waere, paet seo Romanisce cirice ond\nseo apostolice waes rehtgelefed, p. 248, 11. 6-8. pa ondette he\npaet he lustlice wolde Cristen beon, peah pe he no furSum pa\nfaemnau anfenge, p. 220, 1. 30. Ond swa waes geworden, paet\nhe hine aswefede ond gestilde, peah pe he lichomlice ne paer\naefweard waere, p, 200, 1. 23. Geaf he ond sealde paet betste\nhors ond paes faegerestan eondes Aidane paem biscope peah\npe he gewuna waere paet he ma eode ponne he ride, p. 196, 1.\n7. Ond peah pe he mid heanisse paes eorSlican rices swa\nahefen waere, nohte pon laes he pearfum ond elpeodigum\nsymle eaiSmod ond fremsum ond rummod waes, p. 164, 11. 25-27.\nWaes se foresprecena cyning Raedwald aeSelre gebyrde, peh\npe he on daede unaeiSele waere, p. 142, 11. 9-10. peah pe paet\nwaere paet deofolgeldum ne peowode, p. 124, 1. 14. Ac swa\nse apostol cwaeiS, peah pe he micelre tide wunne in his lare,\npaette God pa mood para ungeleafsumra ablaende, p. 122, 1. 6.\nOud peoh iSe heora alderas forlorene waeren, ne meahte paet\nfolc pa gen gereoht beon, p. 114, 5.\n1. Be pam cirSes, peah pe\nhe mid waetre f ulluhtes baepes apwegen ne waere, paet he waes\ngeclaensad, p. 40, 1. 14.\nWith the Indicative to Emphasize a Fact. Present. Ond\npeah iSe hie synd of miclum daele heora seolfes onwealdes,\nhwaepere of miclum daele hy syndou Ongolcynnes peowdome\nbetaehte ond under peodde, p. 480, 11. 6-8.\nPreterite. Ond peah $e heo unc swa bregdon ond fyrhton,\nne dorston heo mec hwaeftre gehrinan, p. 428, 11. 12-14.\n69. Ipea/i ipe with Verbs and Expressions of Wonder, etc.\nA peculiar usage occurs with verbs and expressions of wonder,\netc., where the clause introduced by peak Ipe is equivalent to a\nsubstantive clause introduced by paet.\nExamples. Is paet hwelc wundor peah be he pone daeg\nhis deaftes oftpe ma pone Drihtues daeg bliiSe gesege? p. 268,\n11. 6-8. Ne waes paet pouue to wundrienne, peah pe paes\nc}'ninges beue mid him swiiSade ond genge waeren, p. 188,\n1. 4. Ne paet swibe to wundrienue is, peah pe in paere\nstowe his deaiSes untrumue haelo onfenge, p. 178, 1. 12.\n70. peak pe followed by a negative (ne), is frequently equiva-\nlent to the Mod. Eog. without with the verbal in ing. Ex. Ac\nne haefdon wit inonig oiSer uncymre hors, paet wit meahton\npearfum to tigiSe sellan, peali pu paet hors him ne sealde,\npaet ic pe synderlice to aehte geceas, p. 196, 11. 18-20.\n5. The Subjunctive after ponne (pon) than.\ntwo statements are placed side by side in com-\nparison, connected by ponne (pon) than, if the subject-matter\nof the second sentence is of relatively less importance than\nthat of thefirst, the verb in the second sentence is regularly in\nthe Subjunctive Mood. This Subjunctive can certainly not be\nconsidered as the mood of desire. It is probably due to the\nidea of inferiority, and it seems bestto classify it under the\nmood of uncertainty. It does not necessarily imply that the\nsecond statement is untrue, but simply that the quality attri-\nbuted in it was possessed\nin a less degree than that attributed\nin the principal clause. See Hotz., 26.\nExamples. pa gehadade he surnne mon, se waes ma in\nciriclecum peodseipum ond in lifes bylwitnesse gelaered, pon\nhe from waere in worulde pingum, p. 260, 11. 16-18. pa ge-\nlomp paet paer micle ma moucynnes adronc on paem waetre\nponne mid sweorde ofslegen waere, p. 236, 11. 19-20. paet\nbysceoplice lif ge lare ma beeode on lufan gastlicra maegena\nponne he on leorounge gelaered waere, p. 446, 11. 7-9.\n6. The Subjunctive in Substantive Clauses.\n72. Any clause used as the logical subject of a sentence is\nregularly expressed in the Subjunctive Mood. The use\nof the subjunctive here is due to the idea of dependency\nand not to one of Indirect Discourse or of Purpose. Instances\ndo occur where the substantive has such a meaning, but this\nisdue to the nature of the leading verb. The idea expressed\nby the substantive clause is conceived of as a thought, hence\nthe use of the Subjunctive (see 8, Ind. Disc.).\n73. Substantive Clauses with the verb in the Subjunctive\noccur after Impersonal Verbs and Expressions of Fitness,\nRight, Need, Custom, Advantage and Disadvantage.\nExamples. Eac swylce gedafonad paet heo engla aefen-\nweardas in heofonum sy, p. 96, 1. 25. Forpon us gedafena~3,\npaet we his heofonlicre monunge mid gedefenlice ege ond\nlufan ondswarige, p. 270, 11. 2-3. Alleluia, paet gedafeua$,\npaette Gocles lof usses scyppendes in paem daelum gesungen\nForpon gedafenaS paette seo aelice gegadrung\nsy, p. 96,1. 33.\nlichamau seo for intingan tudres ond seo gemenges paes\nflaesces seo for intingan beorna to cennenne, p. 82, 1. 