title: Race (human categorization)

text: Anthropologists such as C. Loring Brace, the philosophers Jonathan Kaplan and Rasmus Winther, and the geneticist Joseph Graves, have argued that the cluster structure of genetic data is dependent on the initial hypotheses of the researcher and the influence of these hypotheses on the choice of populations to sample. When one samples continental groups, the clusters become continental, but if one had chosen other sampling patterns, the clustering would be different. Weiss and Fullerton have noted that if one sampled only Icelanders, Mayans and Maoris, three distinct clusters would form and all other populations could be described as being clinally composed of admixtures of Maori, Icelandic and Mayan genetic materials. Kaplan and Winther therefore argue that, seen in this way, both Lewontin and Edwards are right in their arguments. They conclude that while racial groups are characterized by different allele frequencies, this does not mean that racial classification is a natural taxonomy of the human species, because multiple other genetic patterns can be found in human populations that crosscut racial distinctions. Moreover, the genomic data underdetermines whether one wishes to see subdivisions (i.e., splitters) or a continuum (i.e., lumpers). Under Kaplan and Winther's view, racial groupings are objective social constructions that have conventional biological reality only insofar as the categories are chosen and constructed for pragmatic scientific reasons. In earlier work, Winther had identified "diversity partitioning" and "clustering analysis" as two separate methodologies, with distinct questions, assumptions, and protocols. Each is also associated with opposing ontological consequences vis-a-vis the metaphysics of race. Philosopher Lisa Gannett has argued that biogeographical ancestry, a concept devised by Mark Shriver and Tony Frudakis, is not an objective measure of the biological aspects of race as Shriver and Frudakis claim it is. She argues that it is actually just a "local category shaped by the U.S. context of its production, especially the forensic aim of being able to predict the race or ethnicity of an unknown suspect based on DNA found at the crime scene".


title: Race (human categorization)

text: Recent studies of human genetic clustering have included a debate over how genetic variation is organized, with clusters and clines as the main possible orderings. Serre & Pääbo argued for smooth, clinal genetic variation in ancestral populations even in regions previously considered racially homogeneous, with the apparent gaps turning out to be artifacts of sampling techniques. Rosenberg et al. disputed this and offered an analysis of the Human Genetic Diversity Panel showing that there were small discontinuities in the smooth genetic variation for ancestral populations at the location of geographic barriers such as the Sahara, the Oceans, and the Himalayas. Nonetheless, Rosenberg et al. stated that their findings "should not be taken as evidence of our support of any particular concept of biological race ... Genetic differences among human populations derive mainly from gradations in allele frequencies rather than from distinctive 'diagnostic' genotypes." Using a sample of 40 populations distributed roughly evenly across the Earth's land surface, Xing & et al. found that "genetic diversity is distributed in a more clinal pattern when more geographically intermediate populations are sampled".


title: Race (human categorization)

text: Over a dozen racial categories would be recognized in conformity with all the possible combinations of hair color, hair texture, eye color, and skin color. These types grade into each other like the colors of the spectrum, and not one category stands significantly isolated from the rest. That is, race referred preferentially to appearance, not heredity, and appearance is a poor indication of ancestry, because only a few genes are responsible for someone's skin color and traits: a person who is considered white may have more African ancestry than a person who is considered black, and the reverse can be also true about European ancestry. The complexity of racial classifications in Brazil reflects the extent of genetic mixing in Brazilian society, a society that remains highly, but not strictly, stratified along color lines. These socioeconomic factors are also significant to the limits of racial lines, because a minority of pardos, or brown people, are likely to start declaring themselves white or black if socially upward, and being seen as relatively "whiter" as their perceived social status increases (much as in other regions of Latin America).


title: Race (human categorization)

text: Fluidity of racial categories aside, the "biologification" of race in Brazil referred above would match contemporary concepts of race in the United States quite closely, though, if Brazilians are supposed to choose their race as one among, Asian and Indigenous apart, three IBGE's census categories. While assimilated Amerindians and people with very high quantities of Amerindian ancestry are usually grouped as caboclos, a subgroup of pardos which roughly translates as both mestizo and hillbilly, for those of lower quantity of Amerindian descent a higher European genetic contribution is expected to be grouped as a pardo. In several genetic tests, people with less than 60-65% of European descent and 5–10% of Amerindian descent usually cluster with Afro-Brazilians (as reported by the individuals), or 6.9% of the population, and those with about 45% or more of Subsaharan contribution most times do so (in average, Afro-Brazilian DNA was reported to be about 50% Subsaharan African, 37% European and 13% Amerindian).


title: Race (human categorization)

text: Since the early history of the United States, Amerindians, African Americans, and European Americans have been classified as belonging to different races. Efforts to track mixing between groups led to a proliferation of categories, such as mulatto and octoroon. The criteria for membership in these races diverged in the late 19th century. During the Reconstruction era, increasing numbers of Americans began to consider anyone with "one drop" of known "Black blood" to be Black, regardless of appearance. By the early 20th century, this notion was made statutory in many states. Amerindians continue to be defined by a certain percentage of "Indian blood" (called blood quantum). To be White one had to have perceived "pure" White ancestry. The one-drop rule or hypodescent rule refers to the convention of defining a person as racially black if he or she has any known African ancestry. This rule meant that those that were mixed race but with some discernible African ancestry were defined as black. The one-drop rule is specific to not only those with African ancestry but to the United States, making it a particularly African-American experience.


title: Race (human categorization)

text: In the United States both scholars and the general public have been conditioned to viewing human races as natural and separate divisions within the human species based on visible physical differences. With the vast expansion of scientific knowledge in this century, however, it has become clear that human populations are not unambiguous, clearly demarcated, biologically distinct groups. Evidence from the analysis of genetics (e.g., DNA) indicates that most physical variation, about 94%, lies within so-called racial groups. Conventional geographic "racial" groupings differ from one another only in about 6% of their genes. This means that there is greater variation within "racial" groups than between them. In neighboring populations there is much overlapping of genes and their phenotypic (physical) expressions. Throughout history whenever different groups have come into contact, they have interbred. The continued sharing of genetic materials has maintained all of humankind as a single species. ... With the vast expansion of scientific knowledge in this century, ... it has become clear that human populations are not unambiguous, clearly demarcated, biologically distinct groups. ... Given what we know about the capacity of normal humans to achieve and function within any culture, we conclude that present-day inequalities between so-called "racial" groups are not consequences of their biological inheritance but products of historical and contemporary social, economic, educational, and political circumstances.


title: Race (human categorization)

text: According to the 2000 University of Wyoming edition of a popular physical anthropology textbook, forensic anthropologists are overwhelmingly in support of the idea of the basic biological reality of human races. Forensic physical anthropologist and professor George W. Gill has said that the idea that race is only skin deep "is simply not true, as any experienced forensic anthropologist will affirm" and "Many morphological features tend to follow geographic boundaries coinciding often with climatic zones. This is not surprising since the selective forces of climate are probably the primary forces of nature that have shaped human races with regard not only to skin color and hair form but also the underlying bony structures of the nose, cheekbones, etc. (For example, more prominent noses humidify air better.)" While he can see good arguments for both sides, the complete denial of the opposing evidence "seems to stem largely from socio-political motivation and not science at all". He also states that many biological anthropologists see races as real yet "not one introductory textbook of physical anthropology even presents that perspective as a possibility. In a case as flagrant as this, we are not dealing with science but rather with blatant, politically motivated censorship".


title: Race (human categorization)

text: Well, you may ask, why can't we call those regional patterns "races"? In fact, we can and do, but it does not make them coherent biological entities. "Races" defined in such a way are products of our perceptions. ... We realize that in the extremes of our transit – Moscow to Nairobi, perhaps – there is a major but gradual change in skin color from what we euphemistically call white to black, and that this is related to the latitudinal difference in the intensity of the ultraviolet component of sunlight. What we do not see, however, is the myriad other traits that are distributed in a fashion quite unrelated to the intensity of ultraviolet radiation. Where skin color is concerned, all the northern populations of the Old World are lighter than the long-term inhabitants near the equator. Although Europeans and Chinese are obviously different, in skin color they are closer to each other than either is to equatorial Africans. But if we test the distribution of the widely known ABO blood-group system, then Europeans and Africans are closer to each other than either is to Chinese.


title: Race (human categorization)

text: Lester Frank Ward , considered to be one of the founders of American sociology, rejected notions that there were fundamental differences that distinguished one race from another, although he acknowledged that social conditions differed dramatically by race. At the turn of the 20th century, sociologists viewed the concept of race in ways that were shaped by the scientific racism of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Many sociologists focused on African Americans, called Negroes at that time, and claimed that they were inferior to whites. White sociologist Charlotte Perkins Gilman , for example, used biological arguments to claim the inferiority of African Americans. American sociologist Charles H. Cooley theorized that differences among races were "natural", and that biological differences result in differences in intellectual abilities Edward Alsworth Ross , also an important figure in the founding of American sociology, and a eugenicist, believed that whites were the superior race, and that there were essential differences in "temperament" among races. In 1910, the Journal published an article by Ulysses G. Weatherly that called for white supremacy and segregation of the races to protect racial purity.


title: Race (human categorization)

text: W. E. B. Du Bois , one of the first African-American sociologists, was the first sociologist to use sociological concepts and empirical research methods to analyze race as a social construct instead of a biological reality. Beginning in 1899 with his book The Philadelphia Negro, Du Bois studied and wrote about race and racism throughout his career. In his work, he contended that social class, colonialism, and capitalism shaped ideas about race and racial categories. Social scientists largely abandoned scientific racism and biological reasons for racial categorization schemes by the 1930s. Other early sociologists, especially those associated with the Chicago School, joined Du Bois in theorizing race as a socially constructed fact. By 1978, William Julius Wilson argued that race and racial classification systems were declining in significance, and that instead, social class more accurately described what sociologists had earlier understood as race. By 1986, sociologists Michael Omi and Howard Winant successfully introduced the concept of racial formation to describe the process by which racial categories are created. Omi and Winant assert that "there is no biological basis for distinguishing among human groups along the lines of race".


