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William Lyon Mackenzie King

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William Lyon Mackenzie King OM, CMG, PC (December 17, 1874 – July 22, 1950), also commonly known as Mackenzie King, was the dominant Canadian political leader from the 1920s through the 1940s. He served as the tenth prime minister of Canada in 1921–1926, 1926–1930 and 1935–1948. He is best known for his leadership of Canada throughout the Second World War (1939–1945) when he mobilized Canadian money, supplies and volunteers to support Britain while boosting the economy and maintaining morale on the home front. A Liberal with 21 years and 154 days in office, he was the longest-serving prime minister in Canadian history. Trained in law and social work, he was keenly interested in the human condition (as a boy, his motto was "Help those that cannot help themselves"), and played a major role in laying the foundations of the Canadian welfare state.[1]

William Lyon Mackenzie King

Wm Lyon Mackenzie King.jpg
10th Prime Minister of Canada
In office
October 23, 1935 – November 15, 1948
Governor General
Preceded byR. B. Bennett
Succeeded byLouis St. Laurent
In office
September 25, 1926 – August 7, 1930
MonarchGeorge V
Governor General
Preceded byArthur Meighen
Succeeded byR. B. Bennett
In office
December 29, 1921 – June 28, 1926
MonarchGeorge V
Governor GeneralThe Lord Byng of Vimy
Preceded byArthur Meighen
Succeeded byArthur Meighen
Personal details
Born(1874-12-17)December 17, 1874
Kitchener, Ontario, Canada
DiedJuly 22, 1950(1950-07-22) (aged 75)
Chelsea, Quebec, Canada
Resting placeMount Pleasant Cemetery, Toronto, Ontario
Political partyLiberal



A survey of scholars in 1997 by Maclean's magazine ranked King first among all Canada's prime ministers, ahead of Sir John A. Macdonald and Sir Wilfrid Laurier. As historian Jack Granatstein notes, "the scholars expressed little admiration for King the man but offered unbounded admiration for his political skills and attention to Canadian unity."[8] On the other hand, political scientist Ian Stewart in 2007 found that even Liberal activists have but a dim memory of him.[9]


Early life, family, and religionEdit

King was born in Berlin, Ontario (now known as Kitchener), to John King and Isabel Grace Mackenzie. His maternal grandfather was William Lyon Mackenzie, first mayor of Toronto and leader of the Upper Canada Rebellion in 1837. His father was a lawyer, and later a professor at Osgoode Hall Law School. King had three siblings.[Note 1] He attended Berlin Central School (now Suddaby Public School) and Berlin High School (now Kitchener–Waterloo Collegiate and Vocational School). Tutors were hired to teach him more politics, science, math, English and French.

His father was a lawyer with a struggling practice in a small city, and never enjoyed financial security. His parents lived a life of shabby gentility, employing servants and tutors they could scarcely afford, although their financial situation improved somewhat following a move to Toronto around 1890, where King lived with them for several years in a duplex located on Beverley Street while studying at the University of Toronto.[10]



King in 1899






Civil servant, Minister of LabourEdit

Wearing court uniform as Minister of Labour in 1910



He was first elected to Parliament as a Liberal in a 1908 by-election, and then in 1909 was appointed as the first-ever Minister of Labour.


Industrial consultantEdit


King, while writing Industry and Humanity, 1917


In 1918 King, assisted by his friend F. A. McGregor, published the far-sighted book Industry and Humanity: A Study in the Principles Underlying Industrial Reconstruction, a dense, abstract work he wrote in response to the Ludlow massacre. It went over the heads of most readers, but revealed the practical idealism behind King's political thinking. He emphasized that capital and labour were natural allies, not foes, and that the community at large (represented by the government) should be the third and decisive party in industrial disputes.[24][25] He expressed derision for syndicates and trades unions, chastising them for aiming at the "destruction by force of existing organization, and the transfer of industrial capital from the present possessors" to themselves.[26]


Wartime politicsEdit


Liberal party leaderEdit


Idealizes the PrairiesEdit

Once he became the Liberal leader in 1919 he paid closer attention to the Prairies, a fast-developing region. With a highly romanticized view he envisioned the pioneers as morally sound, hardworking individuals who lived close to nature and to God. The reform ferment in the region meshed with his self-image as a social reformer and fighter for the "people" against the "interests". Viewing a glorious sunrise in Alberta in 1920, he wrote in his diary, "I thought of the New Day, the New Social Order. It seems like Heaven's prophecy of the dawn of a new era, revealed to me."[30] Pragmatism played a role as well, since his party depended for its survival on the votes of Progressive Party members of parliament who represented farmers in Ontario and the Prairies. He convinced many Progressives to return to the Liberal fold.[31]