17. Waes\npaet eac gedefeu paette paet swefn gefylled waere, p. 336, 1.\n28. Nis paet paet heo sy bescyred from Godes circan\ningange, p. 78, 1. 9. ponne is peaw paes apostolican series\npaette feower daelas beon scyle, p. 64, 1. 16. Waes paet paes\nwyrSe paet seo stow swa wlitig ond swa faeger waere, p. 38, 1.\n28. paet naenige pinge beon meahte paet hy butan paere\nhalgan geclaesnunge fulwihtes baeiSes paem halgan hlafe\ngemaensumede, p. 112,1. 21. Aeghwae$er ge pe $aes is pearf\nge monegum paet hio hiora synna mid godum weorcum alese,\np. 354, 1. 11. Daet is sorlic paette swa faeger feorh ond swa\nleohtes ondwlitan men scyle agan ond besittan peostra aldor,\np. 96, 1. 19. Daes waes to tacne, ponne he Gode onsaegdnesse\nbaer oud messan sung, iSaet he his stefne on heanesse ne ahofe,\np. 370, 11. 9-11.\nRemark. After paet is, introducing a sentence in apposition\nwith or explaining a preceding statement, paet with a sub-\nstantive clause in the subjunctive is used. Ex. Daet is, paet\nhe hine scyldigne ongete swa swa o$ aefeutid, p. 86, 11. 2-3.\nAc he mid waetre to apweanue, paet\nis is paet he pa synne\npaes gepohtes mid tearuru apwea, p. 86, 1. 2.\nII. THE SUBJUNCTIVE AS THE MOOD OF DESIRE.\nThe Subjunctive as the Mood of Desire represents the\nprimitive Optative or Wishing Mood. The idea of wishing\nmay occur either in the principal or in the dependent clause ;\nas the principal clause to express a wish or as the representa-\ntive of the Imperative, in dependent clauses in various uses\ninvolving the idea of willing or wishing.\n75. The Subjunctive as the Mood of Desire occurs in\nprincipal clauses to express a wish or a command.\nwish referring to future time is expressed by the\npresent Subjunctive. No examples occur of the wish impos-\nsible of fulfillment (unreal wish in present or past time).\nExamples. Ne forealdige peas hond aefre p. 166, 1. 11. !\nwuldor," cwae$ heo, "Drihtnes noman," p. 322, 11. 3-4.\nTruma pec hraeiSe ond wel, p. 396, 1. 31.\n77. The 3rd Person,\nsingular and plural, of the Present\nSubjunctive used regularly as the representatve of the 3rd\nPerson of the Imperative. The Mod. Eng. translation is\n" let " with the infinitive.\nExamples. Se pe hine ahabban ne maeg, haebbe his wiif,\np. 82, 1. 31. Nimen heom wiif ond heora andleofan utan on-\nfangen, p. 64, 1. 27. Ond purh swa hwelces bene swa he\ngehaeled sy, pisses geleafa ond wyrcnis seo lifed God onfenge\nond allum to fylgenne, p. 100, 1. 2. Laede mon hider to us\nsumne untrumne mon, p. 98, 1. 31. Ac feor paet la sy, paette\nGodes cirice mid aeteacnesse onfo, p. 68, 1. 19. No Ex. of 1st\nRemark. One example occurs of the 2nd Person present\nSubjunctive singular of ne willan with the infinitive, a literal\ntranslation of the Latin negative imperative construction.\nJKxample. Ne welle pu i$e ondredan, p. 424, 1. 2. (Lat.\norig. has Noli timere.)\na. Pare final Sentences.\n78. Sentences of Purpose (Final Sentences) are introduced\nby paet (negative py laes, ~$y laes, Ipaet\ntyaet ne) and regularly\ntake the Subjunctive Mood. The tenses employed are the\npresent and the preterite, the present after a present tense,\nthe preterite after a preterite tense in the principal clause.\nThe Indicative occasionally appears (see 83). The Mod.\nEng. translation is that, in order that, to, in order to ; negative\nthat, etc. not, not to, in order not to.\n79. Positive Purpose is expressed by Ipaet with the Sub-\nExamples. Present Tense. Onfoh pu eorpe lichaman of\npinum lichaman genumen paet pu hine eft agyfen maegge.\np. 94, 1. 15. poune is he onbaerneune ond to gebetenne mid\npinre broftorlicnesse lufan ond paette he, paiSe wifterworde\nseondon paere haese ond bebodum usses scippendes fram\nbiscopa peawum bewerge, p. 74, 1. 5. In gewitscipe oiSpe\nfeower biscopa, paet heo fore his gehaelde paem aelmihtigan\nGode aetgaedre heora bene ond gebedo sendeu ond geoten,\np. 72, 1. 19. Forpon hit is god godne to herianne, paet se\ngeeo se pe bit hyre, p. 2, 1. 11. See also p. 102, 11. 10-16 ;\np. 268, 1. 29 seq ; p. 270, 11. 3-8.\nPreterite Tense. Forlet he his wif and land and magas,\nond epel for Cristes lufan ond for his godspelle, paet he on pys-\nsum life hundteontigfealdlice mede onfenge ond on paere\ntoweardon weorolde ecce lif, p. 450, 11. 4-7. Sona sende\naerendwracau paet heo scolden secgan ond cypan paem eadigon\nbiscope Scs Gregorius paette Ongelpeod haefde onfangen\nCristes geleafan, p. 64, 11. 12. Geseoh eac swylce his sylfes\nongesaelige stowe ond carcern betwih swylce, paet he py earm-\nlicor georwenedre haelo her nu forwurde, p. 444, 11. 20-22.