title: Race (human categorization)

text: In the United States, federal government policy promotes the use of racially categorized data to identify and address health disparities between racial or ethnic groups. In clinical settings, race has sometimes been considered in the diagnosis and treatment of medical conditions. Doctors have noted that some medical conditions are more prevalent in certain racial or ethnic groups than in others, without being sure of the cause of those differences. Recent interest in race-based medicine, or race-targeted pharmacogenomics, has been fueled by the proliferation of human genetic data which followed the decoding of the human genome in the first decade of the twenty-first century. There is an active debate among biomedical researchers about the meaning and importance of race in their research. Proponents of the use of racial categories in biomedicine argue that continued use of racial categorizations in biomedical research and clinical practice makes possible the application of new genetic findings, and provides a clue to diagnosis. Biomedical researchers' positions on race fall into two main camps: those who consider the concept of race to have no biological basis and those who consider it to have the potential to be biologically meaningful. Members of the latter camp often base their arguments around the potential to create genome-based personalized medicine.


title: Race (human categorization)

text: Criminal justice agencies in England and Wales use at least two separate racial/ethnic classification systems when reporting crime, as of 2010. One is the system used in the 2001 Census when individuals identify themselves as belonging to a particular ethnic group: W1 (White-British), W2 (White-Irish), W9 (Any other white background); M1 (White and black Caribbean), M2 (White and black African), M3 (White and Asian), M9 (Any other mixed background); A1 (Asian-Indian), A2 (Asian-Pakistani), A3 (Asian-Bangladeshi), A9 (Any other Asian background); B1 (Black Caribbean), B2 (Black African), B3 (Any other black background); O1 (Chinese), O9 (Any other). The other is categories used by the police when they visually identify someone as belonging to an ethnic group, e.g. at the time of a stop and search or an arrest: White – North European (IC1), White – South European (IC2), Black (IC3), Asian (IC4), Chinese, Japanese, or South East Asian (IC5), Middle Eastern (IC6), and Unknown (IC0). "IC" stands for "Identification Code;" these items are also referred to as Phoenix classifications. Officers are instructed to "record the response that has been given" even if the person gives an answer which may be incorrect; their own perception of the person's ethnic background is recorded separately. Comparability of the information being recorded by officers was brought into question by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) in September 2007, as part of its Equality Data Review; one problem cited was the number of reports that contained an ethnicity of "Not Stated".


title: Race (human categorization)

text: A 2002 study found that about 13% of human craniometric variation existed between regions, while 6% existed between local populations within regions and 81% within local populations. In contrast, the opposite pattern of genetic variation was observed for skin color (which is often used to define race), with 88% of variation between regions. The study concluded: "The apportionment of genetic diversity in skin color is atypical, and cannot be used for purposes of classification." Similarly, a 2009 study found that craniometrics could be used accurately to determine what part of the world someone was from based on their cranium; however, this study also found that there were no abrupt boundaries that separated craniometric variation into distinct racial groups. Another 2009 study showed that American blacks and whites had different skeletal morphologies, and that significant patterning in variation in these traits exists within continents. This suggests that classifying humans into races based on skeletal characteristics would necessitate many different "races" being defined.


title: Doggerel (album)

text: Doggerel received a score of 73 out of 100 on review aggregator Metacritic based on twelve critics' reviews, indicating "generally favorable" reception. Jamie Wilde of The Skinny wrote that the band "offer fans something new with their material; something more conventional, sophisticated and orchestrated" than their output of the late 1980s. Wilde also felt that "some choruses on tracks like Vault of Heaven do verge on feeling a bit bland" but that Black Francis's "inimitable vocal twangs still remain and he still has plenty to say yet". Reviewing the album for The Line of Best Fit, Christopher Hamilton-Peach wrote that Doggerel has an abundance of "riffs and rockabilly nods" and "finds the American alternative mainstays reinstating bittersweet peaks and ironic edge". Hamilton-Peach elaborated that the album "revolves between the erringly melodic and angst-filtered", calling "The Lord Has Come Back Today" an "upbeat ditty" and describing "You're Such a Sadducee" as having "esoteric-themed acerbic punk bite".


title: Argentina, 1985

text: Martín Rodríguez, journalist, writer, political analyst and a friend of director Santiago Mitre, originally gave him the suggestion to make a film about the Trial of the Juntas in 2016. Rodríguez joined the project as a historical researcher and adviser, and later brought screenwriter, producer and journalist Federico Scigliano on as a collaborator, working throughout 2017. They constructed a "'state of the art' on debates and discussions around the trial and the time", offering "possible ideas, entry points, and threads" on the subject which had a certain level of topicality. Their work took place in the early stages of development, when the story had not yet taken shape. They centered their work on the trial itself as a founding event of Argentine democracy. Their methodology consisted of interviewing many of the people who had participated in the trial and were still alive, such as Luis Moreno Ocampo, León Arslanián, Judith König, Carlos "Maco" Somigliana, and Enrique "Coti" Nosiglia, who served as Minister of the Interior for president Raúl Alfonsín in 1987. Mitre attended some of those interviews, during which he searched for possible lines of dialogue and narratives, such as when Moreno Ocampo told them that his mother "attended mass with Videla". Mitre spoke to the judges of the trial, as well as witnesses and members of the prosecutorial team, in order to understand their emotions at the time. He also met with Strassera's son Julián.


title: Argentina, 1985

text: Actor Ricardo Darín, who had become friends with Mitre after starring in The Summit, suggested playing Strassera when Mitre first presented him the idea to adapt the events of the Trial of the Juntas. After reading the first draft of the script, Darín took the role, despite generally not being interested in playing characters based on real people, and became a producer on the film as well. To play Moreno Ocampo, Kuschevatzky suggested his longtime friend, actor Peter Lanzani, whom Mitre cast in the role as he considered him "one of the most interesting actors of his generation". Mariana Mitre, the film's casting director and the director's sister, opted to get unknown actors for the supporting roles of both the young investigators and the testifiers, in order to have "the best possible sense of verisimilitude". Mitre, along with Darín and Lanzani, decided not to have them mimic the voice and mannerisms of the actual Strassera and Moreno Ocampo, taking artistic liberty with their performances. Similarly, Laura Paredes initially tried to imitate Adriana Calvo's actual tone of voice but found it made the performance seem artificial and disconnected. She then opted to speak closer to her own tone instead, which "paradoxically" made her resemble the character more.


title: Argentina, 1985

text: The same type of U-matic cameras that had originally been used to broadcast the trial were also used for its recreation during the trial scenes, in order to be able to seamlessly insert archive footage of the actual trial. Javier Juliá, the cinematographer, did not want the film to look "old, or nostalgic", instead going for a more contemporary look. He also chose not to mimic the actual archive footage from the trial, in which witnesses were filmed from behind for protection, as he and Mitre wanted to make the audience "feel they were there bearing witness too". Juliá employed a large format lens with a shallower depth of field to focus on the witnesses instead of on the context around them; he shot the courtroom scenes with an Arri Alexa LF and Signature Prime lenses, using "classic and restrained camera movement" such as dolly tracks and cranes. For contrast, Juliá captured the scenes outside the courtroom with the Alexa LF and vintage Canon FD lenses. He shot with wider lenses, which brought "texture and rawness" to the footage, and hand-held camera movements to convey "the energy amongst the legal team or the tension in the Strassera household". The film was shot in a 3:2 aspect ratio, commonly used by classic 35-mm film cameras, which made them frame the film differently and helped them avoid a feeling of nostalgia.


title: Argentina, 1985

text: The performances of the cast also received praise. Scholz commended the authenticity of the performances, as did Michael Ordoña from Los Angeles Times, who thought the characters' humanity was particularly present in the depiction of Strassera as an ordinary man. Ordoña described Strassera's characterization as "interestingly uninteresting", which he considered a rare feat. The Hollywood Reporter's Sheri Linden thought Darín's portrayal of Strassera, along with Mitre's direction, effectively conveyed the high stakes of the trial depicted in the film. Writing for The Guardian, Peter Bradshaw gave the film four-out-of-five stars, highlighting Darín's acting and praising Lanzani's "attractive and sympathetic" performance. He also felt the presence of the young legal team gave the film more energy. Guy Lodge at Variety highlighted Darín for Strassera's final speech, which he considered "one of the most riveting, hair-raising scenes of speechifying in recent cinema". Writing for IndieWire, Sophie Monks Kaufman gave the film a "B+" and felt that Darín's performance was the main force of the film, uniting all of its different elements.


title: Argentina, 1985

text: Scholz thought the film took elements of classical cinema from both Argentina and the Golden Age of Hollywood. The use of Hollywood conventions in Argentina, 1985 received both compliments and criticism. Cinelli suggested Mitre employed humor as well as classical cinema tropes as a way to facilitate the audience's connection to the story. Lodge also believed that Argentina, 1985 was more classical in its storytelling than other films dealing with the same subject matter, likening Mitre to filmmakers such as Aaron Sorkin and Steven Spielberg. Lodge commended Mitre's direction for balancing the emotion of the main story and the tension of secondary plots. Bradshaw felt that Argentina, 1985 had "a fair bit of Hollywoodised emotion" but that the film managed it well. Linden criticized the occasional appearance of legal drama tropes among other aspects of the screenplay, such as underdeveloped supporting characters and instances of flat dialogue. Aguilar thought the film lacking in innovation and the final product "overly familiar", visually and narratively.


title: Ronald Rodgers

text: Ronald L. Rodgers assumed duties as the Pardon Attorney in the United States Department of Justice in April 2008. The Office of the Pardon Attorney is responsible for reviewing and investigating applications to the President of the United States for executive clemency for federal criminal offenses, drafting the recommendation of the Deputy Attorney General to the President for the disposition of each clemency application, and advising Departmental leadership on matters related to executive clemency. The Pardon Attorney assists the President in the exercise of his power under Article II, Section 2, clause 1 of the Constitution (the Pardon Clause). See Executive Order dated June 16, 1893 (transferring clemency petition processing and advisory functions to the Justice Department), the Rules Governing the Processing of Petitions for Executive Clemency (codified in 28 C.F.R. §§ 1.1 et seq.), and 28 C.F.R. §§ 0.35 and 0.36 (relating to the authority of the Pardon Attorney). The Pardon Attorney, under the direction of the Deputy Attorney General, receives and reviews all petitions for executive clemency (which includes pardon after completion of sentence, commutation of sentence, remission of fine and reprieve), initiates and directs the necessary investigations, and prepares a report and recommendation for submission to the President in every case. In addition, the Office of the Pardon Attorney acts as a liaison with the public during the pendency of a clemency petition, responding to correspondence and answering inquiries about clemency cases and issues.