Prime Minister: first ParliamentEdit

Sir Esme Howard, King, and Vincent Massey at the Canadian Legation during a visit to Washington in 1927



Balancing actEdit



As King's term wore on, the Progressives gradually weakened. Their effective and passionate leader, Thomas Crerar, resigned to return to his grain business, and was replaced by the more placid Robert Forke. Socialist reformer J. S. Woodsworth gradually gained influence and power, and King was able to reach an accommodation with him on policy matters.[38] In any event, the Progressive caucus lacked the party discipline that was traditionally enforced by the Liberals and Conservatives. The Progressives had campaigned on a promise that their MP's would represent their constituents first. King used this to his advantage, as he could always count on at least a handful of Progressive MP's to shore up his near-majority position for any crucial vote.


In 1923 King government passed the Chinese Immigration Act, 1923 banning most forms of Chinese immigration to Canada. Immigration from most countries was controlled or restricted in some way, but only the Chinese were so completely prohibited from immigrating. This was after various members of the federal and some provincial governments (especially British Columbia) put pressure on the federal government to discourage Chinese immigration.

City planningEdit

King had a long-standing concern with city planning and the development of the national capital, since he had been trained in the settlement house movement and envisioned town planning and garden cities as a component of his broader program of social reform. He drew on four broad traditions in early North American planning: social planning, the Parks Movement, the City Scientific, and the City Beautiful. King's greatest impact was as the political champion for the planning and development of Ottawa, Canada's national capital. His plans, much of which were completed in the two decades after his death, were part of a century of federal planning that repositioned Ottawa as a national space in the City Beautiful style. Confederation Square, for example, was initially planned to be a civic plaza to balance the nearby federal presence of Parliament Hill. The Great War monument was not installed until the 1939 royal visit, and King intended that the replanning of the capital would be the World War I memorial. However, the symbolic meaning of the World War I monument gradually expanded to become the place of remembrance for all Canadian war sacrifices.[39][40]

Prime Minister: second and third ParliamentsEdit

Corruption scandalsEdit


King–Byng AffairEdit

In 1926 King, facing a House of Commons vote connected to the customs scandal that could force his government to resign, advised the Governor General, Lord Byng, to dissolve Parliament and call another election. This, the Governor General could not constitutionally do. A government in minority position cannot use dissolution of Parliament to evade a vote of confidence or avoid its consequences. Byng thus had to decline the Prime Minister's request - the first time in Canadian history that a request for dissolution was refused; and, to date, the only time the Governor General of Canada has done so. (The most recent refusal of dissolution in Canada was by Lieutenant-Governor Judith Guichon of British Columbia, who declined a request by then-Premier Christy Clark.[42]) Because the Conservatives (official opposition party) had more seats in the House of Commons than the Liberals (governing party), Byng was first required to ask the Leader of the Opposition, Arthur Meighen, to form a government. When Meighen attempted to do so but was unable to achieve a majority within the Commons, he then had to request a dissolution of Parliament; which Byng was now able to grant. King then proceeded to win that election and was returned to power.

The King-Byng episode is noteworthy, first, for confirming an important point of Canadian constitutional law - that prime ministers (and provincial premiers) cannot manipulate the system to avoid the consequences of political scandals and bad decisions; thereby resolving the constitutional crisis that King had caused by confirming there are times when Governors General and Lieutenant Governors must say 'no' to their prime ministers and premiers.[43] Much more importantly, however, because King won the subsequent election, he was able to turn his truculence into success at the 1926 Imperial Conference by eliciting the obvious - that upon the grant of dominion status, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Newfoundland, South Africa, and the Irish Free State, while still part of the British Empire, ceased to be part of the United Kingdom. Thus, the Governor General ceased to represent the British government but was solely the personal representative of the sovereign. This ultimately was formalised in the Statute of Westminster 1931.[44]

Wins electionEdit

Mackenzie King (seated right) at the 1926 Imperial Conference, which led to the Balfour Declaration

In the ensuing 1926 Canadian federal election, the Liberals claimed the Governor General, as an imperial representative, had interfered in politics and shown favour to one party over another. King thus appealed for public support of the constituitonal principle that Governors General must accept the advice of their ministers. King and his party won the election with a plurality of seats in the Commons: 116 seats to the Conservatives' 91 in a 245-member House.[45]Perhaps ironically, if a modern-day King-Byng affair arose, the result would be the same as it was in 1926; because Lord Byng was and remains correct on that point of constitutional law.