\npaet purh i$a uplican stihtunge Godes aelmihtiges geworden\nwaes, paet we gemunden, p. 440, 11. 22-23. Gecuron hio of\nhiora riime gemetfaestne monn in his peaum ond monpuerne\nheortan SwiiSberht, paet se him gehalgad were to biscope,\np. 420, 11. 810.\nSwylc him eac in fta tid fulwihtes se gemyn-\ndega papa Petrus to namau scop, paet he paem eadigestan\npara apostola eac svvylce his noman gemauan geiSeoded waere,\np. 406, 11. 14. Ond him ondweardum het secgan paet swefn\nond paet leoft singan, paet ealra dome gecoren waere hwaet\no&5e hwonon paet curuen waere, p. 344, 11. 2123. pa licede\npaem arfaestan foreseonde usse haele hire\npa halgan sawle eac\nswylce mid langre uutrymnesse lichoman ademde ond asodene\nbeon, paet hire maegen in untrumuesse lichaman gefremed\nond getrymed waere, p. 338, 11. 913. paere sweostor maegen\npaet aefter paes apostolis cwide in untrymnesse gefremed\nwaere, waes heo semninga gehrinen ond mid hefegre untrym-\nnesse lichaman, p. 288, 11. 4-6. Ond heo hine pa to Rome\nsendon paet he paer onfenge aercebiscopes hade oud reht-\ngelefde biscopas purh ealle Breotone Ongolcynnes cirican\nseopftan hadian meahte, p. 248, 11. 11-14. pa ilcau studu in\ngemynd paes wandres in pa ciricon setton, paette pa ingau-\ngendan paer heora cneo begean scolden, p. 204, 1. 29. pa\ngesawon heo monige men aet him beou, pa $e georne ongun-\nnon paet heo his wedenheortnesse gestilden, p. 184, 1. 34. Ic\nprawade ond araefnede aet ic mid Criste gesigfaested waere,\np. 114, 1. 26. Ond he Scs Gregorius mid his gebedum waes\ngefultumende paet heora laer waere waestmbeorende, p. 98,\n1. 12. Waes he gerymlice word sprecende paet he lifes bysen\nwaere haligra manna, p. 94, 1. 23. paet mid Drihtnes mihte\ngestihtad waes, paet yfel wraec come ofer iSa wrScorenan,\np. 50, 1, 15. See also p. 58, 11. 21-22.\n80. Negative Purpose is expressed by pae t py lacs, py Laes,\nthat not, lest, and paet ne, that not. (Lat. ne.} The first of\nthese is exactly equivalent to the Latin quominus, but is not so\nrestricted in its use, being the regular conjunction introducing\nthe negative final sentence, paet ne occurs rarely, though\nthere seems to be a tendency to employ it where Mod. Eng.\nwould use that py laes represents Mod. Eng. lest.\n81. Examples. After py laes. Da wiif in him seolfum\nsculoii lichaman claennesse healdon, py laes heo mid pa seolfum\nmicelnisse paes ungeaehterids lican gerynes hefigade syn,p.84,\n1. 12. py mid\ndeaiSe fornumeu, aefter hu feala daga\nlaes hit seo\nalefaS him paem geryne onfoon fulwihtes baeftes, p. 74, 1. 14. Ne\nseondon heo to biscergenne gemaensumnesse Cristes lichoman\nond blodes, py laes ou him gesegen sy pa ping onwrecen beon,\np. 70, 11. 30-32. Ond hwaeiSre ic pec ne wille ofslean py laes\nicmin geliat ond mine treawe forlease, p. 328, 11. 26-27. Ond\nhe pa baed Cynebill his maessepreost paet he pa aerfastan\nongymnisse his oufylde ond geendade, py laes paet aefest\nweorc forlaeteu waere, p. 232, 11. 8-11. He araedde paet haefde\nmeahte ofterne biscop to halgianne py laes ned waere paet heo\nswencte waeron ofer swa longue waeg saes ond landes, p. 146,\n1.23. God po mood para ungeleofsurnra ablaende py laes him\nseine seo onlihtnes Cristes godspelles, p. 122, 1. 7. Ondswarede\nhe paet paet alyl'ed waere, py laes se geleofa ond pa geryno\npaes heofonlican cyuinges gemanan aidlad waere, p. 120, 1. 16.\nWaes paet paes wyrSe, paet wift paet middangeardlicum wiu-\ndnm oud legum swrSan meahte, py laes heo him ond his\nfreondnm sceiSeden, p. 118, 1. 20. Aefter Agustini filigde in\nbiscophade Laurentius, py laes him for$ ferendum se steall\nswaneowre ciricon aenige hwile buton heorde taltrigon ongunne,\np. 106, 1. 19.\nA fter paet py laes. Ono paet py laes tweoge paet 'pis soiS\nsy, ic cy$e hwonan me pas spell coman, p. 2, 14.\nAfter paet ne. S~^c Paulinus se mid heo feran sceolde,\npaet he in pam gemanan para haeiSeura besmiten ne waere, p.\n120, 1. 29.\n82. Remark. Two examples occur of the Final Sentence\nintroduced by to pon paette, to the end that a more definite\nform of the usual paet. Ex. Alle Brette biscopas we he-\nbeodaS pinre broftorlicuesse to iSon paette ungelaerde seou\ngelaerde, oud untrume mid pinre trymenuse syn gestrangade\nond uurehte mid pinre aldorlicnesse seon gerehte, p. 74, 11.\n7-10. purh nigon ger full swipe swenced waes, to pon paette\nswa hwaet swa unclaenes betweoh pa maegen purh uuwisuesse\noiSiSe purh ungemaenne gelumpe, paette eal pact se ofn paere\nsingolan costunge asude, p. 288, 11. 5-9.