title: Ronald Rodgers

text: President Obama's pardon record during his first term in office has been described as "abysmal", with much of the fault placed on Mr. Rodgers. Mr. Rodgers was the target of a Justice Department Inspector General report in December 2012 that found that Rodgers fell "substantially short of the high standards to be expected of Department of Justice employees and of the duty he owed to the President of the United States." In particular, the report found that Rodgers misrepresented the facts to the White House of a commutation request from Clarence Aaron, a man serving a triple life sentence for facilitating a drug deal. The pardon attorney's advice to the president to deny the grant, even though the prosecutor and judge supported it, "was colored by his concern ... that the White House might grant Aaron clemency presently and his desire that this not happen," the report concluded. Mr. Aaron's case was widely reported in the public since at least 2008, and he was eventually freed by President Obama in December 2013.


title: St Pancras railway station

text: In 1978, British Rail attempted to raise funds with the sale of the impressive 18 foot diameter station clock, allegedly to a wealthy American collector for £250,000. Custom made for St Pancras station by the world renown Dent the unique time-piece was financially valuable, but during removal it was somehow dropped, shattering on the floor below. Now worth far less money, it was sold to Roland Hoggard, a train-guard nearing retirement, for £25. It took over a week for Hoggard to transport the giant broken clock, a few parts at a time, to his Nottinghamshire home, where he diligently pieced it all back together, to hang on the wall of his barn where it still kept good time. Decades later during the stations renewal as 'St Pancras International', Dent of London were able to create an exact replica of the clock by using the original as a template. Hoggard was invited to the 2007 grand re-opening of St Pancras, and able to see the impressive new clock installed exactly where the original had been.


title: St Pancras railway station

text: During an elaborate opening ceremony, actor Timothy West, as Henry Barlow, addressed the audience, which was also entertained by the Royal Philharmonic Orchestra and the singers Lemar and Katherine Jenkins. In a carefully staged set piece, the first Class 395 train and two Class 373 trains arrived through a cloud of dry ice in adjacent platforms within seconds of each other. During the ceremony, Paul Day's large bronze statue The Meeting Place was also unveiled. At a much smaller ceremony on 12 November 2007, the bronze statue of John Betjeman by sculptor Martin Jennings was unveiled by Betjeman's daughter, the author Candida Lycett Green. Public service by Eurostar train via High Speed 1 started on 14 November 2007. In a small ceremony, station staff cut a ribbon leading to the Eurostar platforms. In the same month, services to the East Midlands were transferred to a new franchisee, East Midlands Trains. The low-level Thameslink platforms opened on 9 December 2007, replacing King's Cross Thameslink.


title: Asian American International Film Festival

text: In 1975, grassroots media activists Peter Chow, Danny Yung, Thomas Tam and Christine Choy founded Asian CineVision (ACV), a nonprofit media arts organization "dedicated to promoting and preserving Asian and Asian American media expressions", under the name CCTV (Chinese Cable TV) in New York's Chinatown. At a time of exceptional energy and assertion on the part of diverse cultural groups, claiming their voices and places in a landscape that had been dominated by European Americans, ACV's founders saw the need to bring greater social and cultural awareness of Asian American experience and history to both Asian American communities and to the public at large. Moving-image media had become the nation's common language, its most pervasive source of images and ideas, and Asian Americans barely registered on its screens. ACV's founders wanted to address problems faced by Asian Americans in both representation in the media and access to the means of media production and distribution. Technologies and outlets for independent media were multiplying, creating new possibilities for Asian Americans both behind and in front of the cameras, in production and distribution, in scholarship and practice, in every style and platform of media arts.


text: In 1978 ACV organized the Asian American Film Festival, the first in the U.S. to showcase the best in independent Asian and Asian American cinema. It was a three-day program of 46 films and videos at the Henry Street Settlement on New York's Lower Eastside. Later screening venues included New York University , Rosemary Theatre , The French Institute , Asia Society , Chelsea Clearview Cinema, School of Visual Arts, Quad Cinema and Museum of Chinese in America . AAIFF's primary goal is to exhibit the most current achievements in Asian/Asian American independent media-making to broad audiences—some 100 short and feature films each year. Seeking to create a setting where artists, scholars, and cultural enthusiasts can meet and explore how to push creative bounds and the development of relevant media. Finally, the AAIFF presents works by media makers from various ethnic backgrounds, religions, classes, and creeds, in order to promote an understanding that Asian and Asian American experiences are complex and multiple.


text: AAIFF satellite venues include Queens Museum, Cinema Arts Centre, Huntington, Brooklyn Heights Cinema, SUNY Stonybrook, Flushing Town Hall, Maysles Institute, Clearview Bergenfield 5, and Queen Library Flushing Branch. The films presented in AAIFF are featured in the annual National Festival Tour that has historically provided the seed-stock for most of the Asian American festivals that have sprung up in subsequent years around the country. Over the years, AAIFF has screened films from over twenty countries including: Canada, China (Hong-Kong and mainland), India, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, Singapore, Taiwan, the Philippines, Australia, New Zealand, Iran, Germany, England, Afghanistan, Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia, Cuba, Indonesia, and Bhutan. ACV has also accomplished much to open exchange and introduce audiences to works from Asia and the Asian Diaspora. At the peak of its funding and program activity in addition to the annual AAIFF and the National Festival Tour, year-round activities included Videoscape, Children's Film Festival and other exhibitions in film and video, media-production services for independent artists and producers in New York, publications including the quarterly media arts journal CineVue, a print and media archive, and a range of training workshops.


title: Hermit Formation

text: The Permian Hermit Formation, also known as the Hermit Shale, is a nonresistant unit that is composed of slope-forming reddish brown siltstone, mudstone, and very fine-grained sandstone. Within the Grand Canyon region, the upper part of the Hermit Formation contains red and white, massive, calcareous sandstone and siltstone beds that exhibit low-angle cross-bedding. Beds of dark red crumbly siltstone fill shallow paleochannels that are quite common in this formation. The siltstone beds often contain poorly preserved plant fossils. The Hermit Formation varies in thickness from about 100 feet (30 m) in the eastern part of the Grand Canyon region to about 900 feet (270 m) in the region of Toroweap and Shivwits Plateaus. In the Sedona, Arizona area, it averages 300 feet (91 m) in thickness. The upper contact of the Hermit Formation is typically sharp and lacks gradation of any kind. The lower contact is a disconformity characterized by a significant amount of erosional relief, including paleovalleys as much as 60 feet (18 m) deep.


title: David Kushner (singer-songwriter)

text: Along with the single "Mr. Forgettable", it appeared on his debut extended play Footprints I Found . "Mr. Forgettable", written from the perspective of an Alzheimer's patient, also gained attention on TikTok, with some users expressing being forgotten by family members and others relating it to mental illness. Kushner accumulated 556 million streams within a year of his released music, and toured with Lauv later on in the year. He released the single "Daylight" on April 14, 2023. Kushner created a TikTok trend, called "You look happier; what happened", to accompany its release. The trend, which showcased people posting a photo of themselves smiling and looking content, and then pointing the camera at their partner to indicate they were the reason why, gained traction. He commented on his success on TikTok: "TikTok has played the biggest role in my music career. It started as a fun thing. I definitely had not planned to market my music I knew that TikTok would be a powerful tool to be able to connect with new people." Kushner served as the opening act for Dean Lewis' the Future Is Bright Tour in April, and was scheduled to open for Lewis Capaldi on the July 1, 2023, date of his Broken by Desire to Be Heavenly Sent Tour in Chepstow, Monmouthshire.


title: Miyazaki-Jingū Station

text: On 15 December 1913, the Miyazaki Prefectural Railway (宮崎県営鉄道) opened a line from Miyazaki northwards to Hirose (now closed). This station, then named Hanagajima Station (花ヶ島駅) was opened on the same day as an intermediate station on the track. The Miyazaki Prefectural Railway was nationalized on 21 September 1917 and Japanese Government Railways (JGR) assumed control of the station, designating it as part of the Tsuma Light Rail Line (妻軽便線). By 1920, JGR had extended the track from Hirose northwards to Takanabe. Thus on 11 September 1920, JGR designated the stretch of track from Takanabe, through Hanagajima to Miyazaki as part of the Miyazaki Main Line, which at that time already comprised the track from Miyazaki southwards to Miyakonojō. Expanding north of Takanabe in phases, the track eventually reached Kokura and the entire stretch from Kokura to Miyakonojō was redesignated as the Nippō Main Line on 15 December 1923. Hanagajima was renamed Miyazaki-Jingu on 10 November 1954. Freight operations were discontinued in 1984 and baggage handling in 1985, after which the station became unattended. With the privatization of Japanese National Railways (JNR), the successor of JGR, on 1 April 1987, the station came under the control of JR Kyushu.


title: The Autograph Hound

text: Donald Duck tries to enter a Hollywood studio so he can search for celebrities willing to sign their autograph. A security guard with an Irish accent at the gate prevents him from entering the building. Donald manages to sneak inside by climbing on the limousine with Greta Garbo so that it seems he's riding along with her. The security guard discovers he's been fooled and chases Donald, who enters a room with the name "Mickey Rooney" on it. Inside, Mickey Rooney is dressing up in front of the mirror, when Donald asks him for his autograph. Rooney writes his name in Donald's book and makes it disappear and reappear with a magic trick. Donald, who is not amused, tries to impress Rooney by doing a similar trick with an egg. However, the egg is obviously hidden under Donald's hat and Rooney, who is aware of this, crushes it, laughing loudly. Donald gets extremely angry and starts waving his fists, while Rooney manages to put a violin in Donald's hands and starts dancing an Irish jig Donald is playing. When Donald discovers he has been tricked for the third time, he throws the violin at Rooney. Rooney ducks and the instrument lands in the face of the security guard.


