title: Eye movement in music reading

text: These systems were sensitive to even small movement of the head or body, which appear to have significantly contaminated the data. Some studies used devices such as a headrest and bite-plate to minimise this contamination, with limited success, and in one case a camera affixed to a motorcycle helmet—weighing nearly 3 kg—which was supported by a system of counterbalancing weights and pulleys attached to the ceiling. In addition to extraneous head movement, researchers faced other physical, bodily problems. The musculoskeletal response required to play a musical instrument involves substantial body movement, usually of the hands, arms and torso. This can upset the delicate balance of tracking equipment and confound the registration of data. Another issue that affects almost all unskilled keyboardists and a considerable proportion of skilled keyboardists is the common tendency to frequently glance down at the hands and back to the score during performance. The disadvantage of this behaviour is that it causes signal dropout in the data every time it occurs, which is sometimes up to several times per bar. When participants are prevented from looking down at their hands, typically the quality of their performance is degraded. Rayner & Pollatsek wrote that:


title: Eye movement in music reading

text: Most research into eye movement in music reading has primarily aimed to compare the eye movement patterns of skilled and unskilled performers. The implicit presumption appears to have been that this might lay the foundation for developing better ways of training musicians. However, there are significant methodological problems in attempting this comparison. Skilled and unskilled performers typically sight read the same passage at different tempos and/or levels of accuracy. At a sufficiently slow tempo, players over a large range of skill-levels are capable of accurate performance, but the skilled will have excess capacity in their perception and processing of the information on the page. There is evidence that excess capacity contaminates eye-movement data with a 'wandering' effect, in which the eyes tend to stray from the course of the music. Weaver implied the existence of the wandering effect and its confounding influence, as did Truitt et al. , who suspected that at slow tempo their participants' eyes were "hanging around rather than extracting information". The wandering effect is undesirable, because it is an unquantifiable and possibly random distortion of normal eye movement patterns.


title: Eye movement in music reading

text: Many researchers have been interested in learning whether fixation durations are influenced by the complexity of the music. At least three types of complexity need to be accounted for in music reading: the visual complexity of the musical notation; the complexity of processing visual input into musculoskeletal commands; and the complexity of executing those commands. For example, visual complexity might be in the form of the density of the notational symbols on the page, or of the presence of accidentals, triplet signs, slurs and other expression markings. The complexity of processing visual input into musculoskeletal commands might involve a lack of 'chunkability' or predictability in the music. The complexity of executing musculoskeletal commands might be seen in terms of the demands of fingering and hand position. It is in isolating and accounting for the interplay between these types that the difficulty lies in making sense of musical complexity. For this reason, little useful information has emerged from investigating the relationship between musical complexity and eye movement.


title: Eye movement in music reading

text: Jacobsen concluded that "the complexity of the reading material influenced the number and the duration of "; where the texture, rhythm, key and accidentals were "more difficult", there was, on average, a slowing of tempo and an increase in both the duration and the number of fixations in his participants. However, performance tempos were uncontrolled in this study, so the data on which this conclusion was based are likely to have been contaminated by the slower tempos that were reported for the reading of the more difficult stimuli. Weaver claimed that fixation durations—which ranged from 270–530 ms—lengthened when the notation was more compact and/or complex, as Jacobsen had found, but did not disclose whether slower tempos were used. Halverson , who controlled tempo more closely, observed a mild opposite effect. Schmidt's participants used longer fixation durations in reading easier melodies (consistent with Halverson); Goolsby's data mildly supported Halverson's finding, but only for skilled readers. He wrote "both Jacobsen and Weaver ... in letting participants select their own tempo found the opposite effect of notational complexity".


title: Eye movement in music reading

text: This raises the question as to why skilled readers should distribute more numerous and shorter fixations over a score than the unskilled. Only one plausible explanation appears in the literature. Kinsler & Carpenter proposed a model for the processing of music notation, based on their data from the reading of rhythm patterns, in which an iconic representation of each fixated image is scanned by a 'processor' and interpreted to a given level of accuracy. The scan ends when this level cannot be reached, its end-point determining the position of the upcoming fixation. The time taken before this decision depends on the complexity of a note, and is presumably shorter for skilled readers, thus promoting more numerous fixations of shorter duration. This model has not been further investigated, and does not explain what advantage there is to using short, numerous fixations. Another possible explanation is that skilled readers maintain a larger eye–hand span and therefore hold a larger amount of information in their working memory; thus, they need to refresh that information more frequently from the music score, and may do so by refixating more frequently.


title: Eye movement in music reading

text: The more familiar readers become with a musical excerpt, the less their reliance on visual input from the score and the correspondingly greater reliance on their stored memory of the music. On logical grounds, it would be expected that this shift would result in fewer and longer fixations. The data from all three studies into eye movement in the reading of increasingly familiar music support this reasoning. York's participants read each stimulus twice, with each reading preceded by a 28-second silent preview. On average, both skilled and unskilled readers used fewer and longer fixations during the second reading. Goolsby's participants were observed during three immediately successive readings of the same musical stimulus. Familiarity in these trials appeared to increase fixation duration, but not nearly as much as might have been expected. The second reading produced no significant difference in mean fixation duration (from 422 to 418 ms). On the third encounter, mean fixation duration was higher for both groups (437 ms) but by a barely significant amount, thus mildly supporting York's earlier finding. The smallness of these changes might be explained by the unchallenging reading conditions in the trials. The tempo of MM120 suggested at the start of each of Goolsby's trials appears to be slow for tackling the given melodies, which contained many semibreves and minims, and there may have simply been insufficient pressure to produce significant results. A more likely explanation is that the participants played the stimuli at faster tempos as they grew more familiar with them through the three readings. (The metronome was initially sounded, but was silent during the performances, allowing readers to vary their pace at will.) Thus, it is possible that two influences were at odds with each other: growing familiarity may have promoted low numbers of fixations, and long fixation durations, while faster tempo may have promoted low numbers and short durations. This might explain why mean fixation duration fell in the opposite direction to the prediction for the second encounter, and by the third encounter had risen by only 3.55% across both groups. (Smith's results, reinforced by those of Kinsler & Carpenter , suggest that faster tempos are likely to reduce both the number and duration of fixations in the reading of a single-line melody. If this hypothesis is correct, it may be connected with the possibility that the more familiar a stimulus, the less the workload on the reader's memory.)


title: Eye movement in music reading

text: Peripheral visual input in music reading is clearly in need of more investigation, particularly now that the paradigm has become more accessible to researchers. A case could be made that Western music notation has developed in such a way as to optimise the use of peripheral input in the reading process. Noteheads, stems, beams, barlines and other notational symbols are all sufficiently bold and distinctive to be useful when picked up peripherally, even when at some distance from the fovea. The upcoming pitch contour and prevailing rhythmic values of a musical line can typically be ascertained ahead of foveal perception. For example, a run of continuous semiquavers beamed together by two thick, roughly horizontal beams, will convey potentially valuable information about rhythm and texture, whether to the right on the currently fixated stave, or above, or above or below in a neighbouring stave. This is reason enough to suspect that the peripheral preprocessing of notational information is a factor in fluent music reading, just as it has been found to be the case for language reading. This would be consistent with the findings of Smith and Kinsler & Carpenter , who reported that the eyes do not fixate on every note in the reading of melodies.


title: Eye movement in music reading

text: Looking at the same information more than once is, prima facie, a costly behaviour that must be weighed against the need to keep pace with the tempo of the music. Leftward refixation involves a greater investment of time than vertical refixation, and on logical grounds is likely to be considerably less common. For the same reason, the rates of both forms of refixation are likely to be sensitive to tempo, with lower rates at faster speed to meet the demand for making swifter progress across the score. Souter confirmed both of these suppositions in the skilled sight-reading of keyboard music. He found that at slow tempo (one chord a second), 23.13% (SD 5.76%) of saccades were involved in vertical refixation compared with 5.05% (4.81%) in leftward refixation (p < 0.001). At fast tempo (two chords a second), the rates were 8.15% (SD 4.41%) for vertical refixation compared with 2.41% (2.37%) for leftward refixation (p = 0.011). These significant differences occurred even though recovery saccades were included in the counts for leftward refixations, effectively doubling their number. The reductions in the rate of vertical refixation upon the doubling of tempo was highly significant (p < 0.001), but for leftward refixation was not (p = 0.209), possibly because of the low baseline.


title: Eye movement in music reading

text: The eye–hand span is the distance on the score between where the eyes are looking on the score and where the hands are playing on the score. It can be measured in two ways: in notes (the number of notes between hand and eye; the 'note index'), or in time (the length of time between fixation and performance; the 'time index'). The main findings in relation to the eye–voice span in the reading aloud of language were that (1) a larger span is associated with faster, more skilled readers, (2) a shorter span is associated with greater stimulus-difficulty, and (3) the span appears to vary according to linguistic phrasing. At least eight studies into eye movement in music reading have investigated analogous issues. For example, Jacobsen measured the average span to the right in the sight singing of melodies as up to two notes for the unskilled and between one and four notes for the skilled, whose faster average tempo in that study raises doubt as to whether skill alone was responsible for this difference. In Weaver , the eye–hand span varied greatly, but never exceeded 'a separation of eight successive notes or chords, a figure that seems impossibly large for the reading of keyboard scores. Young found that both skilled and unskilled participants previewed about one chord ahead of their hands, an uncertain finding in view of the methodological problems in that study. Goolsby found that skilled sight singers' eyes were on average about four beats ahead of their voice, and less for the unskilled. He claimed that when sight singing, 'skilled music readers look farther ahead in the notation and then back to the point of performance' (p. 77). To put this another way, skilled music readers maintain a larger eye–hand span and are more likely to refixate within it. This association between span size and leftward refixation could arise from a greater need for the refreshment of information in working memory. Furneax & Land found that professional pianists' spans are significantly larger than those of amateurs. The time index was significantly affected by the performance tempo: when fast tempos were imposed on performance, all participants showed a reduction in the time index (to about 0.7 s), and slow tempos increased the time index (to about 1.3 s). This means that the length of time that information is stored in the buffer is related to performance tempo rather than ability, but that professionals can fit more information into their buffers.