\nRemark. A peculiar use of the Final Sentence appears\nafterwv& pon pe, on condition that, and like expressions. Such\na clause appears to be partly final, partly conditional, but the\nidea of purpose is predominant, as shown by the fact that paet\nalone issometimes used with this sense. Ex. pa sende he\nsoiia aereudwracan to him ond rnicel feoh wi$ pon pe he hine\nofsloge oftpe him to cwale agefe, p. 126, 11. 2122. Sume for\nhungre ecne peowdom geheton, wr3 pon pe him mon andlefne\nforgefe, p. 54, 1. 4.\nAfter paet alone. Him wif sealdon, paet, paer seo wise on\ntweon cyme, paet hi ftonne ma of pam wifcynne him cyniug\ncuran ponne of pam waepned cynne, p. 28, 1. 21.\n83. Itemark As mentioned above, occasional instances\nof the Indicative in a Final Sentence occur. In two of the three\nexamples from our author, the Indicative is evidently due to\nthe use of the auxiliary verbs willan and magan, which involve\nin themselves an optative meaning, willan being used origi-\nnally only as an optative (see Cook's Siever's O. E. Grammar,\n428). In the third the Indicative seems due to the confusion\nof endings. Ex. Ond seo abbudisse in paet getelde eode ond\nfea monna mid heo, paet heo pa ban woldon up adon, p. 322,\n1. 1. Sculon we ane cySnesse his maegenes secgan, paet we\nhis ofter inaegeu py eaft ongytan magon, p. 118, 1. 2. Heo-\nfonrices fultotnes him waeron biddende, paet heo oft forwyrd\naeghwaer fordilgede ne waeron, p. 54, 1. 12.\n84. Clauses expressing Purpose.\nRelative Not infre-\nquently, purpose, instead of being expressed by paet, is de-\nnoted by a relative pronoun, followed by the Subjunctive.\nThe tenses used are the same as in the common form of the\nfinal sentence. The Mod. Eng. translation is usually the In-\nExamples. Oper sacerd in paere stowe ne biS, se pe for\nhine paet geryne maesse songes gegearwie, p. 86, 1. 16. Ne\nmaegge gemeted beon se pe alesed sy, p. 76, 1. 26. Ac\npe sculon of Gallia rice biscopas coman, pa pe aet bis-\ncopes halgunge in witscipe stonde, p. 72, 1. 16. Baed he\npaet heo him biscop onsende, paes lare ond pegnuuge\nOngolpeod, pe rehte, paes Drihtenlecan geleafan gife leornade\nond paein geryue onfenge fulwihtes bae$es, p. 158, 11. 9-11.\npa baed he Osweo ftone cyning, paet he him hwylcehwego\nlareovvas sende, pa pe his peode to Cristes geleafau oncerde,\nond mid pa halwendan wyllan fulwihtes haeftes apvvoge, p. 226,\n11. 6-8. .\nForpon he gewunade gerisenlice leoft wyrcan, pa iSe\nto aefaestnisse ond to arfaestnisse belumpen, p. 342, 11. 4-6.\n85. Verbs and expressions of fear in Anglo-Saxon are\nfollowed by Ipaet with the Subjunctive, the use of the tenses\nbeing the same as in the Pure Final Sentence. Sometimes ])y\nlaes, laes, occurs instead of Ipaet. The negative is pact -ne.\nThe Mod. Eng. translation is that or lest.\nExamples. HweiSre he pa wisan swigende sceawede ond\nondred $aet soft waere, p. 410, 11. 27-28.\nhit pa ongon he\nforhtian ond ondraedan pact he sona to hellelocum gelaeded\nbeon sceolde, p. 190, 1. 15. pa ougon paes cynelican modes\nmonn hine ondraedan py laes he owiht unwyrSes oiSpe un-\ngerysnes dyde, p. 294, 11. 25-27.\nc. The Complementary Final Sentence.\n86. The Complementary Final Sentence in Anglo-Saxon is\nintroduced by Ipaet (negative ])uet ne) and takes the Subjunc-\ntive Mood, present or preterite tense, according to the rule\nalready stated for the Pure Final Sentence. The principal\nclause contains a verb or expression of Wishing, Commanding,\netc.* In some instances the Indicative occurs (see 94). The\nMod. Eng. translation is usually the infinitive with to, some-\ntimes a dependent clause introduced by that. Most of the\nverbs and expressions followed by the Complementary Final\nSentence in Anglo-Saxon may also be used with the infinitive,\nthough in our author the final sentence is the usual construc-\nThe following are found followed by the Complemen-\ntary Final Sentence :\n88. Verbs of Willing and Wishing. Examples. Willan,\nDa ongon heo gelomelice secan ond ascian in hwelcre stowe\npaes mynstres heo woldon paet heora liictuu geseted waere,\np. 284, 11. 1-3. pou angete, paet paet mon\nWolde paet be in\nne waes, p. 130, 1. 18. Wilt pu, min\ncild, paet ic pe laere,\np. 186, 1. 25. Wilnian. Da com he pider to him ond wilnade\n$aet he mid his balwendum trymnessum to iSaem npplican\nlustum ma ond ma onbaerned waere, p. 370, 11. 2729. Will-\nnade he se cyning paet se wer swa micelre gelaerednesse ond\naefestnesse him syndrilice untodaelede geferscipe maessepreost\nond lareow waere, p. 456,11. 28-30. Ond heo ma mid geleafan\npaes ecan lifes oud aereste wuldres wilnadon paet heo in\npaein swulte, p. 250, 11. 29-30. Ongon heo on hire mynstre\ncirican timbran in paere heo wilnade paet hire licboinan\nbebyrged waere, p. 176, 1. 