title: The Autograph Hound

text: Again, Donald has to flee, and he runs to a castle with the sign "The Road To Mandalay", which turns out to be just a canvas. After bumping his head into it and realizing his mistake, he runs into another direction. On a pair of stairs, he bumps into Shirley Temple. She, too, recognizes him and asks for an autograph. They both sit down to sign each other their autographs and Donald, excited he has his first real autograph, jumps in the air with joy. Then suddenly, the security guard finally grabs him and intends to beat him with his nightstick. Shirley tells him to leave Donald alone and he drops him on the floor in surprise: "Donald Duck? Did you say "Donald Duck"?" Other Hollywood actors hear his comment and enthusiastically rush to Donald to ask him to sign his autograph for them (in chronological order: Greta Garbo, Clark Gable, The Andrews Sisters, Charlie McCarthy, Stepin Fetchit, Roland Young, the Lone Ranger riding his horse Silver, Joe E. Brown, Martha Raye, Hugh Herbert, Irvin S. Cobb, Edward Arnold, Katharine Hepburn, Eddie Cantor, Slim Summerville, Lionel Barrymore, Bette Davis, Groucho Marx, Harpo Marx, Mischa Auer, Joan Crawford, and Charles Boyer). When the police officer asks Donald to sign his autograph book and offers him his pen, Donald squirts ink in the policeman's face. While the ink drips from the security guard's face and Donald writes his name on the officer's chest, Donald laughs hysterically.


title: Eastcote, Northamptonshire

text: Eastcote House stood in 60 acres and was owned by a Mr Gresham. The house was demolished around the middle of the 20th century. Just before the start of World War I, the house was sold as a retirement home to the National Sailor's and Firemen's Union of England as a retirement home. The Union decided that they would help German seaman and prepared an internment camp initially housing 50 men. However, the leader of the union was greatly upset by the fact that, after he had left the concert room where he had informed the internees about the sinking of the Lusitania on 7 May 1915 and the loss of fellow merchant navy sailors, they had started to sing German songs. The next morning the leader of the union held a meeting with the War Office resulting in the camp being handed over to the British Government and subsequently surrounded by barbed wire. Most of the internees were transferred out of the camp by July 1916. The camp became a POW camp expanding to about 4500 men by 1919 and was complete with a new water supply, sewage system, hospital, theatre and workshop. The village of Pattishall did not have electricity until the 1930s. After the war the property was sold by the union. There were periodic escapes: seven men escaped in 1917 but all were caught.


title: Vellai Pookal

text: The film premoered on 12 April 2019 in Bellevue in a few select shows before the film was released in India on 19 April 2019. The movie was well received by critics and audiences alike upon its release. Vivek's performance was highly praised, with many praising his departure from his traditional comical roles. Ananda Vikatan rated the film 43 out of 100, saying that it was on par with its contemporary hits Dhuruvangal Pathinaaru and Ratsasan. A critic from The Times of India wrote that "Even when it lacks assuredness in terms of form, Vellai Pookal remains sure-footed in its storytelling and keeps us engrossed". A critic from The New Indian Express wrote that "Debutant director Vivek Elangovan has broken the usual stereotypes that you associate with Vivekh and has brought to the fore the actor's seldom explored zones". A critic from Deccan Chronicle wrote that "Nevertheless, Vellai Pookal is a valiant effort by these newcomers. The film is cerebral but with the right amounts of suspense to keep your thoughts going. A film not to be missed!"


title: British T-class submarine

text: The 1930 London Naval Treaty restricted the British submarine fleet to a total tonnage of 52,700 tons, a maximum standard surfaced displacement of 2,000 tons for any boat, and maximum gun armament of 5.1 in (130 mm). The Americans had proposed a limit of 1,200 tons for the 1935 London Disarmament Conference, but this was rejected by the Admiralty since it would exclude the Grampus-class mine-laying submarines. The Admiralty itself proposed retaining the limit of 2,000 tons, hoping that the rival naval powers would build fewer but larger submarines as a matter of national pride, which would be easier to hunt down than numerous smaller submarines. The Conservative government of Stanley Baldwin had also proposed banning the submarine altogether or imposing an individual displacement limit of 250 tons, but the Admiralty correctly predicted that the other nations would not accept such strict limitations and continued with the design of what was then known as the "Repeat P" or "Replace P" class of submarines.


title: British T-class submarine

text: The O, P, and R classes had been designed with the Pacific in mind as a counter to the increasingly powerful Imperial Japanese Navy. In the absence of a battlefleet, the submarines would be the primary offensive weapon against the Japanese. As such, the replacement "Repeat P" class had to have a similar endurance but be easier to maintain, as well as appreciably smaller in expectation of future treaty restrictions. In drawing up the future requirements for the British submarine fleet, 20 of these new submarines were estimated to be required for a total tonnage of 20,000 tons. Rear Admiral (Submarines), Rear Admiral Noel Laurence, one of the most distinguished British submariners of World War I, also pushed for a strong torpedo armament. He was convinced that a British submarine facing a powerful Japanese surface force would have difficulty penetrating the destroyer screen, and only a large torpedo salvo would be able to ensure the required hits at longer ranges, if necessary using only ASDIC data for a firing solution.


title: British T-class submarine

text: All T-class submarines had six internal 21-inch (533 mm) torpedo tubes in the bow. These were fitted with bow shutters on early Group One boats to reduce underwater drag; the benefits proved to be rather minimal, the shutters were prone to jamming from flotsam and the idea was dropped in favour of reshaping the torpedo tube orifices for minimal drag. After the loss of Thetis due to the unintentional opening of the rear door of a torpedo tube while its bow cap was open, a special safety clip known as the "Thetis clip" was introduced to prevent the rear torpedo tube door from being opened by more than a fraction if the bow cap was not in place. Each T-class boat carried six reload torpedoes in the torpedo stowage compartment for the internal tubes. The reloading process was manual, although a power loading system was experimented with on Triumph in 1939 based on one developed on Grampus. This system proved underpowered and the pressures of wartime production led to development being curtailed.


title: British T-class submarine

text: Prior to the outbreak of war, there had been much debate over the introduction of stern torpedo tubes on British submarines. The effectiveness of a two-torpedo stern salvo was considered to be doubtful and these tubes would take up valuable space on the submarine. Experience soon led to complaints from British submarine commanders like Commander Anthony Miers (Torbay) about the lack of stern torpedo tubes. Thus, eight of the Group One boats (Taku, Thunderbolt, Tigris, Torbay, Tribune, Trident, Truant, and Tuna) were retrofitted with an eleventh external torpedo tube facing rearwards and this became standard on the Group Two boats onwards. On Group Two boats, the amidships torpedo tubes were also moved aft of the conning tower and reorientated towards the rear. Initially these were angled at 10° off the centerline but this created an area of flat casing that made maintaining depth difficult and for the last two Group Two boats (Traveller and Trooper) and all of the Group Three boats, the angle was reduced to 7°.


title: British T-class submarine

text: The primary torpedo used by the T-class submarines was the 21-inch Mark VIII torpedo, principally the Mark VIII** variant. This torpedo weighed 1,566 kg (3,452 lb) with a 365 kg (805 lb) Torpex warhead and used a Brotherhood burner-cycle engine for a range of 4,570 m (5,000 yd) at 45.5 kn (84.3 km/h; 52.4 mph) or 6,400 m (7,000 yd) at 41 kn (76 km/h; 47 mph). It had a greater propulsive efficiency than any contemporary torpedo of a similar size but shortages of the Mark VIII early in the war led to some submarines using the older Mark IV. The Mark VIII was primarily fitted with a contact pistol, which detonated the torpedo upon impact. A non-contact magnetic pistol known as the CCR (Compensated Coil Rod) was also developed and used during the war. Like the magnetic pistols developed by many other countries, the CCR gave endless trouble and was eventually withdrawn. Due to development problems with British postwar torpedoes, the Mark VIII would remain the standard torpedo used by the T class (and all Royal Navy submarines) until 1971 with the introduction of the Mark 23 wire-guided torpedo.


title: Abu Bakar of Johor

text: Various Chinese dialect groups began to compete for commercial interests in the 1850s and 1860s. This led to communal violence. Abu Bakar and the Kapitan Cina in Johor (who were mainly migrants from Chaozhou) tried to assimilate Chinese entrepreneurs of non-Teochew origin. Abu Bakar gave official recognition and support for the Johor branch of the Ngee Ann Kongsi, which was seen as a secret society in Singapore at that time. As Johor prospered from the large revenue generated from the gambier and pepper plantations managed by the Kapitan Cina, Abu Bakar gave generous provisions to the Kapitan Cina in recognition for their contributions to Johor; among his beneficiaries was long-time family friend, Tan Hiok Nee, who was given a seat in the state council. The plantations operated relatively independently of Johor's government, and Abu Bakar was worried about the possible danger to the plantations in the event of an economic crisis. Shortly after a financial crisis broke out in Singapore in 1864, Abu Bakar imposed new regulations on these plantations, as many of them were owned by Chinese businessmen from Singapore. The Kapitan Cina and the Singapore Chamber of Commerce were particularly disturbed by the new regulations, and accused Abu Bakar of attempting to impose a trade monopoly over Johor. The British government pressured Abu Bakar to retract the regulations, which he did in January 1866. In addition, the Kapitan Cina also faced considerable difficulties in securing new agreements with Abu Bakar. The crisis was only resolved in 1866 after Abu Bakar designated five new ports for the registration of cargo, and the British softened their animosity against Abu Bakar.


title: Abu Bakar of Johor

text: Abu Bakar made revisions to Johor's Islamic code in 1863, after the Sultan of Terengganu revised his state's Islamic judicial system to be more closely aligned with Sharia law. In a letter to the Straits Governor, Abu Bakar expressed hope that his revisions would suit more comfortably with European ideas. He founded an English school in Tanjung Puteri in 1864. Two years later, Abu Bakar moved the administrative headquarters to Tanjung Puteri, and officially renamed it as Johor Bahru. A new administration was set up, which was modelled after European styles and certain elements of traditional Malay government. He recruited some of his close relatives and his classmates from the Teluk Blanga Malay school into the bureaucracy, and also set up an advisory council which included two Chinese leaders. In the early 1870s, Straits Governor Sir Harry Ord said of Abu Bakar that he was the "only Raja in the whole peninsula or adjoining states who rules in accordance with the practice of civilized nations."