title: Eye movement in music reading

text: Sloboda cleverly applied Levin & Kaplin's 'light-out' method in an experiment designed to measure the size of the span in music reading. Sloboda asked his participants to sight read a melody and turned the lights out at an unpredictable point during each reading. The participants were instructed to continue playing correctly 'without guessing' for as long as they could after visual input was effectively removed, giving an indication as to how far ahead of their hands they were perceiving at that moment. Here, the span was defined as including peripheral input. Participants were allowed to choose their own performing speed for each piece, introducing a layer of uncertainty into the interpretation of the results. Sloboda reported that there was a tendency for the span to coincide with the musical phrasing, so that 'a boundary just beyond the average span "stretches" the span, and a boundary just before the average "contracts" it' . Good readers, he found, maintain a larger span size (up to seven notes) than do poor readers (up to four notes).


title: Eye movement in music reading

text: Smith found that when tempo is increased, fixations are fewer in number and shorter in mean duration, and that fixations tend to be spaced further apart on the score. Kinsler & Carpenter investigated the effect of increased tempo in reading rhythmic notation, rather than real melodies. They similarly found that increased tempo causes a decrease in mean fixation duration and an increase in mean saccade amplitude (i.e., the distance on the page between successive fixations). Souter used novel theory and methodology to investigate the effects of tempo on key variables in the sight reading of highly skilled keyboardists. Eye movement studies have typically measured saccade and fixation durations as separate variables. Souter used a novel variable: pause duration. This is a measure of the duration between the end of one fixation and the end of the next; that is, the sum of the duration of each saccade and of the fixation it leads to. Using this composite variable brings into play a simple relationship between the number of pauses, their mean duration, and the tempo: the number of pauses factored by their mean duration equals the total reading duration. In other words, the time taken to read a passage equals the sum of the durations of the individual pauses, or nd = r, where n is the number of pauses, d is their mean duration, and r is the total reading time. Since the total reading duration is inversely proportional to the tempo—double the tempo and the total reading time will be halved—the relationship can be expressed as nd is proportional to r, where t is tempo.


title: Eye movement in music reading

text: Predicting where performers would fall on the curve involved considering the possible advantages and disadvantages of using these two adaptive resources. A strategy of relying entirely on altering pause duration to adapt to a new tempo—falling on (1.0,0.5)—would permit the same number of pauses to be used irrespective of tempo. Theoretically, this would enable readers to use a standardised scanpath across a score, whereas if they changed the number of their pauses to adapt to a new tempo, their scanpath would need to be redesigned, sacrificing the benefits of a standardised approach. There is no doubt that readers are able to change their pause duration and number both from moment to moment and averaged over longer stretches of reading. Musicians typically use a large range of fixation durations within a single reading, even at a stable tempo. Indeed, successive fixation durations appear to vary considerably, and seemingly at random; one fixation might be 200 ms, the next 370 ms, and the next 240 ms. (There are no data on successive pause durations in the literature, so mean fixation duration is cited here as a near-equivalent.)


title: Eye movement in music reading

text: In the light of this flexibility in varying fixation duration, and since the process of picking up, processing and performing the information on the page is elaborate, it might be imagined that readers prefer to use a standardised scanpath. For example, in four-part, hymn-style textures for keyboard, such as were used in Souter , the information on the score is presented as a series of two-note, optically separated units—two allocated to an upper stave and two to a lower stave for each chord. A standardised scanpath might consist of a sequence of 'saw-tooth' movements from the upper stave to the lower stave for a chord, then diagonally across to the upper stave and down to the lower stave of the next chord, and so on. However, numerous studies have shown that scanpaths in the reading of a number of musical textures—including melody, four-part hymns, and counterpoint—are not predictable and orderly, but are inherently changeable, with a certain ragged, ad-hoc quality. Music readers appear to turn their backs on the theoretical advantage of standardised scanpath: they are either flexible or ad hoc when it comes to the number of pauses—just as they are with respect to their pause durations—and do not scan a score in a strict, predetermined manner.


title: Eye movement in music reading

text: Souter hypothesised that the most likely scenario is that both pause duration and number are used to adapt to tempo, and that a number–duration relationship that lies close to the equal-contribution point allows the apparatus the greatest flexibility to adapt to further changes in reading conditions. He reasoned that it may be dysfunctional to use only one of two available adaptive resources, since that would make it more difficult to subsequently use that direction for further adaptation. This hypothesis—that when tempo is increased, the mean number–duration relationship will be in the vicinity of the equal-contribution point—was confirmed by the data in terms of the mean result: when tempo doubled, both the mean number of pauses per chord and the mean pause duration overall fell such that the mean number–duration relationship was (0.705,0.709), close to the equal-contribution point of (0.708, 0.708), with standard deviations of (0.138,0.118). Thus, the stability of scanpath—tenable only when the relationship is (0.5,1.0)—was sacrificed to maintain a relatively stable mean pause duration.


title: Eye movement in music reading

text: Both logical inference and evidence in the literature point to the fact that there are three oculomotor imperatives in the task of eye movement in music reading. The first imperative seems obvious: the eyes must maintain a pace across the page that is appropriate to the tempo of the music, and they do this by manipulating the number and durations of fixations, and thereby the scanpath across the score. The second imperative is to provide an appropriate rate of refreshment of the information being stored and processed in working memory by manipulating the number and duration of fixations. This workload appears to be related to tempo, stimulus complexity and stimulus familiarity, and there is strong evidence that the capacity for high workload in relation to these variables is also connected with the skill of the reader. The third imperative is to maintain a span size that is appropriate to the reading conditions. The span must not be so small that there is insufficient time to perceive visual input and process it into musculoskeletal commands; it must not be so large that the capacity of the memory system to store and process information is exceeded. Musicians appear to use oculomotor commands to address all three imperatives simultaneously, which are in effect mapped onto each other in the reading process. Eye movement thus embodies a fluid set of characteristics that are not only intimately engaged in engineering the optimal visual input to the apparatus, but in servicing the process of that information in the memory system.


title: Transitional bilingual education

text: The main goal of early-exit programs is to expedite the acquisition of the second language so that language learners can be integrated into classrooms with native speakers. Less emphasis is placed on progress made in other subjects. There is not much importance assigned to the continued development of first-language skills. After one to three years in the program, students are expected to have acquired enough knowledge in the second language to be transferred to classes in which only the second language is used as a medium of instruction. In early-exit programs, a near-native proficiency in the target language is required of instructors. Institutions may vary in the amount of first-language instruction that is utilized. The degree to which the children's first language is spoken in the classroom depends on the proficiency level of the students, who generally require more instruction in their mother tongue at earlier ages. In kindergarten, the average length of instruction in the first language is approximately one hour each day. The amount of time spent teaching in the first language is greatly reduced in grades 1 and 2. Students are first instructed in the grammar and composition of the first language, for it is claimed that knowledge of the first language aids the acquisition of knowledge in the second language. They may also be instructed in the language arts of both first and second languages simultaneously. Instruction in reading in the second language doesn't typically begin until students meet the standards for reading in their first language. The students' primary language is used to a lesser extent in the instruction of other subjects. As students make progress in the second language, it becomes increasingly incorporated into the curriculum, gradually taking the place of the first language. Cultural knowledge is imparted through classroom activities and materials.


title: Transitional bilingual education

text: The focus of late-exit programs is to ensure understanding of all content areas while maintaining use of the students' native language, allowing a greater transitional period during which students acquire the second language at a slower pace. As is the case with early-exit programs, teachers in late-exit programs are required to have native-like proficiency in the second language. Likewise, both languages are used in the classroom, although a minimum of half of the class time is to be spent using the students' first language. Unlike early-exit programs, instruction in content areas is primarily conducted in the first language. Students receive instruction in the language arts of their native tongue before being introduced to those of the target language. A key difference between early- and late-exit programs is that late-exit programs generally span five to seven years, whereas students may be released from early-exit programs in as little as one to two years. Again, cultural knowledge is transmitted through classroom activities and materials. It is commonly held by proponents of the late-exit strategy that prolonged instruction in one's native tongue provides the student with a greater understanding of its structure, which through contrastive analysis can be used to gain more information regarding the second language.


title: Comments section

text: Comments section across the internet have gained a reputation for being rude, argumentative, and being generally described as "toxic". Toxic comments refer to rude, disrespectful, or unreasonable comments that are likely to make one leave a discussion. Comments sections have been known for frequent arguing and disagreements. The reason for this may be due to the fact that those with strongly-held beliefs are more likely to comment and reply to others when the comments section is widely opposed to them. Likewise, users tend to stay silent when their views are widely supported. Furthermore, thanks to the internet's principle element being the ability to stay anonymous, many people realise they can be more aggressive to others without fear of real-world accountability. In addition to this, people are more likely to comment on news articles when they are more personally affected. Participation in comments is usually low in frequency, as most will only comment on articles twice, and are more likely to comment on issues that have a determinable end.