5. Se ilca cyuing Oswald lufade\nond wiluade paette ealle seo peod mid paere gife paes cristnan\ngeleafan gelaered waere, p. 158, 1. 5. Lician, impersonal.\nForiSou paet eallnm gemaenelice licade paet heo ouweg adyde\npa gemyud para treawleasra cyuiuga, p. 154, 1. 11.\n89. Verbs of Asking, Beseeching, Entreating, Urging, Ex-\nhorting, andInviting. Examples. Da baed se gesiS hiene,\niSaet he eode in his hus ond *$aer mete pege, p. 394. 11. 20-21.\nOnd mid avfaestue uugehygde purh his fultum waes Dryhteu\nbiddende paet he him arfaest oud milde waere, p. 380, 11. 9-10.\nOnd heo wrixeudlice hine baedon, paet he him eallum blrSe\nwaere, p. 348, 11. 8-9. Baed he swrSe longe pone cyning paet\nheo moste weoruldsorge oud gemaenne forlaetau ond heo forlete\nin myustre paern soiSan cyniuge Criste peawiau, p. 318,11.2-4.\nOnd hine baed paet he him alefde ond forgefe, paet he moste\nheo gelaerau iu pa gerynu paes cristnan geleafan, p. 308, 11.\n20-21. Bued hiue paet he forgefe, ponne he forS feranscolde,\npaet paer ma monna iuue ue waere ponue se biscop ond twegen\nhis pegua, p. 294, 11. 29-31. pa baed heo paet hy mou pider\ngebaere, p. 288, 1. 32. Baed paet hy paet blaecern oud paet\nleoht adwaescten, p. 286, 11. 12-13. Ond Wilferd biscop baed,\npaet he him sirSfaetes latteow waere, p. 274, 1. 33. ForSon\nge biddaiS ure broker paet heo mine forSfore mid heora gebe-\ndum ond benum to Drihtne bebeoden, p. 266, 11. 13-14. Ic\npa la halsie ond bidde fore Godes lufan paet pu me gesecge\nhwaet se song waere blissiendra, p. 266, 11. 23-24. Baed he\nTheodor biscop paet he him ond his leodum biscop funde ond\nsealde, p. 260, 11. 23-24. Baed Osweo pone cyning paet he\npaer forgefe stowe mynster on to timbrenne, p. 238, 1. 23. pa\nbaed he hine paet he sumne dael londes aet him onfenge, p.\n230, 1. 6. pa baedon heo Sigeberht paet he mid him cwome\nto paem gefeohte, p. 208, 1. 20. Baed hine paet he for hine\ngebaede, p. 198, 1. 30. Baed paet he him blrSe waere, p. 196,\n1. 29. Mid eaiSmodre pingunge ond bene hine baed paet he\nhwurfe to paem biscop seiSle his peode, p. 170, 1. 23. Baed\nhe hine paet he gewunade in his peode ond heora biscop waere,\np. 168, 1. 33. Baed he paet heo him biscop onsende, p. 158,\nI. 9. His cneo begde ond God waes biddende paet he in swa\nmicelre nedpearfnisse his bigengum mid heofonlice fultome\ngehulpe, p. 154, 1. 23. Ond hine baed paet he his lif gescylde\nwr<$swa micles ehteres saetingum ond him feorhyrde waere, p.\n126, 11. 16-17. Baedon paet eft seonoS waere, p. 100, 1. 16.\nBaed God Faeder aelmihtigne paet he pam blindan men\ngesyhiSe forgefe, p. 100, 1. 7. pone leornere ic nu bidde paet\nhe me paet otwite, p. 6, 1. 3. He aelmihtigne God baed paet\nhe him forgeafe paet he moste ftone waestm heora gewinnes\ngeseon, p. 56, 11. 20-21.\nHaitian. Ic ~Se halsige purh Sone lifigendan Drihten, ftaet\npu mec ne forlaete, ac paet pu sie gemyndig getreawan geiSaftan\nond bidde pa uplican arfaestnesse, p. 372, 11. 7-9. Baed heo\nond halsode paet heo gepwaerede mid pa Cristes cirican, p.\n108, 1. 4. pa abaed ic geornlice ond halsede paette me waere\neac lifnes said to aernenne ond to flitenne mid him, p. 400, 11.\n7-9. He baed hine ond halsade paet he purh his bebod cris-\ntene gefremed waere, p. 32, 1. 7. He geornlice baed ond halsade\npaet he to $aem untruman ineode ond him fore baede, p. 396,\nIpingian. He scolde ea$modlice for heo pingian paet heo\nne porfte in swa frecne srSfaet feran, p. 56, 1. 9.\nNeddan. Eft se papa nedde pone abbud Adrianus, paet he\nbiscophade onfenge, p. 254, 11. 12-13. Heo nedde hire untrym-\nnesse paet heo Cristes hraegl gehrine, p. 78, 1. 18. Trymian.\nHe pa strangede ond trymede paet hi faestlice on hiora geleafan\nawunaden, p. 160, 1. 23.\n90. Verbs of Ordering, Commanding, Directing, Warning,\nTeaching and Advising. Examples. Beodan and bebeodan.\npaer on bead paet hi aeniga gedyden paet WillfriS waere\nonfangen on his byscopscire, p. 460, 1. 31 seq. He pa\naerest bebead paet heo heora hraegl hwoosce ond claensade\nond heo from wiifum ahaefde, p. 84, 1. 5. Ond eac bebead\npaet mon pam disc tobraece, p. 166, 1. 8. He eallum bebead\npaet heo in his hus ne eodon ne of his swaesendum mete pege,\np. 228, 11. 12-13. Forpon se apostolica papa bebead Theo-\ndore biscope paet he him on biscopscire gerisne stowe fore-\nsege, p. 256, 11. 32-34. pa bebead he paet hine mon gebunde,\np. 326, 11. 20-21. Da hebead se biscop paet .him mon lengran\ncwidas biforan cwaede, p. 388, 1. 34 seq. Oud bebead paet\nhio mid py waetre pwoge, p. 396, 11. 3-5. See also p. 486,\n11. 6-15. Hatan. Heton paet he mid his geferum of heora rice\ngewite, p. 112, 1. 