Extending Canadian autonomyEdit



Extends provincial powersEdit

Signing of the Dominion–Provincial Agreement on Old Age Pensions in 1928. (Seated, L–R): Peter Heenan, Thomas Donnelly, John Millar, W. R. Motherwell, William Lyon Mackenzie King, C. A. Dunning. (Standing, L–R): Fred Johnson, John Vallance, Ed Young, C. R. McIntosh, Robert McKenzie, Gordon Ross, A. F. Totzke, George McPhee, Malcolm McLean, William Bock.


King, in court dress, speaking on Parliament Hill during a ceremony celebrating the Diamond Jubilee of Confederation in 1927

Defeat in 1930Edit

His government was in power during the beginning of the Great Depression, but was slow to respond to the mounting crisis. He felt that the crisis was a temporary swing of the business cycle and that the economy would soon recover without government intervention.[50] Critics said he was out of touch. Just prior to the election, King carelessly remarked that he "would not give a five-cent piece" to Tory provincial governments for unemployment relief.[29] The opposition made this remark a catch-phrase; the main issue was the deterioration in the economy and whether the prime minister was out of touch with the hardships of ordinary people.[51] The Liberals lost the election of 1930 to the Conservative Party, led by Richard Bedford Bennett. The popular vote was very close between the two parties, with the Liberals actually earning more votes than in 1926, but the Conservatives had a geographical advantage that turned into enough seats to give a majority.[52]

Opposition leaderEdit


Prime Minister: fourth ParliamentEdit

In the 1935 election the Liberals used the slogan "King or Chaos" to win a landslide victory. For the first time in his political career, King led an undisputed Liberal majority government. Promising a much-desired trade treaty with the U.S., the King government passed the 1935 Reciprocal Trade Agreement. It marked the turning point in Canadian-American economic relations, reversing the disastrous trade war of 1930–31, lowering tariffs, and yielding a dramatic increase in trade. More subtly, it revealed to the prime minister and President Roosevelt that they could work together well.[55][56]



Over the next fourteen years, a wide range of reforms similar to those association with the New Deal were realized during Mackenzie King's last period in office as Prime Minister. In 1939, compulsory contributions for pensions for low-income widows and orphans were introduced (although these only covered the regularly employed) while depressed farmers were subsidized from that same year onwards. In 1944, family allowances were introduced, and from 1948 the federal government subsidized medical services in the provinces.[60] The various provinces were assisted by the Federal Unemployment and Agricultural Assistance Act of 1938 and the Youth Training Act of 1939 to create training programs for young persons,[61] while an amendment to the Criminal Code (which received Royal assent in May 1939) provided against refusal to hire, or dismissal, "solely because of a person's membership in a lawful trade-union or association".[62] In 1937, the age for blind persons to qualify for old-age pensions was reduced to 40 in 1937, and later to 21 in 1947.[63]

The Federal Home Improvement Plan of 1937 provided subsidized rates of interest on rehabilitation loans to 66,900 homes, while the National Housing Act of 1938 made provision for the building of low-rent housing.[64] Another Housing Act was later passed in 1944 with the intention of providing federally guaranteed loans or mortgages to individuals who wished to repair or construct dwellings through their own initiative.[65] The Vocational Training Co-ordination Act of 1942 provided an impetus to the provinces to set up facilities for postsecondary vocational training,[66] and in 1948 the Industrial Relations and Disputes Investigation Act was passed, which safeguarded the rights of workers to join unions while requiring employers to recognize unions chosen by their employees.[67]

Germany and HitlerEdit

In March 1936, in response to the German remilitarization of the Rhineland, King had the Canadian High Commissioner in London inform the British government that if Britain went to war with Germany over the Rhineland issue, Canada would remain neutral.[68] In June 1937, during an Imperial Conference of all the Dominion Prime Ministers in London, King informed British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain that Canada would only go to war if Britain were directly attacked, and that if Britain were to become involved in a continental war then Chamberlain was not to expect Canadian support.[69]



Ethnic policiesEdit

While Deputy Minister of Labour, King was appointed to investigate the causes of and claims for compensation resulting from the 1907 Asiatic Exclusion League riots in Vancouver's Chinatown and Japantown. One of the claims for damages came from Chinese opium dealers, which led King to investigate narcotics use in Vancouver, British Columbia. Following the investigation King reported that white women were also opium users, not just Chinese men, and the federal government used the report to justify the first legislation outlawing narcotics in Canada.[76] The report failed to include any reference regarding the Opium Wars, the involvement of the East Indian Trading company, or the official Chinese government's resistance to the opium trade which was renewed on September 20, 1906.