title: Construction of One World Trade Center

text: Construction slowed from January to February 2012 due to an unseasonably warm winter which caused high winds and icing conditions to form on top of the structure making it hazardous for the construction workers. Further delays were caused by financial problems with a steel supplier which slowed delivery of steel beams to One World Trade Center. It took over two months to complete the 92nd floor. With the weather improving in March and financial issues being resolved, the construction progressed above the 92nd floor. 1 WTC later surpassed the Bank of America Tower as the 3rd tallest in the city. In May 2012, it was announced that the 408-foot spire originally planned to adorn the top of One World Trade will have its radome stripped, revealing the mast of the same height. This announcement was withdrawn in September 2013. On November 12, 2013, One World Trade Center was given the official height by the CTBUH as the Tallest Building in the Northeastern United States. (surpassing the Willis Tower amongst much debate), eleventh tallest in the world, and was given the title of the World's Tallest Spire. (Burj Khalifa, the tallest building in the world, has a shorter spire, despite starting at a higher altitude.)


title: Construction of One World Trade Center

text: On June 21, 2012, One World Trade Center Topped out at roof level, leaving the building to rank around 30th place among all other skyscrapers. Construction slowed again from late June till mid July due to high temperatures which caused the building to remain at roof level, leading to a delay in the installation of the antenna spire. With temperatures easing by July 16, construction crews began installing parapet steel at the top of 1 WTC. On July 18, the first node steel was installed. On July 31, 2012, all corner parapet columns, also called "node steel", were installed around the perimeter of the tower. A special beam, signed by the U.S. President Barack Obama, local officials and the construction workers, was raised on August 2, 2012. A ceremony was held for the occasion, but officials denied that it was considered a topping-out ceremony. By August 10, 2012, concrete flooring had been completed to the 93rd story of the tower, One World Trade Center had risen to the 105th floor and glass installation was at the 82nd floor. The building was structurally topped out on August 30, 2012 when the last of the spandrel beams were installed between the parapet columns.


title: Laurentian Divide

text: From the divide's junction with the Continental Divide at Triple Divide Peak, just south of the U.S. border in northwestern Montana, it runs north to just across the border then east through southern Alberta and Saskatchewan where it turns southeasterly reentering the U.S. at the northwestern corner of North Dakota. It then continues to the extreme northeast corner of South Dakota before crossing the middle of Minnesota's western border at the Traverse Gap. The divide then runs north and east through northern Minnesota, through Superior National Forest in the eastern tip, into Ontario. There it passes to the north of Lake Nipigon, then runs as far south as the 48th parallel before veering north again to cross the western border of Quebec just south of Lake Abitibi. It then meanders northeasterly across Quebec to the southwestern boundary of Labrador. From there, it follows the boundary jaggedly north to Killiniq Island where it becomes the boundary between Nunavut and Labrador before reaching its terminus at Cape Chidley on the Labrador Sea.


title: Papilio scamander

text: P. scamander. Cell of the forewing without spot, that of the hindwing sometimes with a small spot; a pale yellow curved discal band, broken up into spots, on both wings. Male and female very similar. Larvae and pupae described above. Brazil, common in hilly country, though not everywhere. Three geographical forms, which completely intergrade. — grayi Boisd. The Submarginal macular band of the forewing evenly curved, the discal band broadest posteriorly; the red discal spots on the under surface of the hindwing separated from the discal band. Bahia to Parané. — eurymander Hopf. The first 2 or 3 submarginal spots of the forewing more proximal than the other spots of this row. the submarginal spots of the hind wing partly pale yellow: the basal area of the hindwing beneath pale, often partly yellowish, the red discal spots small or absent. Santa Catarina and the adjoining districts of Rio Grande do Sul. — scamander Boisd. (11d). Diseal band of the upper surface more yellow; under surface of the hindwing pale yellow, with black veins and without red discal spots. Abdomen laterally pale yellow. Rio Grande do Sul.


title: Host response to cancer therapy

text: Anti-angiogenic drugs (or angiogenesis inhibitors) target the blood vessels required for tumor survival. The rationale behind this strategy is to starve the tumor of oxygen and nutrients, limiting its ability to grow. However, tumor hypoxia that ensues activates a range of compensatory mechanisms that sustain vascularization, leading to resistance to the anti-angiogenic drug. Many of these compensatory mechanisms involve host cells. For example, treating tumor-bearing mice with vascular-disrupting agents (that specifically target tumor-associated vessels) triggers an acute mobilization of circulating endothelial progenitor cells that home to tumor margins where they facilitate revascularization. In addition, various types of pro-angiogenic bone marrow-derived cells such as myeloid-derived suppressor cells, tumor-associated macrophages, and TIE2-expressing monocytes contribute to therapy resistance. In mouse tumor models, anti-angiogenic therapy causes an elevation in tumor-promoting cytokines and growth factors that in turn augment the invasive and metastatic potential of tumors.


title: Host response to cancer therapy

text: Surgical resection of a tumor is one of the primary treatment modalities for cancer and can be curative especially for patients with early disease. However, there is evidence that tumor resection generates a permissive environment for tumor growth, in part, via host-mediated processes. As part of the wound healing process, surgical tissue trauma is rapidly followed by a cascade of inflammatory processes. Many of the growth factors, cytokines, extracellular matrix-modifying enzymes, and immune cells released during this process may also promote proliferation of residual tumor cells, angiogenesis and metastasis. For example, lungs are more prone to metastatic seeding after a surgical incision in the abdominal region of mice. This effect is due to increased expression and activity of lysyl oxidase (LOX), an extracellular matrix remodeling enzyme produced at the hypoxic surgical site. In clinical settings, elevated levels of circulating endothelial progenitor cells, bone marrow-derived cells as well as circulating factors with known roles in angiogenesis and tumor progression have been reported in response to major surgery in comparison to minimal surgery.


title: Consent

text: Within literature, definitions surrounding consent and how it should be communicated have been contradictory, limited or without consensus. Roffee argued that legal definition needs to be universal, so as to avoid confusion in legal decisions. He also demonstrated how the moral notion of consent does not always align with the legal concept. For example, some adult siblings or other family members may voluntarily enter into a relationship, however the legal system still deems this as incestual, and therefore a crime. Roffee argues that the use of particular language in the legislation regarding these familial sexual activities manipulates the reader to view it as immoral and criminal, even if all parties are consenting. Similarly, some children under the legal age of consent may knowingly and willingly choose to be in a sexual relationship. However the law does not view this as legitimate. Whilst there is a necessity for an age of consent, it does not allow for varying levels of awareness and maturity. Here it can be seen how a moral and a legal understanding do not always align.


title: Consent

text: The common form of affirmative consent assumes that humans act as rational and independent beings who, at any point in any interaction, are fully aware of what they are (not) consenting to, whether they want to and are able to make a conscious, valid decision. Consent, as it is practiced now, thus requires us to rationalize desires and prioritizes thinking over feeling, and reason over emotions. The resulting consent is shaped in a neoliberal form of contractualism which makes a withdrawal of consent or a change in the conditions of the activity at stake rather challenging. This form of consent as a contract is assuming consent to happen between two (or more) individual and rational actors and it does not give room to forms of discomfort, vulnerability or discussion within the practice consented to. Additionally, this contractualism mostly relies on verbal, affirmative consent and overlooks non-verbal or alternative ways of consenting. The latter is rather essentializing signs of affirmation and, due to its reliance on verbal consent in form of understandable words, can be ableist by invalidating non-verbal consent. Furthermore, contractualism assumes consent to be rational by nature and implies that we always know rationally whether or not we want to consent to something. However, especially in the sphere of interpersonal sexual and non-sexual activities, our own needs or desires are not always rational but can rather be ambiguous, contradicting or unclear. Consent in the form of neoliberal contractualism is unable to include and reflect this ambiguity and the lack of rationality.


title: Consent

text: While it is not necessarily a given that affirmative consent provides the best legal protection for victims without taking away their agency, there is another danger in linking the legal debate and our overall understanding of consent. Relying on the legal framework and presenting these as the question of consent takes away the need for change and discussion on the socio-cultural level that has the potential to offer even more complexity, flexibility and room to rethink our sexual and overall encounters beyond the protection against violence. A socio-cultural debate would be one around our needs, attitudes and behaviors and the changes needed, which arguably is a more complex debate to hold and handle. With a certain level of protection this complexity is needed though to rethink our encounters beyond the mantras of 'no means no' and 'only yes means yes', something that is not reductionist to be applied in a legal setting and that gives the possibility to imagine interactions beyond the current status quo.


title: 1995 Giro d'Italia

text: The starting peloton included Evgeni Berzin, the 1994 winner. Berzin's team, Gewiss–Ballan, also brought Latvian Piotr Ugrumov, a two-time Grand Tour runner-up. The two riders had developed a mutual distaste for each other. El País writers Paolo Viberti and Carlos Arribas believed that Swiss rider Tony Rominger and Latvian Piotr Ugrumov were the favorites to win the race, while several named Rominger as the sole favorite. Author Bill McGann believed that Rominger and Berzin were in great form coming into the race. Specifically, Rominger returned to the Giro after a six-year absence and, more recently, coming off of a victory at the Tour de Romandie. Urgumov was seen as the primary challenger for Rominger for his performances at previous Giros and his knack for showing great form in the final week after remaining quiet in the first two weeks. Aside from Rominger and Berzin, El Punt's Luis Simon named 1988 winner Andrew Hampsten, Russian Pavel Tonkov, and Claudio Chiappucci amongst several other riders that could challenge for the overall title.