25. Ond he hine baed ond het paet he inlice\npam biscope freond waere, p. 464, 11. 89. Ond hine het, paet\nhe to him come, p, 454, 11. 17-18. pa se papa heht paet he\nbiscophade onfenge, p. 254, 11. 4-5. Monian. pa waes he\ngodcundlice manod, paet he eft his ealond ond his wic gecure,\np. 370, 11. 13-15. Monede se cyning hiene gelomlice paet he\nondette ond hate ond forlite his synna ond mandaeda, p. 436,\n11. 27-28. Bis spel we forSon settan in ure bee, paet we men\nmonede paet hio gesege Dryhtnes weorc, p. 356, 11. 9-10. In\npaere he waes monad paet he geornlice aetfele paere ongunnan\npegnunge paes godcundan wordes on his paem gewunelican\nwaeccenum ond gebedum geornlice peawe, p. 210, 11. 15-17. Ac\nseondon heo to monienne paet heo ahebban heo fram swyl-\ncum unrihtum ond ongyten paette paet is hefig synn ond him\nondraedan pam forhtiendan Godes dom, p. 70, 11. 26-28. See\nalso p. 266, 11. 3-9. Laeran. Forpon ic ponne nu laere, cyniug,\npaet paet tempi ond pa wigbedo pa hrafte forleosen, ond fyr,\nforbaerne, p. 136, 1. 20. Hine sponon ond laerdou paet he pa\nfore purhtoge, p. 452, 11, 14^-15, Jlis faeder hine het ond\nlaerde, paet he pam halwendan ongymnessum georne gefeole,\np. 450, 1. 28. Sume laerdon paet hine mon aweg acurfe, p.\n382, 1. 7. Ond heo pa monade ond laerde paet he woruldhad\nanforlete ond munuchad onfenge, p. 344, 11. 31-32. Ond he\n$a ongan heo monian ond laeran paet heo rihte sibbe ond\nlufan him hetweonum haefden, ond gemaene gewin fore\nDrihtne ondfenge, p. 98, 17-18. See also p. 56, 11. 10-21.\n91. Verbs of Forbidding, Preventing, Refusing, Delaying,\nConsenting, Permitting and Allowing :\nExamples. Bewerian. Ne we eaw beweriaiS paet ge ealle\nftapege maegen, purh eowre lare to eowres geleafan aefestnisse\ngefteode and gecyrre, p. 60, 11. 9-10. Ne sceal heo bewered\nbeon paet heo mote in circan gangan, p. 78, 1. 7. Beweredon\nhis freond him, paet he paet feoht ne ongunne, p. 358,\n11. 7-8. Gehealdan. pa 3a mid him cwomon purh Drit-\nues gife gehealde paet heo ne asprunge from heora geleafan,\np. 122, 1. 3. WiSsacan. He wrSsoc paet he pone Godes\nandettere sloge, p. 40, 1. 13. Ne he ne wiSsoc paet he\nseolfa eac pa ilcan aefaestnisse underfenge, p. 120, 1. 23. Se\nwiftsoc, paet he geleafan onfenge ond paem geryne paes heo-\nfonlican cyninges, p. 168, 1. 16. leldan. Ne yld pu paet pu\npam myclan godum mid us onsecge, p. 36, 1. 24. ipafian. Ne\nmagon we nu gen paet pafian paet we forlaeten pa wisan, p.\n60, 1. 3. pa ne wolde se papa paet pafian paette swa aeftle\nwer swa feor from him gewite, p. 98, 1. 7. Ond hwaeiSre aet\nnehstan paet he waes mid heora benum oferswrSed paet he\ngeftafode, paet mon his lie laedde to Lindesforena ea ond paer in\ncirican geseted waere, p, 374, 11. 3-6. Forlaetan. Sum eorSlic\nac in paere Romauiscan cynnewissan forlaeteft, paette ofrSe\nbroker o&Se sweostor gemengde waeren in gesinscipe, p. 70,\n1. 5. Ne waes he forlaeten paet he oper him deadum gefuge,\np. 40, 1. 9.\nAlyfan. Ond steopmodrum ond broiSwifun ac\npaet alyfed paet heo moten\nis in gesinscipe gegadrade beou ?\np. 70, 1. 1.\n92. Verbs of Deciding, Determining, Providing, Remem-\nbering to and Striving.\nExamples. Deman. Ond he wolde ond gedemed haefde\npaette Ceolwulf aefter him cyning waere, p. 476, 11. 24-25. pa\nwaes he nyttra pinga pencende ond demende paet he paet\ngefeoht forlete ond hine geheolde to betran tide, p. 194, 1. 15.\nGesettan. pa gesetton heo faestlice fore unmaetnisse paes\ngewinnes, paet heo eallinga forlete pa getimbro pisse cirican,\np. 176, 1. 12. Foreseen. ForeseoS ge paette he aerest mid his\ngeferum to paera seonoiSstowe cume ond gesitte, p. 100, 11.\n32-33. Geseoh Saet 5u teala wite, p. 438, 1. 18. Ond geseoh\npaet pu honon ne gonge, aer seo a$l from pe gewiten sy, p.\n168, 1. 28. Gearwian. Forpon paem menn purh pa prea pis\nbr3 gegearwad paet he ne sy seald pam ecan fyrum, p. 68, 1.\n8. Gemunan. Gemyne 3u, broftor Herebryht, paette pu nu\nmec frigne ond to me spraece swa hwaet swa $u wille ond\n$earfe haebbe, p. 372, 11. 1-2. Geman. In eallum paem he\ngeornlice gemde, paet he men atuge from synna lufan ond\nmandaedra, ond to lufan ond to geornfulnesse awehte godra\ndaeda, p. 346, 11. 15-17. See also p. 66, 11. 3-7.\n93. Complementary Final Sentences after other Expres-\nsions. Any word or expression denoting an idea similar to\nthat denoted by one of the verbs above mentioned, may be fol-\nlowed by the same construction.\nExamples. Wishing. On iSam waes byrniende wilsumnes\nmodes, paet he recenust to prawunge become, p. 38, 1. 15. Ac\ngif ic dea$ prawian sceal, leofre me is paet he mec to deafte\nsylle ponne unaeiSelra mann, p. 128, 1. 