title: Abu Bakar of Johor

text: During a state visit to England in 1866, Abu Bakar was commonly addressed as the "Maharaja" of Johor and led him to realise that the Malay title of Temenggong poorly known in the Western world. He contemplated changing his title, which led him to send his cousin, Ungku Haji Muhammad and the Dato Bentara, Dato Jaafar to meet the Bugis historian, Raja Ali Haji who was residing in Riau. Raja Ali supported Abu Bakar's cause, after they did a cross examination and concluded that the past office holders had wielded actual control over the affairs of Johor, rather than the Sultans of the Bendahara dynasty. In addition, questions pertaining to Abu Bakar's pursuits to clamour for recognition were also sidelined as he was able to trace his ancestry to the first Sultan of the Bendahara dynasty, Sultan Abdul Jalil Shah IV by his patrilineal ancestors. The Sultan of Lingga, gave his approval for a formal recognition of Abu Bakar as the Maharaja of Johor, after Ungku Haji and Dato Jaafar travelled to Lingga and presented their claims. Abu Bakar also secured approval from the Governor of the Straits Settlements for his change in title, and was officially proclaimed as the Maharaja of Johor on 30 June 1868.


title: Abu Bakar of Johor

text: In the mid-1870s, the Straits Governor, William Jervois contemplated making Maharaja Abu Bakar overlord of the chiefs in Negeri Sembilan after the British failed to quell the sectarian violence in Sungai Ujong. Abu Bakar's client, Tunku Antah was placed as the Yam Tuan of the Sri Menanti confederacy (comprising several small states within the region), and Abu Bakar was made the adviser of Negeri Sembilan (except Sungai Ujong) in 1878. Abu Bakar was believed to have had expansionist ambitions, which was suggested by his involvement in the Pahang Civil War between 1857 and 1864. A later governor, Frederick Weld, aspired for stronger British control over the Malay states and was weary of Abu Bakar's influence. The chiefs were lukewarm to the prospect of Johor's sphere of influence over Negeri Sembilan, and in 1881 Weld convinced the chiefs within the Sri Menanti confederacy to deal directly with Singapore rather than with Abu Bakar. British officers were also appointed to oversee the affairs in 1883 and 1887, and were gradually given the powers similar to that of a British Resident.


title: Abu Bakar of Johor

text: Abu Bakar made his inaugural state visit while he was still a Temenggong. He toured England in 1866 with Dato' Jaafar, and met with members of the English royalty, notably Queen Victoria and the Prince of Wales, Prince Edward. The Queen conferred Abu Bakar with the Knight Commander of the Order of the Star of India (KCSI), which he valued highly. The trip reportedly gave both Abu Bakar and Dato' Jaafar lasting memories of England, and inspired Abu Bakar to develop Johor along British lines. Nine years later, Abu Bakar travelled to Calcutta to meet up with Prince Edward who was then spending his time in the city. The following year, Prince Edward conferred Abu Bakar the Prince of Wales's Gold medal. He made another trip to London in 1878, where he was invited to attend the State Ball at Buckingham Palace. Abu Bakar's palaces were modelled closely along British lines; when Prince George and Prince Albert Victor visited Johor in the 1880s, they had commented that the huge drawing room of Abu Bakar's palace closely resembled the state-rooms found at Windsor Castle. He was also an avid polo player, and had raced with the princes during their state visits to Johor. The Duke of Sutherland also praised Abu Bakar's hospitality during his state visit after he became sultan, and had reportedly enjoyed the Malay cuisine which the Abu Bakar had served to him.


title: Abu Bakar of Johor

text: Abu Bakar visited Ottoman Turkey during his European tour in 1866, where he met Sultan Abdülaziz who presented him with Ruggyyah Hanum, a Circassian princess as a gift. Ruggyyah Hanum married Ungku Abdul Majid, Abu Bakar's brother after she arrived in Johor. After Ungku Majid's untimely death, Ruggyyah Hanum was later remarried to Dato Jaafar . During his second visit to England in August 1878, Abu Bakar wrote to Colonel Anson from South Kensington of his wishes to visit European royalty in Paris, Vienna and Italy. He managed to visit Paris and Vienna, and was even given a warm reception by Prince Henry of Liechtenstein before returning to Johor. Three years later, he visited Prussia, where he was conferred the Royal Prussian Order of the Crown. He made two separate European tours in 1891 and 1893 with a personal physician by his side, during which he met Emperor Francis Joseph, King Umberto, Pope Leo XIII and Sultan Abdul Hamid II, and was conferred the awards of Commander of the Cross of Italy, Imperial Order of the Osmans (Turkey) and the Commander of the Cross of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha.


title: Abu Bakar of Johor

text: Abu Bakar married his first wife, Engku Chik during his stay in Pahang in 1857. Abu Bakar was related to Engku Chik by family ties; Engku Chik was the sister of Tun Koris, who was also a brother-in-law to Abu Bakar. Abu Bakar had a daughter with Engku Chik, Tunku Besar Putri. He also had a son, Tunku Ibrahim, and a daughter, Tunku Mariam with his second wife Cecilia Catherina Lange, who was the daughter of a Danish trader, Mads Johansen Lange and his Chinese wife Nonna Sangnio. Lange met Abu Bakar while she was in Singapore, and adopted the Muslim name of "Zubaidah" after her marriage to Abu Bakar in 1870. In 1885, Abu Bakar married a Chinese woman of Cantonese heritage, Wong Ah Gew, with whom he had a daughter, Tunku Azizah. Wong took on the Muslim name of "Fatimah" at her marriage to Abu Bakar, and was crowned the Sultanah in July 1886. Abu Bakar held Wong in very high esteem, who became Abu Bakar's confidant pertaining to his involvement in state affairs. Wong became a close friend of Abu Bakar's building contractor, Wong Ah Fook as they shared a common surname and dialect group. Wong died in 1891. During his state visit to the Ottoman Empire in September 1893, Abu Bakar married his fourth wife, Khadijah Khanum, who was of Circassian heritage. (Khadijah's sister, Rugayah, became the wife of Abu Bakar's brother and later the wife of the first Menteri Besar of Johor, Dato' Jaafar). He had a daughter, Tunku Fatimah with Khadijah the following February, who was later crowned as the Sultanah of Johor.


title: Abu Bakar of Johor

text: Abu Bakar was often credited as the "Founder of Modern Johor" (Malay: Bapa Pemodenan Johor). He established a Western-styled bureaucratic system and civil service, and consolidated the state's agricultural economy, which consisted of gambier and pepper plantations headed by Chinese leaders, known as "Kangchu" in Teochew Min. The gambier and pepper plantations were first introduced during the 1840s by Chinese immigrants. Often, Abu Bakar was called in by Malay rulers from neighbouring states to provide advice in the event when the rulers had to make important decisions. In particular, he became a close confidante of the Sultan of Pahang, Wan Ahmad in 1887, with whom Abu Bakar had persuaded Sultan Ahmad to accept a British consultant instead of a Resident. The Colonial Government at that time was seeking for greater control over the Malay States and was making aggressive attempts to impose British Residents into the Malay states. The Colonial Government also made a failed attempt to impose a British Resident in Johor in 1885; the state maintained its independence in its internal affairs until 1914.


title: Abu Bakar of Johor

text: Abu Bakar was also the first Malay ruler to visit Europe in 1866. He was an Anglophile, and mingled comfortably with the Europeans. The British governor, Sir Harry Ord had once written to the Secretary of State of Great Britain and described Abu Bakar as an "English gentleman" in his tastes and habits. Abu Bakar had gained his share of critics, especially among the more conservative Malay scholars who were critical of his Western tastes. Abu Bakar's penchant for an extravagant lifestyle and foreign travel resulted in a depleted state treasury at the time of his death in 1895. At least one scholar, Nesalmar Nadarajah, had suggested that Johor's loss of independence in the early 20th century was attributed to this depleted state treasury. In addition, Nadarajah also believed that the loss of Johor's independence was also attributed to Abu Bakar's failure of giving attention to his young son, Tunku Ibrahim, who lacked proper education and training in the art of state administration and diplomacy when he succeeded his father as the Sultan of Johor in his early twenties.


title: Communist Party of Turkey (modern)

text: After the coup of 12 September 1980, the activities of the group almost completely stopped like nearly all other parties and political groups. Following this, the group aimed to consolidate its cadres and its theoretical base. The communist cadres who gathered around the Sosyalist İktidar magazine took the form of an organization in 1982. That year, a division occurred within the group between Yalçın Küçük supporters and Metin Çulhaoğlu followers. Yalçın Küçük and his group published Toplumsal Kurtuluş ("Social Liberation") while Metin Çulhaoğlu and his group published the Gelenek ("Tradition") magazine after his release from jail in 1986, with the claim of continuing the Marxist-Leninist tradition. This structure came to be known as the Gelenek movement, and TKP stems from this organisation. Gelenek defined the left in three categories as; orthodox, Revolutionary Democratic and new. From this perspective it defended the orthodox left view and criticized Mikhail Gorbachev's ongoing Glasnost and Perestroika processes in the Soviet Union.


title: Communist Party of Turkey (modern)

text: During the 6th Extraordinary Congress of SİP which was held on 11 November 2001, the party decided to make a new breakthrough. It was announced that Communist Party merged with the Party for Socialist Power and that the name of the party had been changed to the Communist Party of Turkey (Türkiye Komünist Partisi). Despite the fact that it was still forbidden to establish a party with the communist name, the party managed to successfully push back against legal attacks. With this congress, the TKP incorporated cadres from different organizational backgrounds, including the followers of Metin Çulhaoğlu, thus ending the disconnect in the history of the communist movement. The Central Committee was formed with the following: Aydemir Güler, Kemal Okuyan, Süleyman Baba, Uğur İşlek, Erkin Özalp, Hüseyin Karabulut, Kurtuluş Kılçer, Oğuz Kavala, Hüsnü Atlıkan, Yalçın Cerit, Mesut Odman, Gülay Dinçel, Alper Dizdar, Gamze Erbil, Mehmet Kuzulugil, Yaşar Çelik, Nihal İmeryüz, Tunç Tatoğlu, Sedat Cengiz, Haluk İmeryüz, Arif Basa, Atilla Gökçek. Aydemir Güler was selected as President and Kemal Okuyan as General Secretary. The foundation date of the party was declared as 10 September 1920 Baku Congress.