title: 1995 Giro d'Italia

text: The event's fifth leg saw a breakaway succeed; the group began with five riders and was reduced to three riders – Erik Breukink, Filippo Casagrande, and Rolf Sørensen – before the finish. Casagrande won the three-man sprint to the line to take the day. The sixth stage resulted in a field sprint that was won by Nicola Minali. The seventh stage featured an undulating stage profile, with a slight uphill finish. On the race's final incline, Rominger attacked but his move was marked by several general classification contenders. Maurizio Fondriest managed to edge out Rominger in a dash for the line which saw him gain four seconds on Rominger due to time bonuses. The eighth stage featured the first summit finish of the race, to Massiccio del Sirino. The day's breakaway was established early on in the day and managed to reach the final climb before the pursuing peloton. Stage winner Laudelino Cubino attacked with eight kilometers to go and rode solo until the finish; the time he gained during the stage allowed him to move into third overall.


title: 1995 Giro d'Italia

text: The ninth day of racing resulted in a bunch sprint that was won by Sørensen. The next stage of the race was a forty-two kilometer individual time trial. Race leader Rominger won the leg by one minute and twenty-four seconds and increased his overall lead to three minutes over Casagrande, who was in second place overall. Enrico Zaina and Nelson Rodríguez Serna were the first two riders to reach the stage's final climb of Il Cioccio and the two stayed out in front until the finish which saw Zaina win the race to the line. With four kilometers left in the stage, Ugrumov and Berzin attempted to crack Rominger by attacking him repeatedly. After several attacks where the riders moves were marked, the riders agreed to ride to the finish together. The twelfth stage of the race saw the peloton arrive at the finish together ready for a bunch sprint. Cipollini originally won the stage but was relegated to last place on the stage after having been found to have leaned on Mario Manzoni during the dash to the line. Ján Svorada, who had come in second, was then made the stage winner.


title: 1995 Giro d'Italia

text: The thirteenth stage saw the race begin to enter the smaller mountains within the Dolomites. The day's breakaway formed on the climb of San Valentino. As the riders approached the finish, Pascal Richard edged Oliverio Rincón for the stage victory. The following stage featured a summit finish to Val Senales after a twenty kilometer climb. With eight kilometers to go, Berzin, Rominger, Ugrumov, and Rincón were in the leading group together. Rincón attacked and was allowed to ride solo to victory. Ugrumov attacked shortly after and Rominger was only able to follow initially; however, Berzin was able to merge back with the two riders and the trio then rode to the finish together. Casagrande lost a large amount of time during the stage. Mariano Piccoli won the fifteenth leg after being a part of the day's breakaway that managed to survive until the finish. On the descent of the second to last climb, Berzin attacked in an attempt to join the breakaway. Berzin was caught before the start of the stage's final mountain pass. Ugrumov and Berzin repeatedly attacked Rominger on the final climb, but Rominger was able to neutralize each attack.


title: 1995 Giro d'Italia

text: The sixteenth leg was a downhill stage from the Swiss Alps. A breakaway did form but was caught before the run into the finish as the peloton prepared for a sprint finish. The stage was initially won by Giovanni Lombardi, but he was deemed by race judges to have had an irregular sprint and the victory was awarded to the second placed rider Giuseppe Citterio. The next day consisted of a climbing time trial to Selvino. Rominger extended his advantage over all his competitors by winning the stage by a margin of one minute and thirty-nine seconds over Berzin. The eighteenth stage was plagued by rainy conditions throughout the undulating course. The day's breakaway consisted of sixteen riders, which Tony Rominger's Mapei team chose not to chase down. Denis Zanette and Giuseppe Guerini formed an attack group from the breakaway and rode into the finish where Zanette managed to edge out Guerini for the win. The main contenders did not have any time gaps during the stage, leaving the general classification unchanged.


title: 1995 Giro d'Italia

text: The nineteenth leg saw a breakaway of nine riders form off the front of the peloton. While racing, the finish line of the stage was moved to Pontechinale, a location that was part way up the climb of the Col Agnel because several avalanches occurred near the summit and prevented the riders from passing. Richard was the first rider to reach the new finish line and thus won his second stage. Serguei Outschakov won the following stage after being a part of the day's breakaway that dwindled as the stage wore on; he out-raced the only other remaining member Richard to win the stage. Behind, Urgrumov attacked and was only marked by both Berzin and Rincon, while Rominger trailed behind. Berzin and Ugrumov refused to work with one another and did not extend their advantage over Rominger. Rominger wound up losing minimal time. The race's penultimate stage was marred by rain. On the second ascension of the Cuvignone, Berzin attacked and was able to distance himself; however, he gave up the attack near the summit. He attacked again on the race's final climb of Salita di Montegrino Valtravaglia. Berzin rode solo to win the stage and managed to gain twenty-five seconds on Ugrumov and Rominger. The final leg of the race was decided through a bunch sprint that was won by Giovanni Lombardi. Rominger became the third Swiss rider to win the Giro.


title: 1995 Giro d'Italia

text: For the points classification, which awarded a purple (or cyclamen) jersey to its leader, cyclists were given points for finishing a stage in the top 15; additional points could also be won in intermediate sprints. The green jersey was awarded to the mountains classification leader. In this ranking, points were won by reaching the summit of a climb ahead of other cyclists. Each climb was ranked as either first, second or third category, with more points available for higher category climbs. The Cima Coppi, the race's highest point of elevation, awarded more points than the other first category climbs. The Cima Coppi for this Giro was the Col Agnel, but it was not climbed due to avalanches that prevented the riders from being able to pass on the roads. The intergiro classification was marked by a blue jersey. The calculation for the intergiro is similar to that of the general classification, in each stage there is a midway point that the riders pass through a point and where their time is stopped. As the race goes on, their times compiled and the person with the lowest time is the leader of the intergiro classification and wears the blue jersey.


title: Bossiaea webbii

text: Bossiaea webbii is an erect, slender shrub that typically grows up to 2.6 m (8 ft 6 in) high, sometimes with arching branches. The leaves are more or less round to kidney-shaped with fine teeth on the edges, 3–18 mm (0.12–0.71 in) long and 5–24 mm (0.20–0.94 in) wide on a petiole 0.7–1.3 mm (0.028–0.051 in) long with triangular stipules 0.5–0.7 mm (0.020–0.028 in) long at the base. The flowers are arranged singly or in pairs, each flower on a pedicel 4.0–4.5 mm (0.16–0.18 in) long, with broadly egg-shaped bracts attached to the pedicel. The five sepals are joined at the base, forming a tube 2.7–4.0 mm (0.11–0.16 in) long, the two upper lobes 1.0–1.9 mm (0.039–0.075 in) long and the lower lobes 0.7–1.2 mm (0.028–0.047 in) long. The standard petal is orange-yellow with a red markings and 12.5–14.5 mm (0.49–0.57 in) long, the wings are pinkish-red and yellow and 9.5–14.2 mm (0.37–0.56 in) long, and the keel greenish-white and pinkish-red and 9.5–12.5 mm (0.37–0.49 in) long. Flowering occurs from July to November and the fruit is a flattened pod 11–21 mm (0.43–0.83 in) long.


title: F. Richard Jones

text: Born in St. Louis, Missouri, Dick Jones was sixteen years old when he became involved in the fledgling film industry in his hometown with the Atlas film company. A technician, Jones worked in the film laboratory and other departments but his real interest lay behind the camera, creating the visual product. With the industry's shift to Hollywood, in 1915 he joined Mack Sennett at his Keystone Studios where he put together a few scripts and was given the opportunity to direct. Initially his directorial work was difficult but he dedicated himself to learning the job. Jones first came to prominence when Mabel Normand promoted him to co-direct the troubled feature Mickey . The film was a major success and Normand always credited Jones with having rescued the project. He gained a solid reputation among his peers after directing Mabel Normand in Molly O' . Unfortunately, the film came out after the murder of William Desmond Taylor and many movie-goers boycotted the film because of the negative publicity surrounding Normand's involvement in the matter.


title: F. Richard Jones

text: While at Keystone, Dick Jones met and married Irene Lentz, a young actress who would go on to become one of Hollywood's leading costume designers. In 1923 Dick Jones began producing films but after directing and/or producing forty-five films for Keystone, including feature-length productions, in 1925 he was lured away by Hal Roach Studios. Although he directed films for Roach, Dick Jones worked mainly as an executive coordinator, serving as a production supervisor and a supervising director. In 1926, Jones was responsible for signing Mabel Normand to a contract with Roach Studios after health and drug addiction problems had kept the star actress out of films for three years. He would direct or produce Normand in all five of her films made at Roach Studios until her permanent retirement in 1927. As well, during his time with Roach, Jones worked on nineteen different film projects with Stan Laurel. In later years, Laurel would state that it was Dick Jones who taught him everything about comedy filmmaking.


title: George F. McFarland

text: When the American Civil War began in April, 1861, McFarland chose to remain in McAlisterville and continue his duties as an educator. However in 1862, the war no longer appeared that it would come to a quick resolution. In July, President Abraham Lincoln issued a call for 300,000 additional volunteers to enlist in the Union Army. McFarland took up the task of recruiting a company of men from Juniata County for service to the Union. Countered in a rough recruiting race by cavalryman John K. Robison, McFarland gathered from the county roughly forty men and transported them to Camp Curtin in Harrisburg. Upon arriving in Harrisburg, McFarland was commissioned captain, and his company was placed alongside nine other companies to comprise what would thenceforth be designated as the 151st Pennsylvania Infantry. In an election by the other company officers, McFarland was then made lieutenant colonel of the regiment. Harrison Allen, formerly major of the 10th Pennsylvania Reserve Regiment, was made colonel of the regiment. The regiment went on to take part in Joseph Hooker's Chancellorsville Campaign, serving as skirmishers on the right flank of I Corps.