7. Forpon pe Godes\nwilla is paet he fere to Columban mynstre to laeranne, p. 410,\n11. 18-19. Ond he micle geornfullnesse dyde paet he aeghwo-\nnon maest reliquia begeate para eadigra apostola, p. 466, 11.\n8-10. Advising. Ond hi him iSa eac to raede ond to frofre\nfundon paet hi gemaenelice faesten geworhten, p. 46, 1. 3.\nPermitting. Ond eac swylce leafnesse sealde paet heo mosten\nCristes geleafan bodian ond laeran, p. 60, 1. 14. Necessity.\nOnd micel nedpearfnis is paette paet mood seolf his dema sy,\np. 86, 1. 34.\nRemark. Sometimes the verb of willing or wishing may not\nbe expressed, but is implied in the context. Ex. Ond him\nsealdon Uitalianus gewrit paes papan paet heo mon mid are\nonfenge, p. 256, 1. 8. He ne wolde py aerran geare geliyran\npam arwyrSan faeder Ecgberht, paet he Sceottas hine noht\nsceftpende ne afuhte, p. 358, 11. 8-10.\n94. The Indicative in Complementary Final Sentences.\nSeveral examples occur of the use of the Indicative in a Com-\nplementary Final Sentence. In the first of these quoted below,\nthe mood is possibly due to the potential sense of the modal\nauxiliary used. The others appear mere anomalies. It is to\nbe noted, however, that in each of them a relative clause de-\npending on the final sentence is in the Subjunctive Mood.\nExamples. Ealle, pa pe to Cristes geleafan becennaiS,\nseondon to monienne, paet heo nowiht swelces ne durron\ngefremman, p. 72, 1. 5. Da heht he his geferan, $aet hio\nsohton sumne earmne ftearfan, se iSe waere micelre untrum-\nnisse ond waedelnisse hefegod, p. 388, 11. 10-12. Het ftaet hie\npaet dydon $y daege, pe his gemynddaeg waere ond his forSfor,\np. 374, 11. 27-28.\n3. Sentences of Result.\n95. Sentences of Result are introduced in Anglo-Saxon by\nipaet (Ipaette), that swa ipaet (Ipaette), so that. While in most\ngrammars of Anglo-Saxon it is stated that result is expressed\nby the Subjunctive, this mood is exceptional in such sentences\nin the Old English Version of Bede the regular construction\nis the Indicative and only two unmistakable examples of the\nSubjunctive in a sentence of result are found. In other words,\nsuch sentences are regarded not, as in Latin, as statements of\nthe result that the action of the leading verb tended to pro-\nduce, but of the result actually produced. The result is looked\nupon as a fact, not as a tendency.\nIn the examples found there is no apparent difference of\nmeaning between the Indicative and the Subjunctive, and the\ntwo examples of thelatter seem to be merely survivals of the\nmore ancient construction. One example occurs with the\nindifferent ending an.\n96. Example* with Indicative. Present Tense. Swa\npaet. Nu gif he $e eac in so$e toweard cynerice gehated swa\npaet nales paet an ealle pine aedran ac ealle cyningas, pa pe\nin Breotone waeron aer, pu in meahte on in rice oferstigest,\np. 130, ])aet. Ond monige eac swylce lifigendra monna\nbene ond gebede ond aelmesse ond faesten ealra swiftust\nmaessesong gefultumeiS, paet heo aer domesdaeg geuerede\nbeoiS, p. 432, 11. 5-7. Preterite Tense. Swa ipaet. Ond se\nonhraerdnesse swa mycle menigo heora fornom ond gefylde,\npaette $a cwican no genihtsumedon paet hi Sa deadan bebyr-\nigdon, p. 50, 1. 4. Ond swa micel winter us onhreas ond swa\nstorm cwom, paet we mid segle ne mid rownesse owiht\nfremgan meahton, p. 384, 11. 21-22. An his geferana waes\nmid pa grimmestan untrymnesse hefigad ond ftrycud swa\npaet he waes loma, p. 396, 11. 17-18. Ond swa micel leoht\nond beorhtnes ealle pa stowe geondscon, paet ho ealles daeges\nbeorhtnisse oftpe iSaere middaeglican sunnan waes beorhtre\ngesewen, p. 430, 11. 6-8. Ipaet. Hi him gefultumadon, paet hi\nmihton heora fynd oferwinnan, p. 44, 1. 14. pa he gewyrhte\nwyrde waeron for heora arleasnesse, paet heo purh Dritnes\nwrace heora scylda wite prawedon, p. 356, 11. 27-29. He waes\nbegendlic in iSaem gefteodnessum leofta, paet he waes myccle\ngelicra slaependum men ponne deadum, p. 376, 1. 1. See also\np. 334, 11. 11-18, for several examples.\nRemark. So strong is the tendency to use the Indicative\nin sentences of result that it is retained even in Indirect Dis-\ncourse. Ex. Andswearedon Scottas paet heora lond ne\nwaere to pues mycel paet hi mihton twa peodde gehaebban,\np. 28, 1. 11.\n97. Examples with the Subjunctive. Sioa \_)aet. Ond raid\ntiysses biscopes lare Oswald gelaered waes, paette uales paet\nan paet he aet him geleornade paet he pa uplican ricu gehyhte\nto onfonne, ac swilce eac eorSlico rico rna poune aenig his eldrena\nfram pam ilcau Gode onfenge, p. 164, 11. 1923. Hi swa ftaes\nstreames brycge abysgade waerou paet hi hwene aer aefene\noferfaran ue mihten, p. 38, 1. 