title: Edwin Cortes

text: During the trial, Cortes and Torres painted a picture of Puerto Rico as a bleak world where American corporations, particularly drug companies, conducted unethical experiments, such as birth control tests, on Puerto Rican women; where the American government systematically effaced a rich, proud Puerto Rican cultural heritage; and where the powerful, shadowy hand of the Wall Street capitalist dictated the country's politics and exploited its citizens and natural resources. They and their witnesses asserted that George Washington was a slave holder, that U.S. domination over Puerto Rico was illegal and that the FBI historically targeted the FALN for infiltration, disruption and annihilation. They invoked the names of freedom fighters from Northern Ireland, Puerto Rico, Nicaragua and elsewhere; attacked the legitimacy of the 1898 treaty with Spain ceding Puerto Rico to the U.S.; accused government authorities of enslaving Puerto Rican nationals in a "cocoon of ignorance"; and cited a United Nations resolution that sanctioned war against colonialism.


title: Railway Exchange Building (Chicago)

text: The formal entrance to the building is located on Jackson Boulevard, which in 1904 was a more important street than Michigan Avenue. The impressive entrance is believed to have been required by Daniel Burnham, head of the architectural firm and the building's main stockholder. The firm moved its offices to the fourteenth floor, and Burnham's descendants continued ownership in the building until 1952. This Chicago School of Architecture building with Beaux Arts detailing is organized as a classicization of John Wellborn Root's Rookery. A street-level, two-story enclosed court designed in a symmetrical Beaux-Arts style was surmounted by an open lightwell which was surrounded by a ring of offices. By the formal arched entrance on Jackson Boulevard, a large staircase led to shops and a second-floor balcony. White-glazed terracotta sheaths the exterior façade and interior court and the lightwell is lined with white-glazed brick. Classical designs were used for the ornamental dentils, balusters, and column capitals. The building is completely steel-framed. In July 2012, the Santa Fe sign was replaced with an illuminated Motorola sign when Motorola Solutions began a lease on one floor of the building. The Santa Fe letters were given to the Illinois Railway Museum. After a four-year restoration, the sign was put on display at the museum in 2016.


title: Romualdo Del Bianco Foundation

text: The Foundation's priority is to promote intercultural dialogue and attentiveness to the importance of cultural heritage. According to statute, the Foundation aims to promote, disseminate and preserve the cultural, artistic, historical and scientific cultural heritage. Moreover, the Foundation aim is to encourage exchanges among young exponents of culture, arts and sciences as well promoting mutual knowledge, understanding, friendship and peace between countries and peoples of different nationalities, religion and ethnicity . The Foundation organizes exhibitions, concerts, competitions, promotes mobility and meetings between young people from different cultures, is funding restoration of cultural heritage. Each year about 700 people – students and teachers - participate into the cultural activities and training of the Foundation. The network has expanded to 59 countries and counts over 300 universities, among which 87 faculties of architecture, 84 faculties of arts and humanities, 70 faculties of engineering, 35 faculties of economics. The network structure is based on committees of national experts who follow and promote the activities of the foundation. The Foundation has signed 158 cooperation agreements with universities and local governments. In brief, the Foundation's activities till today consisted in:


title: Mycenaean cemetery of Voudeni

text: The prehistoric settlement of Voudeni, lasting approximately five hundred years , was one of the most prominent regional sites of the periphery of the Mycenaean world. Due to the natural fortification and hiding provided by the Bortzi hill at the foot of Mt. Panachaiko, the settlement was the center of a wider set of smaller settlements developed in the surrounding lowland areas. Geographical position played an important role in the establishment and development of the settlement, as it provided observation of the sea as well as an easy escape route to the mountains in case of an emergency or danger. A natural harbor located at the present day marsh of Agyia, provided access to the sea, allowing control of the entire gulf of Patras. Also, the rich and fertile stretches of land could provide sufficient agricultural and livestock products for the self-sufficiency of the community. The existence of a soft soil allowed the creation of a cemetery southeast of the settlement on the hillside (Amygdalia position), to the west of the present day settlement of Voudeni.


title: Mycenaean cemetery of Voudeni

text: West of the present day settlement of Voudeni and southeast of the prehistoric settlement, at Amygdalia position, excavations firstly led by archaeologists Nikolaos Kyparissis and later on by Lazaros Kolonas, revealed a Mycenaean cemetery. On a total area of 18 acres, 78 chamber tombs of various shapes and sizes were discovered, with a recent research suggesting a dozen more possible tombs. Most of the explored graves were carved in circular, square, horseshoe or quadrilateral form with a dome, of varying dimensions often housing multiple burials. Some of the largest tombs are number 4 and 75, which are presumed to belong to officials or community lords due to their large size. All of the tombs revealed objects of everyday life, such as vases, jewellery, tools, weapons and utensils, that prove the prosperity and commercial relations of the locals. Most of the objects were transferred to warehouses and the most important finds are exhibited at the nearby newly found archaeological museum of Patras.


title: Banking in China

text: In the mid-1980s the banking system still lacked some of the services and characteristics that were considered basic in most countries. Interbank relations were very limited, and interbank borrowing and lending was virtually unknown. Checking accounts were used by very few individuals, and bank credit cards did not exist. In 1986 initial steps were taken in some of these areas. Interbank borrowing and lending networks were created among twenty-seven cities along the Yangtze River and among fourteen cities in north China. Interregional financial networks were created to link banks in eleven leading cities all over China, including Shenyang, Guangzhou, Wuhan, Chongqing, and Xi'an and also to link the branches of the Agricultural Bank. The first Chinese credit card, the Great Wall Card, was introduced in June 1986 to be used for foreign exchange transactions. Another financial innovation in 1986 was the opening of China's first stock exchanges since 1949. Small stock exchanges began operations somewhat tentatively in Shenyang, Liaoning Province, in August 1986 and in Shanghai in September 1986.


title: Banking in China

text: The third significant group in Chinese banking market is the city commercial banks. Many of them were founded on the basis of urban credit cooperatives. The first one was Shenzhen City Commercial Bank in 1995. In 1998, PBOC announced that all urban cooperative banks change their name to city commercial bank. And there are 69 city commercial banks set up from 1995 to 1998. In 2005 there were 112 city commercial banks in all of China. This number has increased through additional transformations to 140 in 2009. Most city commercial banks have strong ties to their local government and are majority or wholly state owned. Since 2005 some city commercial banks diversify their shareholders, inviting Chinese and international private companies to take minority shares, merging and cross-shareholding. Some of the banks have listed their shares. While the market for city commercial banks is oriented towards supporting the regional economy, it also finances local infrastructure and other government projects. Since 2008, a strong trend has emerged for city commercial banks to extend business beyond their home region. They are also often the main shareholder behind village and township banks (VTB). Some have founded so-called small loans units to serve smaller business clients better. Taizhou City Commercial Bank, Bank of Beijing, Bank of Tianjin and Bank of Ningbo are examples for city commercial banks.


title: Banking in China

text: According to a confidential informant privy to the agenda at the closed meeting, creating a system of deposit insurance was expected to be discussed at the annual Central Economic Work Conference in December, 2012; studying deposit insurance was included in the 5 year plan for 2011–2015. The government's practice, in the absence of formal provisions for deposit insurance or bank failure, has been to reimburse all depositors, large or small, at small banks and rural cooperatives which fail; this is done to avoid the social unrest which might accompany a bank run. Large banks which might have failed without government support have been propped up. Introduction of deposit insurance is part of a projected general reform of the banking system which would wean banks from their close relationship to state-owned enterprises; banks strongly prefer to lend to state-owned enterprises because payment is seen to be guaranteed. Loans to private firms and individuals are seen as risky; consequently, the private sector is starved for credit.


title: Italian Village

text: Italian Village was once an immigrant neighborhood, named for its high concentration of Italian immigrants in its earliest days. However, the Italians were not the only ethnic group to occupy the Italian Village, nor were they the first. From around 1850–1870, the Irish resided in the southern part of the village as well as around Naughten Street (Goodale Boulevard), which was nicknamed "Irish Broadway." The Irish community then left the area, which made room for other residents. African American migrants then moved to the Italian Village area for work prospects, which consisted of railroad machinery and iron works. A small group of African Americans settled in the northeast section of the village and established the Bethany Baptist Colored Church in 1882. Later on, Italians were attracted to the neighborhood by employment opportunities that were within walking distance. In the 1890s, the first Italian immigrants moved from Flytown to the nearby Italian Village area and worked in stone quarries, construction trades, railroads, and local businesses on High Street. The quality of the Italian Village's buildings as well as its character can be attributed to Italian craftsmen. In 1896, St. John the Baptist Italian Catholic Church was founded and helped to form the Italian-American community. Additionally, the Great Depression brought attention to Italian cuisine because the home grown food was much less expensive. This food was sold locally at restaurants like Presutti's Villa Restaurant on West Fifth Avenue in Grandview and small groceries throughout Italian Village such as Salvatore's Grocery.


title: Italian Village

text: At the height of employment there were approximately 6,000 job opportunities in walking distance from the historic Italian Catholic Church. The Jeffrey Manufacturing Company, located at 274 East First Avenue, was a producer of coal mining equipment. At one point in time, Jeffrey's had the distinction of being the largest single employer in Columbus with 3,400 employees. The Clark Grave Vault/Clark Auto Equipment Company, located at 375 East Fifth Avenue, had 1,200 employees. On Fourth Street near Goodale Street was the Smith Brothers Hardware Company employing 500 people. The Berry Bolt Works at 30 East First Avenue had 240 employees. Immediately south of Jeffrey's factories, at Fourth and Warren Streets, was the Case Crane, Kilbourne & Jacobs Company with 200 employees. The Radio Cab Company on Fourth Street and the Columbus Burlap Bag Company next door had a combined total of 200 employees. Then directly across the street from Radio Cab, Producer's Oil sold gas for 16 cents a gallon. There were numerous other smaller businesses that brought employment opportunities.