title: George F. McFarland

text: The regiment at the time of the battle was part of Brig. Gen. Thomas Rowley's brigade, Maj. Gen. Abner Doubleday's division of Maj. Gen. John F. Reynolds' I Corps. Having spent the night of June 30 encamped along Marsh Creek roughly six miles southwest of the town of Gettysburg, the regiment received orders to march shortly before 8:00 AM the next morning. The regiment arrived at the scene of the morning's fighting northwest of town not long after 11:00 AM. McFarland and his regiment were placed at the Lutheran Theological Seminary to act as the I Corps' emergency reserve. The regiment assisted in constructing crude breastworks in front of the Seminary until roughly 3:00 PM when Gen. Rowley ordered McFarland to move his regiment forward to Herbst Woods - now known as Reynolds' Woods - to assist the Iron Brigade. The Midwesterners of the Iron Brigade, under the command of Brig. Gen. Solomon Meredith, had been the first infantry engaged that morning and were being worn thin as they attempted to repel repeated attacks from Confederate Maj. Gen. William Pender's division. As the Iron Brigade fell back, 151st held off several enemy attacks along Willoughby Run, which ran through Herbst Woods. The 151st was forced to hold alone and barely supported. During their defense, the dueled with Col. Abner Perrin's South Carolina brigade and caused enormous casualties to that brigade. Eventually, the regiment was relieved and allowed to fall back. Lt. Col. McFarland had his regiment rally at the Lutheran Theological Seminary, where several other regiments were also rallying. As they gathered, McFarland was met by a Federal lieutenant on horseback who held next to him a furled regimental flag. The lieutenant asked McFarland, "Sir, is this your flag?"


title: George F. McFarland

text: McFarland, horrified at the realization that his men may have lost their colors, was about to reply when a gust of wind flung the flag out. The flag read that it belonged to the 142nd Pennsylvania Infantry. Relieved, McFarland pointed out the commander of the 142nd to the lieutenant and then proceeded to continue organizing his regiment around his own colors, which soon appeared. Once the men were rallied, McFarland had them throw up a quick barricade around the Seminary building where the men would hold against the advancing Confederates, who were then bearing down upon them. With a few other regiments, the 151st held off repeated enemy attacks. During this fighting, a thick smoke from the heavy gunfire had engulfed the area. McFarland stooped down to try to see under some of the smoke to locate the enemy when a bullet went through his left leg and into his right. A private with Company F had lifted him up off the ground and put McFarland's arm around his shoulder to support him. The private then proceeded to take McFarland into the Seminary for medical attention when a bullet came so close to them that it took the middle cuff button off of McFarland's uniform as the private supported him.


title: Capital punishment in Cameroon

text: Despite not carrying out any executions since 1997, Cameroon has moved to expand their death penalty law. In December 2014, President Biya declared his intention to introduce the death penalty for terrorism; President Biya declared that this decision came in light of increased violence from Boko Haram insurgents from bordering Nigeria and that his desire was to curb collaboration with them. The law attracted criticism from human rights organizations and others, such as the religious organization Ecumenical Service for Peace, who were concerned that the law would instead serve to curb political dissent. Those who worried that the law would result in violations of individuals' human rights pointed out that Cameroon has a history of using the criminal justice system to suppress political criticism and expository journalism; one of the provisions of the capital punishment bill also provided for criminalizing reporting on certain instances of terrorism due to concerns that their work could "destabilize the country" and punishing that reporting with up to 15 years in jail. Some, such as Forbi Nchinda, a member of the Social Democratic Front, the oppositional party to the President's, called the law outdated; Nchinda criticized the law for reviving capital punishment when many countries were moving towards limiting and abolishing capital punishment, saying, "The world is moving away from the death penalty. Now they are using the death penalty for people who are accused of terrorism. That is unacceptable the world over. Even in Cameroon, I don't think for the past 20 years anybody has been executed because the tendency has been to move away from the death penalty." The law, formally titled The Law on the Suppression of Acts of Terrorism in Cameroon, passed on 19 December 2014.


title: Wee MacGregor railway

text: In June 1911 the MacGregor Company sought government support for a shorter branch line, this time linking to the state railway being built southwest from Malbon towards Sulieman Creek. Government officials were sceptical about the profitability and lifespan of the Wee MacGregor group of mines, despite the company estimating reserves of 100,000 tons of ore (most from the Wee MacGregor mine). Instead of a 50-50 funding arrangement for a state owned branch line, the government agreed to rent the MacGregor Company the rails they needed to construct a private line. By January 1912, a network of railways was spreading out from Cloncurry to the surrounding copper mines: the Mount Elliott Railway served the Hampden and Mount Elliott mines to the south of Cloncurry. The railway to Sulieman Creek was designed to link up with "Great Western Railway", a line from Bourke, New South Wales, to Darwin, Northern Territory, which was never built. The Duchess mines, southwest of Cloncurry, were to be served by the Malbon to Sulieman Creek Railway, while a Cloncurry to Mount Cuthbert Railway was planned to the northwest of Cloncurry and the MacGregor line would serve mines west-southwest of Cloncurry.


title: Wee MacGregor railway

text: The Wee MacGregor Tramway Agreement Bill was introduced to Queensland Parliament in November 1912. The legislation's title uses the term "tramway" possibly because the railway was built on a "tramway" mining lease, granted under The Mining Acts, 1898–1910. The legislation proposed that the MacGregor Company pay for the construction and maintenance of a private 3-foot-6-inch (1.07 m) "tramway" (actually a narrow gauge railway), 24 miles 40 chains (39.4 km) long, from the Malbon to Sulieman Creek Railway to a terminus at or near the Wee MacGregor mine. The Commissioner for Railways would provide steel rails, fish plates, fastenings, sleepers and other permanent way materials. The company would pay 5% per year "rent" on the cost of the materials supplied by the government, which had the power to acquire the line. By 2 December 1912, the company involved in the proposal had become the Hampden Company, which purchased the Wee MacGregor group of mines from the Macgregor Company for £108,750. The purchase cost was paid in two instalments of £54,375, and the second instalment was paid on 10 June 1913.


title: Wee MacGregor railway

text: A railway station and goods shed were constructed on the northern side of the town of Ballara, where a triangular junction was located. Ballara, situated at "Lady Lease Flats", was surveyed in June 1914. A sale of town lots was scheduled for 14 August 1914, with upset prices for the 1⁄4-acre (0.10 ha) lots ranging from £10 to £30. The outbreak of WWI led to the sale's cancellation, and by the time a sale of 36 lots was held on 24 February 1915, prices had trebled. Ballara was originally called "Mineral" and the latter name continued in use for some time after the Town of Ballara was surveyed. Facilities at Ballara included a post office, established in late 1914, and a police reserve was gazetted at the west end of the town in 1915. A district hospital was established by August 1918, on 5 acres (2.0 ha) north of the turning triangle. The Ballara Hotel existed by 1918, although it burnt down on 27 April 1918, and again in April 1919. A state school was approved in May 1919, and opened in July 1919. A cemetery reserve was also gazetted, northeast of the hospital reserve, replacing the previous cemetery south of Hightville.


title: Wee MacGregor railway

text: The tramway was transporting ore by 31 May 1915. It had cost £11,005, and had curves as tight as 2 chains (130 ft; 40 m) radius. The tunnel remains the most westerly railway tunnel in Queensland, and the 47.9 metres (157 ft) long, 2.65 metres (8 ft 8 in) high ore transfer stage is unique as the only recorded tramway-to-railway ore transhipment platform in Queensland. Between 1866 and 1996, 64 bored tunnels were constructed in Queensland for Queensland Rail, while three tunnels were also built for private railways: the Linda Tunnel at Mount Morgan , Lahey's Tramway at Canungra , and the tunnel for the Wee MacGregor Tramway. The locomotive used on the Wee MacGregor tramway was thought to be a Krauss 0-4-0T (referring to the arrangement of wheels: four powered wheels with no unpowered wheels in front or behind them). However, a photograph of the Krauss used on the Wee MacGregor 2 ft tramway shows a 0-6-0 wheel arrangement. This locomotive was later used at the Kalamia Mill in Ayr, and then as a stationary boiler at Plantation Creek, before being abandoned in 1949.


title: Nizar Nayyouf

text: In the trial, Nayyouf was connected with a CDF leaflet questioning the results of the uncontested presidential election of 1991 and calling attention to Syrian human rights violations. He was also accused of making false statements and accepting money from abroad. Provisions guaranteeing the rights of the accused under the Constitution of Syria are not binding on the SSSC, which tries political and national security cases, and lawyers representing Nayyouf and the other defendants were not allowed to meet with them before the trial. During the trial, the CDF defendants reported being tortured in custody, which the presiding judge ignored. International observers at Nayyouf's trial stated that it did not meet international standards of judicial fairness. As editor-in-chief of Sawt al-Democratiyya, Nayyouf received the harshest sentence of all the CDF members on trial. Nayyouf was sentenced on 17 March 1992 to 10 years of hard labour. He was sentenced for his membership in the CDF, which was banned under the Syrian regime, as well as "disseminating false information".