12.\nRemark. One example occurs of a Sentence of Kesult with\nthe indifferent ending an. Ex. Ond swa swrSe his lif tosced\nfrom ussa tida -aswundenesse, paette ealle pa pe mid hine\neodan, on swa hwilcre stowe swa hi coman, paet hi sceoldan\no&Se sealmas leornian o&Se opre halige gewrito, p. 160, 1. 25,\n98. Subjunctive in a Relative Clause with a Negative Ante-\ncedent. The Relative with a negative antecedent occurs once,\nfollowed by the Subjunctive Mood, and has been placed under\nSentences of Result as parallel to the Latin Consecutive Rela-\ntive after a negative. The mood, in this particular instance,\ncannot be attributed to the influence of the Latin, as the rela-\ntive clause in question translates a Latin perfect passive parti-\nciple in the original. The construction is apparently analogous\nto the Subjunctive after JJonne, and may be due to the idea of\nExample. Ne waes inpa tid aenig biscop buton pam Wine\nin alre Breotene para pe rihtlice gehalgad waere, p. 246, 11.\n19-20. (The original has here : Non enim erat tune ullus,\nexcepto illo Uine,in tota Brittania canonice ordinatus episcopus.\nLib. Ill, cap. XXVIII.)\n99. Subjunctive in other Relative Clauses. Two other ex-\namples of the Subjunctive in a relative clause occur, neither of\nwhich can be explained as final, or, in the Anglo-Saxon ver-\nsion, as due to Indirect Discourse. In the first of these given\nbelow, the Subjunctive translates the Latin easel, which was due\nto a verb of Indirect Discourse preceding. The translator split\nthe long Latin sentence into two shorter ones, and though mak-\ning the second independent of the verb statiterunt, still retained\nthe subjunctive in the dependent clause. The Latin affords no\nclue to the subjunctive in the second, having the Indicative\nwhere the Anglo-Saxon shows the Subjunctive. The Subjunc-\ntivemay be due to the idea of purpose involved in the sentence.\nExamples. 1. Ondpaere abhuddyssau ban upadydau of paere\nstowe, ond on opre cyricean pe fullice getimbred ond gehalgad\nwaere, gesetton, p. 176, 1. 14. 2. ForSon in bissum mynstre\nmonig tacn gastlicra maegena gifremed waeron, pa be to ge-\nmyude ond to timbernesse paere aefter fylgendra from monegum\nawriten haefd waeren, p. 282, 11. 20-22.\nI am James and Lucy Harrison\nthe eldest son of Charles\nFaulkner, and was born at the Wigwam, the home of my ma-\nternal grandfather, William Henry Harrison, Amelia County,\nVirginia, June 19, 1874. My\nearly education was received in\nvarious private and public schools of Boydton, the county\nseat of Mecklenburg County, Virginia, where my father began\nthe practice of law in 1874. In 1891 I entered Richmond\nCollege,Richmond, Virginia, where I pursued courses in Latin,\nGreek, French and German, graduating in the two last named.\nIn 1892 I entered the University of Virginia and graduated in\n1895, with the degree of Bachelor of Arts, having completed\nalso, in addition to the courses required for that degree, the\nM. A. courses in Latin, French and German. During the ses-\nsion of 1894-'95, 1 was also Assistant Instructor in Modern\nLanguages under Acting-Professor Reinhard, having been\nrecommended by Professor Perkinson, then on leave in Ger-\nmany. After leaving the University in 1895, I was for two\nyears Principal of the Episcopal Male Academy, Houston,\nHalifax County, Virginia. This position I resigned in 1897\nto accept the chair of languages in Henry College, Campbell,\nTexas, but this institution being destroyed by fire a short time\nafter the session opened, I returned to the University of\nand completed the Master of Arts degree, by taking the M. A.\ncourses in Greek and the English Language. In 1898 I\naccepted the position of Latin and Greek Master in the Epis-\ncopal High School of Virginia, Alexandria, Virginia. In 1901\nI resigned this position to return to the\nUniversity and com-\nplete the work required for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy,\nhaving been granted permission by the faculty to do the second\nyear's work in absence, which work I did in 1900-1901, being\nregularly matriculated in the University. The courses selected\nby me are Major, English Language, Primary Minor, German,\nSecondary Minor, Romance. During the present session\n(1901-'02) I have completed the third years' work in my major\nsubject, the second in the primary minor, and the first in the\nsecondary minor since completing the courses required in\neach for the B. A. degree. I have also held the of\nAssistant in Teutonic Languages under Prof. Jas. A. Harrison.\nFAT. 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