title: Italian Village

text: Although the Italian Village flourished in the 1940s, it began to decline after World War II. Society's mobility increased- original residents moved to the suburbs and lower-income families moved into Italian Village, some after being displaced from other neighborhoods. Large single family homes were converted into multiple family dwellings. Along with residential decline came a decrease in commercial vitality; the new residents did not have the money to support local businesses on High Street. In 1951–1952, Italian Village lost a portion of Russell, Lincoln, Brickel Swan, Goodale, and Poplar Streets to a slum clearance program for construction of the inner belt and urban renewal. Continuing into the 1960s, institutions were demolished and the population of Italian Village declined. Landlords became absent as did Catholic schoolchildren, and consequently Sacred Heart Grade School and High School closed down in 1973. Concerned with the destruction of historic buildings, neighborhood residents and property owners began to take action. They envisioned an improved neighborhood and formed the Italian Village Society in 1973 to preserve the historic value of the district. The Columbus City Council then formed the Italian Village Commission to further combat the deterioration of physical conditions. Soon after in 1974, the "Italian Village Development Plan" was created with the help of volunteers and Ohio State University students. The Development Plan defined common problems and proposed rehabilitation of historic structures as well as additional solutions including development of recreation facilities, improvement of transportation flow, and enforcement of housing condition codes. The Italian Village Society and Italian Village Commission helped to develop a sense of community. In 1978, Community Development funds identified the Italian Village target area and supported housing improvement efforts. By the beginning of the 1980s, the Italian Village once again attracted middle-income families to the neighborhood. Revitalization of the area earned the Short North an "All American City" designation.


title: Italian Village

text: Though Italian Village was a mixed ethnic area, it may have received its name from St. John the Baptist Italian Catholic Church. The church was founded in 1896 and subsequently built two years later. It became the main landmark and most distinguishing feature of Italian Village. St. John's drew members were mostly from the Columbus' Italian immigrant population, including the St. Clair Avenue neighborhood, Flytown, Grandview, and Marble Cliff areas. The mission of the church was to bring Italian immigrants together and give them opportunity to worship in their native language and with the practices familiar to them from their earlier lives in Italy. St. John's became the center of the Italian Catholic community. In keeping with Italian Catholic tradition still alive today, parishioners would walk to church in major processions on the feast day of St. John the Baptist and other feast days that were celebrated in their native Italian hometowns. Italian is still spoken in the halls after Mass at St. John the Baptist Church, but the congregation's American-born generations are replacing their native Italian predecessors.


title: Type 057K minesweeper

text: Type 057K program begun in 1956 when PLAN first issued a requirement of gulf minesweeper. The 1st Ship Product Design Directorate of the Shipbuilding Industry Management Bureau of the 1st Machinery Ministry (一机部船舶工业管理局第一船舶产品设计室) was assigned the designer, and completed the design work in two years. However, due to political turmoil in China, namely, the Great Leap Forward, construction was delayed and it was not until December 12, 1962 when the first boat was finally completed by Qiuxin (求新) Shipyard, a division of Jiangnan Shipyard. Type 057K is a steel-hulled design based on fishing trawler and it became most numerous minesweepers in PLAN service. In 1972, Chinese premier Zhou Enlai personally authorized deployment of Type 057K to North Vietnam to sweep the mines laid by US, and successfully cleared five Mk 52 mines. Type 057K is designed to operate in the gulfs and rivers where larger sea-going minesweepers cannot operate effectively but despite large numbers built, all of them have been retired by the early 2010s after half a century of service. Specification:


title: Nicholas II of Saint-Omer

text: Nicholas married twice, both times to rich heiresses. His first wife was Mary of Antioch, daughter of Bohemond VI of Antioch, and his second, ca. 1280, was Anna, daughter of Michael II Komnenos Doukas and widow of William II of Villehardouin. With financial aid from Mary of Antioch, Nicholas built the Castle of Saint Omer (in Greek Σανταμέρι, Santameri) in the Cadmea, the ancient acropolis of Thebes, which is much praised by the Chronicle of the Morea as being the strongest and most beautiful in Greece. It was richly furnished and decorated with frescoes depicting his ancestors' exploits in the Holy Land. Today, only a tower survives. Anna on the other hand, as Princess-dowager, brought with her a considerable property, including the castles of Kalamata and Chlemoutsi, comprising "some of the most fertile lands and the strongest fortress in the Morea", according to A. Bon. This worried King Charles, who was loath to cede these territories to an already very powerful and wealthy subject; in the event, they were exchanged in September 1281 with half the domains of the recently deceased Leonard of Veroli, comprising estates in both the Morea (in Elis and Messenia) and Italy.


title: New Mexico State Road 502

text: The route is paved for its entire length, in contrast to some other state highways in northern New Mexico. NM 502 begins at its western terminus at NM 501 and heads due east through Los Alamos as Trinity Drive. It also begins as a four-lane road heading through town. As it exits town, it narrows down to two lanes and it then passes by the Los Alamos Airport, running parallel with its runway. It then reaches a junction with NM 4 at an interchange before continuing east with five lanes through the spectacular canyon/mesa country of the Pajarito Plateau. The highway then reaches another junction with NM 30 that goes north to Santa Clara Pueblo and Española. The route becomes a four-lane road and then crosses over the Rio Grande beside the historic Otowi Bridge. The route then passes south of San Ildefonso Pueblo and through El Rancho before reaching its eastern terminus at a single-point urban interchange (SPUI) at U.S. Route 84 (US 84) and US 285 in Pojoaque. The total length is about 18 miles (29 km). NM 502 was formally continuous with NM 501, which continues east from another junction with NM 4 to Los Alamos in the foothills of the Jemez Mountains. NM 502 has been a designated "safety corridor" for most of its length since November 2005, with speed limits restricted to 55 miles per hour (89 km/h) maximum, and lower through the towns and on the steep curves near the intersection with NM 4. Prior to 2007, the speed limit along the stretch from San Ildefonso Pueblo and Pojoaque Valley High School was 65 mph.


title: Mantispa styriaca

text: Its larva emerges from reddish eggs after 21 days and then hibernates through the winter. In the spring, the larva searches for a female wolf or fishing spider, of the genera Lycosa and Dolomedes, in order to bore its way into the cocoon that the spider carries on its abdomen, by biting a slit open. It is carnivorous in its first stage, as shown by dead spiders being found around it. Before the larva molts, it resembles a dipluran of genus Campodea. After the larva's first molt, the species has short legs that it cannot use, a small head, has jaws that extend straight out, and has pointed antennae that extend beyond the jaws. Once the larva starts metamorphosis, it pupates by spinning a cocoon inside the spider's egg sac, in which it stays up to 14 days before its final molting. Pupation happens in the middle of June. It is a nymph after emerging from the cocoon, not yet in its adult form. Once it enters the adult stage, the species hunt for prey by using fast strikes of their forelegs that can take less than 60 ms. Its hunting style is similar to that of the praying mantis.


title: Curtitoma hebes

text: (Original description) The shell has a short-fusiform or subovate shape, with a short, blunt spire, and with five or six convex, but slightly angled or carinated whorls, which have a slightly flattened subsutural band. The suture is impressed and slightly channelled. The sculpture shows numerous small, regular, raised, spiral ridges, separated by wider grooves. Usually one, just below the subsutural band, is stronger and more raised, forming a slight carina. On the subsutural band they are faint, or indistinct. The spiral lines are often decussated, more or less, by equally slender, transverse, raised riblets, coincident with the lines of growth, but not uniformly present. These may produce a slightly cancellated structure, on all the whorls, and extend as curved riblets, across the subsutural band. The whorls of the protoconch are not preserved in any of the holotype specimens. The aperture is short and narrow-ovate. The outer lip is expanded below the suture, then regularly rounded and thin. The posterior sinus is broad and shallow. The straight siphonal canal is very short and rather broad. The columella is sigmoid and regularly incurved. The epidermis is thin and greenish white.


title: Scottish royal tapestry collection

text: An inventory of March 1579 made by George Douglas of Parkhead lists tapestries stored in Edinburgh Castle and those hanging at Stirling Castle, where James VI was resident. Tapestries at Stirling included eight pieces of the Judgement of Paris, four pieces of the Hunt of the Unicorn, four or five pieces of Roboam, five pieces of the "Triumph of Verity", four pieces of the Count of Ravenna, four pieces of the History of Aeneas, a piece of the Story of Tobit, and a hanging with the arms of the Dukes of Longueville. Other furnishings in use at Stirling at this time include a cloth of estate made of alternate strips of gold and crimson velvet, a cloth of estate of "high colour" crimson velvet, a crimson satin cloth of estate, and a cloth of estate of cloth of gold. These cloths of estate were suspended above the chairs and thrones used by James VI. There were three state beds; one of red velvet embroidered with love knots and a "I.I" motif, another bed of cloth of gold and silver embroidered with pots of flowers, and another of "high colour" crimson velvet. These beds and cloths of estate were positioned in the three principal rooms of the king's royal lodging.


title: Scottish royal tapestry collection

text: When Mary was moved to Tutbury Castle in February 1569, three suites of tapestries and carpets were delivered from the Removing Wardrobe at the Tower of London to furnish her rooms. These included six pieces of the Passion, six pieces of the History of Ladies, and seven pieces of Hercules; the latter two subjects are found in the earlier Scottish inventories. At Sheffield Manor in February 1577 she had her own tapestries of Aeneas and Meleager. In January 1585, when Mary was again being moved to Tutbury, Queen Elizabeth recalled that Regent Moray had sent plate, hangings and other items to Mary while she was in the custody of the Earl of Shrewsbury. The Earl wrote (to Lord Burghley) that this was not the case and Elizabeth was mistaken: "to my knowledge since her commynge she never received any stuff or other things from him." Mary used tapestry to line her bedchamber at Tutbury against the cold, making a kind of tent. At Fotheringhay in 1587 she had six pieces of Meleager and six of the Battle of Ravenna which she wished to be sold to pay for her servants' journeys home.