title: Nizar Nayyouf

text: Various organizations, including UNESCO and the World Association of Newspapers, endeavoured to secure Nayyouf's release from prison on humanitarian grounds due to his precarious mental and physical condition. Syrian President Bashar al-Assad granted Nayyouf's release ten years after his initial imprisonment, on 6 May 2001 to coincide with the visit of Pope John Paul II to Syria. Nayyouf was released into house arrest at first, but on 20 June was seized by security agents outside a clinic where he was receiving treatment. International outcry ensued in response to the incident, which had occurred just as Nayyouf was planning to release information detailing Syrian human rights abuses, but the government denied involvement. However, Nayyouf was granted a full release and his travel ban was lifted, hours before President Bashar al-Assad was due to visit Paris. Nayyouf moved to France and then the UK, as he applied for political asylum, while he sought medical treatment for the injuries he suffered from torture during his confinement, which left him partially paralysed. In 2002, Nayyouf was granted political asylum in France. According to Nayyouf's attorney, lawyers for the ruling Ba'ath Party accused Nayyouf of "attempting to change the constitution by illegal means, creating sectarian strife, and publishing reports harmful for the state", and ordered him to appear in Syria for an investigation in September 1992. After his release, Nayyouf has continued to speak out against human rights violations in Syria, targeting torture, deaths in detention, and executions including the Tadmor Prison massacre on 27 June 1980, in which over 1,000 accused Islamists were executed at Palmyra prison. He joined the Syrian Democratic Coalition to advocate for democratic reforms.


title: Circle changeup

text: To follow proper form, a pitcher releases the ball while keeping his wrist straight, then follows through fully. Additional change in velocity can be achieved by dragging the foot that would normally follow through fully with a fastball delivery. However, the most effective way to reduce the velocity of a changeup is by slightly reducing stride length. If the typical stride length for the pitcher's fastball is around 80-90% of pitcher's height, then the pitcher would need to reduce stride by 10-20%. By doing so, the pitcher eliminates the possibility of tipping off the pitch. Simply using a slower arm motion is undesirable, as it may tip off the batter, and will invariably result in less movement on the pitch. If this pitch is placed too high in the strike zone, it can be hit very hard. It is an effective pitch to throw early in the count to produce a groundball; it is not traditionally used to acquire a strikeout. By rotating the wrist (before the release) the pitcher can change the movement from resembling a fastball to resembling a curveball.


title: Circle changeup

text: Johan Santana, Pedro Martínez, Cole Hamels, Huston Street, Zack Greinke, Kyle Hendricks and Marco Estrada are pitchers who rely or relied heavily on their circle changeup. Former New York Mets closer John Franco was able to generate so much movement on his circle changeup that it mimicked a screwball. Atlanta Braves pitcher Tom Glavine was known for using the outside corner of the plate with his circle changeup, and his teammate, Greg Maddux, relied heavily on the circle change as an out pitch to both left-and right-handed batters. Minnesota Twins ace Frank Viola also used the circle changeup to great effect, as did former Atlanta Braves pitcher Charlie Leibrandt and Cincinnati Reds pitcher Mario Soto. Recently, Toronto Blue Jays pitcher Hyun-jin Ryu used a circle changeup efficiently throughout his first MLB season, throwing a circle changeup that was gripped using the index finger on the seam of the ball and the thumb on the side of the ball to "choke" the ball. According to his autobiography, Nolan Ryan also developed his own circle changeup to add another off-speed pitch without having to throw a slider (as sliders are believed to more frequently cause injuries).


title: 2023–24 Colgate Raiders men's ice hockey season

text: Colgate nearly ran through their conference schedule in the latter half of the year, ending the regular season on a 10–3–1 run. As the wins piled up, the Raiders shot up the conference standings. Though hey barely missed out on a 2nd-place finish, the Raiders not only received a bye into the quarterfinal round, but they would kick of the defense of their conference championship at home. When Colgate got back on the ice, they hit the ground running against St. Lawrence. The Raiders were by far the more aggressive team in the first but the Larries were kept in the game by a stellar performance from their goaltender. SLU took advantage of a lull by Colgate in the second to score 2 goals in quick succession but the Raiders were able to recover in the third. Tommy Bergsland had a hand in 2 markers for Colgate to even the score and force overtime. The offense continued to assault the Saints' net in extra time but they could not find the winning goal. It took until the middle of the second overtime for the game to be decided, however, a seemingly harmless shot from the point was not be picked up by Gylander and found its way into the goal. The rematch saw Colgate's offense provide a consistent barrage on the St. Lawrence cage but the opposing goaltender remained stout. Colgate opened the scoring but were again down when the third period began. Ryan McGuire's power play marker even the score but, less than three minutes later, SLU's surging offense netted the go-ahead goal and the Raiders were unable to respond. The final 10 minutes of the game passed without any further scoring and Colgate's season ended with a disappointing thud.


title: Marie Breen

text: In 1933, Breen became the secretary of the Brighton Auxiliary for the Royal Melbourne Hospital. She also became the secretary of the Australian Women's National League's (AWNL's) Brighton branch, where she met AWNL president Elizabeth Couchman. Couchman had a considerable influence on Breen, who later described Couchman as a great mentor and a brilliant leader. Breen was additionally a member of the Melbourne Marriage Guidance Council, which later became the Marriage Guidance Council of Victoria, and an executive member of the Victorian Baby Health Centres Association for 36 years. She was introduced to party politics by her husband, who she described as a "champion debater"; in 1935, he ran in the Victorian Legislative Assembly for the seat of Collingwood, but was not elected. In August 1941, Robert was elected mayor of the City of Brighton; Breen later cited her husband's term as mayor as "good training" for her own political career and referred to him as her greatest political influence.


title: Marie Breen

text: Breen and her husband joined the Liberal Party when it was established in 1945. She served a term as the president of the party's Federal Women's Committee in 1952, was the president of the National Council of Women Victoria from 1954 to 1958, and was the party's vice president for the state of Victoria from 1955 until 1962. She initially had little interest in seeking election to the Senate, as she did not want to be separated from her family for long durations of time. Nonetheless, her husband eventually convinced her to seek Liberal Party preselection for the 1960 Balaclava by-election, caused by the resignation of Percy Joske; however, she failed to receive the party's preselection. At the 1961 federal election, she managed to obtain preselection for a seat in the Senate; after an involved campaign, she won the election, defeating Frank McManus. The election results were announced on 5 January 1962; her Senate term began on 1 July 1962. With her victory, Breen became the second female senator to represent Victoria, after Ivy Wedgwood, and the sixth woman to serve in the Senate overall.


title: Marie Breen

text: As a senator, Breen served on numerous committees, including the Library Committee, on which she served during her entire period in the Senate, and the Select Committee on the Metric System of Weights and Measures in 1967. She also served on committees regarding topics such as housing, education, and immigration. On 30 March 1965, she became the first woman to chair an Australian Senate committee, the Printing Committee; she held that role until her retirement from the Senate in 1968. While preparing for the Select Committee on the Metric System of Weights and Measures' first convention, Breen learned that her husband had been involved in a major car crash. Following this crash, she resigned from the committee and became largely inactive in the political field, devoting much her time towards caring for Robert. She chose not to seek reelection in the Senate in order to continue caring for him, and retired at the end of her term on 30 June 1968. Robert succumbed to his injuries three days later, dying on 2 July. Breen later lamented the decrease in female representation in the Australian Senate following her retirement.


title: Pedro Serrano (sailor)

text: One day, Gray overhears Somers musing about his friend Robinson, with whom Somers reveals he has a mutual friendship, which finally allows the two men to speak. They eventually become very close friends. After many years on the island, Gray and Somers see a vessel in the near distance, and the two men decide to swim out to it. However, when they discover that the boat is in fact a convict ship, they immediately refuse rescue, being unwilling to associate themselves with the convicts. On returning to their desert island, the two men laugh together about their near-miss encounter. A boat from the vessel rows past, and they are horrified to discover that none other than their mutual friend, Robinson, is pulling the oar. They learn that Robinson had been convicted for "misappropriating stock". Gray and Somers, completely embarrassed about their prior association with a criminal, revert to not speaking to one another. They divide the island once more, alone and unable to eat most of the food that washes ashore.


title: Environmental justice

text: The first pillar of Critical EJ Studies involves the recognition that social inequality and oppression in all forms intersect, and that actors in the more-than-human world are subjects of oppression and frequently agents of social change. Developed by Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989, intersectionality theory states that individuals exist in a crossroads of all their identities, with privilege and marginalization in the intersection between their class, race, gender, sexuality, queerness, cis- or transness, ethnicity, ability, and other facts of identity. As David Nibert and Michael Fox put it in the context of injustice, "The oppression of various devalied groups in human societies is not independent and unrelated; rather, the arrangements that lead to various forms of oppression are integrated in such a way that the exploitation of one group frequently augments and compounds the mistreatment of others." Thus, Critical EJ views racism, heteropatriarchy, classism ,nativism, ableism, ageism, speciesism (the belief that one species is superior to another), and other forms of inequality as intersecting axes of domination and control.


title: Environmental justice

text: The fourth pillar of Critical EJ centers on a concept David Pellow calls "Indispensability". Joen Márquez introduces the concept of "racial expendability" in his book Black and Brown Solidarity, in which he argues that "black and brown bodies are, in the eyes of the state and its constituent legal system, generally viewed as criminal, deficient, threatening, and deserving of violent discipline and even obliteration." Critical EJ builds on this work by countering the ideology of white supremacy and human dominionism, and articulating the perspective that excluded, marginalized, and other populations, beings, and things - both human and nonhuman - must be viewed not as expensable but rather an indispensable to our collective futures. Pellow uses racial indispensability when referring to people of color and socioecological indispensability when referring to broader communities within and across the human/nonhuman divide and their relationships to one another. Pellow expands writing in Toward A Critical Environmental Justice Studies that "racial indispensability is intended to challenge the logic of racial expendability and is the idea that institutions, policies, and practices that support and perpetrate anti-Black racism suffer from the flawed assumption that the future of African Americans is somehow de-linked from the future of White communities."


title: Environmental justice

text: In the summer of 2002, a coalition of non-governmental organizations met in Bali to prepare final negotiations for the 2002 Earth Summit. Organizations included CorpWatch, World Rainforest Movement, Friends of the Earth International, the Third World Network, and the Indigenous Environmental Network. They sought to articulate the concept of climate justice. During their time together, the organizations codified the Bali Principles of Climate Justice, a 27-point program identifying and organizing the climate justice movement. Meena Raman, Head of Programs at the Third World Network, explained that in their writing they "drew heavily on the concept of environmental justice, with a significant contribution from movements in the United States, and recognized that economic inequality, ethnicity, and geography played roles in determining who bore the brunt of environmental pollution". At the 2007 United Nations Climate Conference, or COP13, in Bali, representatives from the Global South and low-income communities from the North created a coalition titled "Climate Justice Now!". CJN! Issued a series of "genuine solutions" that echoed the Bali Principles.


title: Environmental justice

text: Environmental racism is a pervasive and complex issue that affects communities all over the world. It is a form of systemic discrimination that is grounded in the intersection of race, class, and environmental factors. At its core, environmental racism refers to the disproportionate exposure of certain communities, mostly those that are marginalised, to environmental hazards such as pollution, toxic waste, and other environmental risks. These communities are often located near industrial sites, waste facilities, and other sources of pollution that can have serious health impacts. Environmental racism has a long and troubling history, with many examples dating back to the early 20th century. For instance, the practice of "redlining" in the US, which involved denying loans and insurance to communities of colour, often led to these communities being located in areas with high levels of pollution and environmental hazards. Today, environmental racism continues to be a significant environmental justice issue, with many low-income communities and communities of colour facing disproportionate exposure to pollution and other environmental risks. This can have serious consequences for the health and well-being of these communities, leading to higher rates of asthma, cancer, and other illnesses. Addressing environmental racism requires a multifaceted approach that tackles the underlying social, economic, and political factors that contribute to its persistence. More particularly, environmental justice scholars from Latin America and elsewhere advocate to understand this issue through the lens of decolonisation. The latter underlies the fact that environmental racism emanates from the colonial projects of the West and its current reproduction of colonial dynamics.


title: Environmental justice

text: Access to clean water is an indispensable aspect of human life, yet it remains very unequal, disproportionately affecting marginalized communities globally. The burden of water scarcity is particularly noticeable in impoverished urban settings and remote rural areas where inadequate infrastructure, limited financial resources, and environmental degradation converge to create formidable challenges. Marginalized populations, often already grappling with systemic inequalities, encounter heightened vulnerabilities when it comes to securing safe and reliable water sources. Discriminatory practices can further compound these challenges. The ramifications of limited water access are profound, permeating various facets of daily life, including health, education, and overall well-being. Recognizing and addressing these disparities is not only a matter of justice but also crucial for sustainable development. Consequently, there must be efforts towards implementing inclusive water management strategies that prioritize the specific needs of marginalized communities, ensuring equitable access to this fundamental resource and fostering resilience in the face of global water challenges. One way this has been proposed is through Community Based Participatory Development. When this has been applied, as in the case of the Six Nations Indigenous peoples in Canada working with McMaster University researchers, it has shown how community-led sharing and integrating of science and local knowledge can be partnered in response to water quality.


title: Environmental justice

text: Unequal exchange is a term used to describe the unequal economic and trade relationship between countries from the Global North and the Global South. The idea is that the exchange of goods and services between these countries is not equal, with Global North countries benefiting more than the others. This occurs for a variety of reasons such as differences in labor costs, technology, and access to resources. Unequal exchange perceives this framework of trade through the lens of decolonisation: colonial power dynamics have led to a trade system where northern countries can trade their knowledge and technology at a very high price against natural resources, materials and labor at a very low price from southern countries. This is kept in place by mechanisms such as enforceable patents, trade regulations and price setting by institutions such as the World Bank or the International Monetary Fund, where northern countries hold most of the voting power. Hence, unequal exchange is a phenomenon that is based on and perpetuates colonial relationships, as it leads to exploitation and enforces existing inequalities between countries of the Global North and Global South. This interdependence also explains the differences in CO2 emissions between northern and southern countries: evidently, since northern countries use many resources and materials of the South, they produce and pollute more.


title: Environmental justice

text: South Africa's mining industry is the largest single producer of solid waste, accounting for about two-thirds of the total waste stream. Tens of thousands of deaths have occurred among mine workers as a result of accidents over the last century. There have been several deaths and debilitating diseases from work-related illnesses like asbestosis. For those who live next to a mine, the quality of air and water is poor. Noise, dust, and dangerous equipment and vehicles can be threats to the safety of those who live next to a mine as well. These communities are often poor and black and have little choice over the placement of a mine near their homes. The National Party introduced a new Minerals Act that began to address environmental considerations by recognizing the health and safety concerns of workers and the need for land rehabilitation during and after mining operations. In 1993, the Act was amended to require each new mine to have an Environmental Management Program Report (EMPR) prepared before breaking ground. These EMPRs were intended to force mining companies to outline all the possible environmental impacts of the particular mining operation and to make provision for environmental management.


title: Environmental justice

text: Whilst the predominant agenda of the Environmental Justice movement in the United States has been tackling issues of race, inequality, and the environment, environmental justice campaigns around the world have developed and shifted in focus. For example, the EJ movement in the United Kingdom is quite different. It focuses on issues of poverty and the environment, but also tackles issues of health inequalities and social exclusion. A UK-based NGO, named the Environmental Justice Foundation, has sought to make a direct link between the need for environmental security and the defense of basic human rights. They have launched several high-profile campaigns that link environmental problems and social injustices. A campaign against illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing highlighted how 'pirate' fisherman are stealing food from local, artisanal fishing communities. They have also launched a campaign exposing the environmental and human rights abuses involved in cotton production in Uzbekistan. Cotton produced in Uzbekistan is often harvested by children for little or no pay. In addition, the mismanagement of water resources for crop irrigation has led to the near eradication of the Aral Sea. The Environmental Justice Foundation has successfully petitioned large retailers such as Wal-mart and Tesco to stop selling Uzbek cotton.


title: Environmental justice

text: African-Americans are affected by a variety of Environmental Justice issues. One notorious example is the "Cancer Alley" region of Louisiana. This 85-mile stretch of the Mississippi River between Baton Rouge and New Orleans is home to 125 companies that produce one quarter of the petrochemical products manufactured in the United States. The nickname was given due to the high rates of residents diagnosed with cancer compared to the United States average. The United States Commission on Civil Rights has concluded that the African-American community has been disproportionately affected by Cancer Alley as a result of Louisiana's current state and local permit system for hazardous facilities, as well as their low socio-economic status and limited political influence. Another incidence of long-term environmental injustice occurred in the "West Grove" community of Miami, Florida. From 1925 to 1970, the predominately poor, African American residents of the "West Grove" endured the negative effects of exposure to carcinogenic emissions and toxic waste discharge from a large trash incinerator called Old Smokey. Despite official acknowledgement as a public nuisance, the incinerator project was expanded in 1961. It was not until the surrounding, predominantly white neighborhoods began to experience the negative impacts from Old Smokey that the legal battle began to close the incinerator.


title: Environmental justice

text: The most common example of environmental injustice among Latinos is the exposure to pesticides faced by farmworkers. After DDT and other chlorinated hydrocarbon pesticides were banned in the United States in 1972, farmers began using more acutely toxic organophosphate pesticides such as parathion. A large portion of farmworkers in the US are working as undocumented immigrants, and as a result of their political disadvantage, are not able to protest against regular exposure to pesticides or benefit from the protections of Federal laws. Exposure to chemical pesticides in the cotton industry also affects farmers in India and Uzbekistan. Banned throughout much of the rest of the world because of the potential threat to human health and the natural environment, Endosulfan is a highly toxic chemical, the safe use of which cannot be guaranteed in the many developing countries it is used in. Endosulfan, like DDT, is an organochlorine and persists in the environment long after it has killed the target pests, leaving a deadly legacy for people and wildlife.


title: Environmental justice

text: Global environmental inequality is evidence that vulnerable populations are disproportionately victimized by environmental degradation as a result of global capitalism and land exploitation. Yet, studies prove these groups have pioneered the need for intersection between human and environmental rights in activism and policy because of their close proximity to environmental issues. It is important for environmental regulation to acknowledge the value of this global grassroots movement, led by indigenous women and women of the global south, in determining how institutions such as the United Nations can best deliver environmental justice. In recent years, the United Nations' approach to issues concerning environmental health has begun to acknowledge the native practices of indigenous women and advocacy of women in vulnerable positions. Further research by the science community and analysis of environmental issues through a gendered lens are essential next steps for the UN and other governing bodies to curate policy that meets the needs of the women activists leading the environmental justice movement.


title: Environmental justice

text: Over recent years social scientists have begun to view outer space in an environmental conceptual framework. Klinger, an environmental geographer, analyses the environmental features of outer space from the perspective of several schools of geopolitical. From a classical geopolitical approach, for instance, people's exploration of the outer space domain is, in fact, a manifestation of competing and conflicting interests between states, i.e., outer space is an asset used to strengthen and consolidate geopolitical power and has strategic value. From the perspective of environmental geopolitics, the issue of sustainable development has become a consensus politics. Countries thus cede power to international agreements and supranational organizations to manage global environmental issues. Such co-produced practices are followed in the human use of outer space, which means that only powerful nations are capable of reacting to protect the interests of underprivileged countries, so far from there being perfect environmental justice in environmental geopolitics.