title: Scottish royal tapestry collection

text: These were delivered by a William Schaw in 1539, costing 2466 écu au soleil (crowns of the sun) . It was a group of five (or six) sets of seven pieces, and included seven Sundry pieces histories of Chambers in fine stuff listed in 1539. Additions for this Chamber of Antique History were bought by a servant of John Moffet, conservator of Flanders in April 1541. The word 'chamber' referred to the suite of tapestry rather than any actual room in the palaces. Subjects supplied by William Schaw listed in 1539 include; seven pieces of Poesy; seven pieces of Jason and Golden Fleece; and seven pieces of Venus, Pallas, Hercules, Mars, Bacchus, and Gaia (Mother of the Earth), with the Biblical History of Solomon. Only six pieces of the Jason were listed in 1542. Four pieces of the Solomon were listed in September 1561, and noted circa 1568 to be at Stirling. The others are not heard of again. The Little Solomon was also noted in September 1561, another set, or perhaps three of the seven scenes pieces bought by William Schaw.


title: Scottish royal tapestry collection

text: A separate subject from the Jason, listed in 1539 as the History of Maliasor, this six-piece tapestry of Meleager was at Fotheringhay Castle in 1587 as Mary's own possession. At Fotheringhay, Mary, Queen of Scots, also had the six pieces of the History of Count Foix and the Battle of Ravenna, from the Scottish collection, but as this set was only previously listed in November 1561 it might not have belonged to her parents. An eighteenth-century engraving of Gaston de Foix was said to derive from a similar tapestry. Amias Paulet, her gaoler, spent £113-10s in English money on lining, packing, and hanging eight pieces of her tapestry during her move from Chartley to Fotheringhay Castle. Mary wished the Meleager and Ravenna to be sold after her death, with cloths-of-estate, to fund the return journeys of her physician and Mr Melville. Like the Meleager, the biblical Roboam which appears in most inventories also dates from 1539. Henry VIII had a six piece suite and a nine-piece suite of the History of Muliager, the latter suitable for a low gallery.


title: Scottish royal tapestry collection

text: The best tapestry was brought out to decorate the hall and Chapel of Holyroodhouse for the ceremonies and masques in February 1566 when Nicolas d'Angennes, seigneur of Rambouillet, brought the Order of Saint Michael for Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley. After the battle of Carberry Hill, when Mary, Queen of Scots was imprisoned in Lochleven Castle, the tapestry in Holyrood Palace was taken down and stored in Edinburgh Castle in October 1567. Tapestry remained in place to decorate the rooms at Stirling Castle, where James VI was brought up. In April 1569, tapestry was hung in Glasgow for the French ambassador. When English soldiers came to Scotland in 1570, William Maitland of Lethington ordered Servais de Condé to transport the tapestry and furnishings of Holyroodhouse to Edinburgh Castle. In April 1572 the Deanery at Restalrig was hung with tapestry for the English ambassadors Thomas Randolph and William Drury, and in September 1572, William Murray, the varlet of James VI's bedchamber hung the tolbooth of Stirling with tapestry.


title: The Ripping Friends

text: Kricfalusi and his long-time collaborator Jim Smith created the Ripping Friends before they created the similar superhero Powdered Toast Man for The Ren & Stimpy Show. After Nickelodeon fired Kricfalusi from The Ren & Stimpy Show in September 1992, he had plans to make a feature film starring the world's "manliest men". The feature film plan was scrapped, but the characters were used in The Ripping Friends. Also, as early as a 1987 story session for the Mighty Mouse: The New Adventures, Kricfalusi, who would go on to develop the concept for The Ripping Friends for around a decade, had proposed using a wad of gum as a character, an idea which was employed to create the first villain for the new series, the Indigestible Wad. The Ripping Friends was slated to premiere in September 2000 along with another Spümcø show on Fox Family, The Heartaches, which follows the adventures surrounding a girl band. The latter one never made it to television, and The Ripping Friends first aired a year later, after missing another premiere slated for May 2001, lasting for thirteen episodes. The budget was set to US$400,000 per episode. Because of production costs, the show was cancelled after one season and thirteen episodes.


title: 62 Group of Textile Artists

text: Founding members Alison Erridge (née Liley), Jennifer Gray and Joy Clucas invited a group of embroidery teachers to attend a meeting at The Embroiderers' Guild in London in November 1962. They were concerned about the limited professional opportunities available to embroidery graduates at the time. Contemporary embroidery was hard to find and there was little written about it. The first meeting brought together people from a wide range of backgrounds. Embroidery graduates were frustrated because galleries would not take work "if they thought it was a woman's hobby". The 62 Group "came really up out of several students from colleges determined to get it shown" The meeting also included Audrey Tucker, Pat Scrase, Judy Barry and Marie Shawcross. This meeting created a formal link with the Embroiderers' Guild and at this point, any embroiderer could become a member. Early in the group's existence , members realised that the open membership created problems with the quality and consistency of work submitted for exhibitions. It was around this time that selection for membership and exhibitions was instigated and became a fundamental principle of the constitution. This shift also brought about a change to the group's title, as they became 'The Professional Group of the Embroiderers' Guild'.


title: Social cost of carbon

text: This equation represents how one additional tonne of carbon dioxide impacts the environment and incorporates equity and social impact. Chen, Van der Beek, and Cloud inquire upon the benefits of incorporating a second measure of the externalities of carbon by accounting for both the social cost of carbon and risk cost of carbon. This technique involves accounting for the cost of risk on climate change goals. Matsuo and Schmidt suggest that carbon policies revolve around two renewable energy targets. They focus on bringing the cost down of renewable energy and growth of the industry. The prioblem with these objectives in policy is that prioritization can affect how the policy plays out. This can result in a negative impact on the social cost of carbon by affecting how renewable energy is incorporated into society. Newbery, Reiner, and Ritz discuss a carbon price floor as a means of attributing to the social cost of carbon. They discuss how incorporating a CPF in SCC can have a long-term effect of less coal usage, an increase in electricity pricing, and more innovation and investment in low-carbon alternatives. Yang et al. estimated the social cost of carbon under alternative socioeconomic pathways. According to their results, regional rivalries with increased trade friction can increase the social cost of carbon by a factor of 2 to 4.


title: Social cost of carbon

text: Organizations that take an integrated management approach are using the social cost of carbon to help evaluate investment decisions and guide long-term planning in order to consider the full extent of how their operations impact society and the environment. By placing a value on carbon emissions, decision makers can use this value to expand upon traditional financial decision-making tools and create new metrics for measuring the short and long-term outcomes of their actions. This means taking the triple bottom line a step further and promotes an integrated bottom line (IBL) approach. Prioritising an IBL approach begins with changing the way we think about traditional financial measurements as these do not take into consideration the full extent of the short and long-term impacts of a decision or action. Instead, return on investment can be expanded to return on integration, internal rate of return can evolve into integrated rate of return and instead of focusing on net present value, companies can plan for integrated future value.


title: Social cost of carbon

text: The SCC is highly sensitive to socioeconomic narratives. Because carbon dioxide is a global externality, a rational, coordinated human society (or what economists might call "the social planner") would never want to set policy based on anything other than the global aggregate value. However, given the de-globalization trend around the world, the country-level or regional-level social cost of carbon is also calculated. Yang et al. calculated the regional social cost of carbon using regional cost-benefit IAM (RICE). Generally, SCCs in developing countries are much more sensitive to socioeconomic uncertainty and risk valuation - average SCCs in developing regions are 20 times higher than developed regions. Cost-benefit IAM requires more computational resources to provide SCC at the country level, so Ricke et al. calculate the social cost of carbon based on discounted future damage. Their estimation shows countries that incur large fractions of the global cost consistently include India, China, Saudi Arabia and the United States.


title: Social cost of carbon

text: Along with the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) and the Council of Economic Advisers, six federal agencies worked in the working group. The agencies involved included, The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), United States Department of Agriculture, United States Department of Commerce, United States Department of Energy, United States Department of Transportation (DOT), and the United States Department of Treasury. The Interagency Working Group analyzed and advised that policy surrounding the social cost of carbon must be implemented based on global impacts instead of domestic. Support for this expansion in scope stems from theories that climate change may lead to global migration and political and environmental destabilization that affects both the national security and economy of the United States, as well as its allies and trading partners. The social cost of carbon In the United States Government should be seen as a way to continuously update estimates with an end goal of public and scientific approval in order to make efficient environmental policy.


title: Norio Kato

text: Kato was born in Shanghai, China but received his education in Japan. He studied at Seikei Gakuen, where he was taught haiku by Nakamura Kusatao, which would become one of Kato's lifelong hobby. Kato entered University of Tokyo to study physics, where he obtained a BSc degree in 1944. He went on to study under the electron microscopist Ryoji Uyeda at Nagoya University, where he received a MSc in 1946 and a doctoral degree in physics in 1954. In 1950, Kato worked at the Kobayasi Institute of Physical Research (now part of RIKEN) under Shoji Nishikawa. After his PhD, Kato continued working at the Kobayasi institute before moving to the United States in 1957 as a Fulbright scholar to conduct postdoctoral research at Harvard University and later at University of Bristol in the UK. Kato published some of his most important works in this period, including the joint work with Andrew Richard Lang at Harvard University on the observation of the Pendellösung effect in quartz via X-ray diffraction.


title: 2006 League of Ireland First Division

text: In March 2006 it was announced that the League of Ireland and the Football Association of Ireland would be merging. As part of this arrangement the league would be restructured and membership of the 2007 Premier Division and 2007 First Division would be decided by an Independent Assessment Group chaired by a former FAI honorary secretary, Des Casey. Clubs would be assessed on their past five season record in the league. Crucially though, clubs would also be graded on off-field criteria, including attendance, infrastructure, governance, strategic planning, finance, youth development and marketing. This decision would have a considerable impact on the 2006 First Division which began on March 10 and finished on November 18. The season developed into three-way battle between Shamrock Rovers, Dundalk and Galway United. Shamrock Rovers eventually emerged as champions while Dundalk finished second and went on to defeat Waterford United in a promotion/relegation play-off. However it was subsequently announced that Dundalk had failed to meet the Independent Assessment Group criteria and they would not be promoted to the Premier Division and that third placed Galway United would be promoted instead. The decision proved to be controversial and Dundalk were particularly aggrieved. On 13 December, Mark Kavanagh, a Dundalk fan protesting the decision entered the FAI's headquarters in Merrion Square and allegedly threatened to set himself on fire after pouring petrol on his head and on furniture in the offices and reception area. He gave up the protest after obtaining a meeting with Dundalk manager John Gill. Dundalk eventually accepted the FAI decision and remained in the First Division.