The 2011 West Virginia Mountaineers football team represented West Virginia University in the 2011 NCAA Division I FBS football season as members of the Big East Conference. The Mountaineers were led by Dana Holgorsen, who was in his first season as head coach. West Virginia played their home games on Mountaineer Field at Milan Puskar Stadium in Morgantown, West Virginia. They finished the season 10–3, 5–2 in Big East play to earn a share of the Big East Conference championship with Cincinnati and Louisville. The Mountaineers, in their final season in the Big East before moving to the Big 12 the following season, earned the league's automatic berth in the BCS due to being the highest ranked of the Big East champions in the final BCS rankings. They were invited to the Orange Bowl for the first time ever where they defeated Clemson 70–33. This was the third victory for West Virginia in three BCS games played in the BCS era , while the 70 points in the Orange Bowl set a record for most points scored in a bowl game .


title: Nonlinear photonic crystal

text: Broadly speaking, nonlinear photonic crystals (PC) are periodic structures whose optical response depends on the intensity of the optical field that propagates into the crystal. An immediate consequence is that such structures have new optical properties with improved or new functionalities that cannot be obtained by using their linear counterpart, namely linear pPCs. One such example is optical tunability, that is, optical control of the response of devices based on PC. Although tunability of optical properties of photonic crystals can be achieved, for instance, by applying an electric field to an inverse opal PC infiltrated with nematic liquid crystal, by modulating the PC's index of refraction through the electro-optic effect induced by an external electric field, or through temperature-induced changes in the PC's index of refraction, high-speed operability desired for certain advanced optical communication systems can be obtained only if intrinsic optical nonlinearities in the PC material are employed. The reason for this is the ultra-fast response of certain nonlinear dielelectric materials to optical fields. In contrast to the now very extensive body of research in the properties and devices in linear photonic crystals, research into the theoretical and experimental behavior of these structures under conditions of intense optical fields, e.g. in the nonlinear regime, is still in its formative stages.


title: Arthur Dudley Dobson Memorial

text: To raise the necessary funds, a conference of various organisations was initiated, to be chaired by Dan Sullivan, who at the time was mayor of Christchurch and member of parliament for the Avon electorate. The Canterbury Progress League disliked the utilitarian aspect of the proposed shelter and just prior to a large public meeting called by Sullivan for 8 August 1935, they presented an alternative memorial design: this was a stone obelisk designed by the architect Cecil Wood, assisted by the structural engineer Robert Campbell . This stone pillar was to have a core of reinforced concrete, with local stone attached to form the obelisk. Bronze plaques at the base were to show Dobson's name on one side and provide an inscription on the other side. The public meeting resolved that both memorials were to be built, with the stone pillar in the place originally chosen and the hut some distance closer to Arthur's Pass village. The Sunlight League and the Youth Hostel Association felt compelled to go ahead with the memorial shelter as they had been fundraising for that purpose since they had presented the design earlier in the year.


title: Lee Kyung-jae

text: After Lee graduated from high school in 1972, his former teachers provided him with no assistance in finding a job. While supporting himself through part-time work, he founded Mukuge no Kai, one of the predecessor organisations of Mintohren. The name came from mukuge, the Japanese word for hibiscus syriacus, a former symbol of resistance to Japanese colonial rule in Korea and the national flower of South Korea. He hoped to address the problems of violence and delinquency among Korean youth in Osaka; he chose to found a new association rather than work through existing ethnic associations such as Mindan or Chongryon because he felt both were more concerned with the politics of the Korean peninsula than of local Korean communities in Japan. Though at first they made little progress, their children's programme, founded in 1978, in Nariai was particularly successful; in 1985, they began a campaign which resulted in the establishment of a division in the city board of education devoted exclusively to education for ethnic Koreans, and the elimination of the requirement that city employees hold Japanese nationality.


title: Chivers and Sons

text: Residents of Cottenham, Cambridgeshire, since the 17th century, the Chivers family moved to Histon in the first years of the 19th century when John Chivers relocated to a house on the Cottenham Road there with his brother (William) and sister, and his three sons Philip, Stephen and Thomas all became market gardeners. Some years later the railway arrived in the village when a station opened to passengers in 1847. Realising the potential opportunities that the railway brought to the village, in 1850 Stephen Chivers , son of John, bought an orchard that ran alongside the railway and developed a fruit distribution business, growing to 150 acres (0.61 km2) by 1860. In 1870 Stephen sent his teenage sons William and John to open a distribution centre in Bradford. After a while the sons realised that the majority of their fruit was being purchased by jam manufacturers, and so in 1873, after an exceptional fruit harvest, they convinced their father to let them make their first batch of jam in a barn off Milton Road, Impington.


title: Assemblies of God USA

text: In 1916, the 4th General Council met in St. Louis to resolve the "new issue". In a move that caused not a little anxiety, a committee introduced the Statement of Fundamental Truths. Oneness proponents and others saw this as an attack on the authority of the Bible, yet it was adopted along with a recommendation that AG ministers use the Trinitarian baptismal formula. Old preaching credentials were recalled and new ones issued with the Fundamental Truths included. Oneness believers, including a third of the fellowship's ministers, were forced to withdraw, a loss especially felt in the South where the Oneness doctrine had the most influence. A side effect of this was a transition in leadership from former Apostolic Faith leaders, many of whom accepted the Oneness teaching, to men with Christian and Missionary Alliance backgrounds. The Oneness dissenters formed the General Assembly of the Apostolic Churches, which later merged with another group to form the Pentecostal Assemblies of the World.


title: Assemblies of God USA

text: Despite Pentecostalism's origins in a racially inclusive revival, it accommodated itself to America's culture of racial segregation rather early; the Assemblies of God was no different. As early as 1915, an executive presbyter wrote in an article for the Pentecostal Evangel that segregation was "ordained of God"; however, it was not until 1939 that the General Presbytery enacted a policy prohibiting the ordination of African Americans to the ministry. Districts were still allowed to license African Americans to preach but only in the district where the license was issued. Black Pentecostals seeking ordination were referred to "one of the colored organizations". This was especially true of the Church of God in Christ, which, despite the fact that it predates the Assemblies of God, was seen as a "younger sibling". It was not until 1962, under the leadership of General Superintendent Thomas F. Zimmerman, that the denomination finally began issuing ordinations without regard to race. Three years later the 1965 General Council adopted a resolution affirming the goals of the civil rights movement and condemning racism and discrimination. By the 1970s, there was renewed focus on inner-city evangelism and integrated urban efforts.


title: Assemblies of God USA

text: In the 1950s, the AG was challenged by the Latter Rain movement, which began among former members of the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada, the AG's Canadian counterpart, and quickly spread to the United States. The "New Order" as it was known was highly critical of denominations, such as the AG, and taught that the gifts of the Spirit are channeled through church elders and are given to others by the laying on of hands. However, the Assemblies of God and other classical Pentecostal groups maintained that the charismata are not personally received or imparted but are manifested as the Holy Spirit wills. In 1949 with a meeting of the General Council approaching, there were fears that the fellowship might split over the Latter Rain issue, but in the end, the General Council was united against what were seen as the excesses of the movement. A General Council resolution specified six errors which included: imparting, identifying, bestowing, or confirming gifts by prophecy and the laying on of hands. It also rejected the idea that the Church is built on present-day apostles and prophets. The Latter Rain theology of no pre-tribulation rapture and the manifested sons of God teaching were condemned as heresy. The Latter Rain and the Salvation/Healing Revival of the late 1940s and 50s would be a major influence on later renewal movements. During this time, by 1953, the denomination's college ministry Chi Alpha was chartered.


title: Assemblies of God USA

text: The affiliation of the Assemblies of God with the National Association of Evangelicals in 1942 signaled the AG's alignment with evangelicalism and its opposition to mainline Protestantism and the ecumenical movement. The AG and its evangelical partners agreed on most issues and shared similar world views though the AG's Pentecostal distinctives—Spirit baptism and the operation of spiritual gifts—were not embraced by most evangelical Christians. The AG's response then to the charismatic movement that began in the 1960s was a cautious one, affirming the move of the Holy Spirit yet urging that all revival must be judged by scripture. For the first time, beliefs and practices which had largely remained confined to the classical Pentecostal denominations began to impact mainline Protestant and Roman Catholic churches on a large scale (see: Catholic Charismatic Renewal). The fact that this occurred in these churches (which were historically seen by Pentecostals as suspect), the multifaceted nature of the movement owing to the many different traditions its participants came from, and the perception by Pentecostals that the movement was based too much on experience and not on biblical teaching led some in the Assemblies of God to see it in relation to the ecumenical movement.


title: Assemblies of God USA

text: For much of its history, the Assemblies of God officially opposed Christian participation in war and was listed by The Pacifist Handbook as America's third largest peace church in 1940. The official position of the church until 1967 encouraged Christian nonviolence: "We . . . are nevertheless constrained to declare we cannot conscientiously participate in war and armed resistance which involves the actual destruction of human life, since this is contrary to our view of the clear teachings of the inspired Word of God". Most of the founders and first generation members of the denomination held to this view, and it was presented as official teaching throughout World War I and World War II. The official pacifist position remained unchanged until 1967 when the denomination affirmed "the right of each member to choose whether to declare their position as a combatant, a noncombatant, or a conscientious objector". This was the culmination of a process begun during World War I, when it was unpopular to hold antiwar views, in which AG adherents questioned their denomination's pacifist stance.