Under King's administration, the Canadian government, responding to strong public opinion, especially in Quebec, refused to expand immigration opportunities for Jewish refugees from Europe.[77] In June 1939 Canada, along with Cuba and the United States, refused to allow entry for the 900 Jewish refugees aboard the passenger ship MS St. Louis.[78]

Prime Minister: fifth Parliament, Second World WarEdit

Norman Robertson and Mackenzie King, 1944

Parliamentary Declaration of WarEdit






Expansion of scientific researchEdit

King's government greatly expanded the role of the National Research Council of Canada during the war, moving into full-scale research in nuclear physics and commercial use of nuclear power in the following years. King, with C. D. Howe acting as point man, moved the nuclear group from Montreal to Chalk River, Ontario in 1944, with the establishment of Chalk River Nuclear Laboratories and the residential town of Deep River, Ontario. Canada became a world leader in this field, with the NRX reactor becoming operational in 1947; at the time, NRX was the only operational nuclear reactor outside the United States.[82] The NRC also contributed to wartime scientific development in other ways during this period.

Conscription CrisisEdit



Internment of Japanese-CanadiansEdit

Following the Attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941, Japanese Canadians were categorized as enemy aliens under the War Measures Act, which began to remove their personal rights.[84] Starting on December 8, 1941, 1,200 Japanese-Canadian-owned fishing vessels were impounded as a "defence measure."[85] On January 14, 1942, the federal government passed an order calling for the removal of male Japanese nationals between 18 and 45 years of age from a designated protected area of 100 miles inland from the British Columbia coast, enacted a ban against Japanese-Canadian fishing during the war, banned shortwave radios and controlled the sale of gasoline and dynamite to Japanese Canadians.[86] Japanese nationals removed from the coast after the January 14 order were sent to road camps around Jasper, Alberta. Three weeks later, on February 19, 1942, US President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, which called for the removal of 110,000 people of Japanese ancestry from the American coastline. A historian of internment, Ann Sunahara, argues that "the American action sealed the fate of Japanese Canadians."[87] On February 24, the federal government passed order-in-council PC 1468 which allowed for the removal of "all persons of Japanese origin"[88] This order-in-council allowed the Minister of Justice the broad powers of removing people from any protected area in Canada, but was meant for Japanese Canadians on the Pacific coast in particular. On February 25, the federal government announced that Japanese Canadians were being moved for reasons of national security.[89] In all, some 27,000 people were detained without charge or trial, and their property confiscated. Others were deported to Japan.[90] King and his Cabinet ignored reports from the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and Canadian military that most of the Japanese were law-abiding and not a threat. Major General Ken Stuart told Ottawa, "I cannot see that the Japanese Canadians constitute the slightest menace to national security."[91] King's political direction on this issue closely followed postulates from his 1909 doctoral thesis at Harvard.

On September 22, 1988, Prime Minister Brian Mulroney delivered an apology for the internment, and the Canadian government announced a compensation package.[92]

Canadian autonomyEdit

Throughout his tenure, King led Canada from a colony with responsible government to an autonomous nation within the British Commonwealth. King asserted Canadian autonomy against the British government's attempts to turn the Commonwealth into an alliance. His biographer asserts that "in this struggle MacKenzie King was the constant aggressor".[93] The Canadian High Commissioner to Britain, Vincent Massey, claimed that an "anti-British bias" was "one of the most powerful factors in his make-up".[94]

During the Chanak Crisis of 1922, King refused to support the British without first consulting Parliament, while the Conservative leader, Arthur Meighen, supported Britain. King wrote in his diary of the British appeal: "I confess it annoyed me. It is drafted designedly to play the imperial game, to test out centralization versus autonomy as regards European wars...No [Canadian] contingent will go without parliament being summoned in the first instance".[95] The British were disappointed with King's response but the crisis was soon resolved, as King had anticipated.[37] After Chanak, King was concerned about the possibility that Canada might go to war because of its connections with Britain, writing to Violet Markham:

Anything like centralization in London, to say nothing of a direct or indirect attempt on the part of those in office in Downing Street to tell the people of the Dominions what they should or should not do, and to dictate their duty in matters of foreign policy, is certain to prove just as injurious to the so-called 'imperial solidarity' as any attempt at interference in questions of purely domestic concern. If membership within the British Commonwealth means participation by the Dominions in any and every war in which Great Britain becomes involved, without consultation, conference, or agreement of any kind in advance, I can see no hope for an enduring relationship.[96]







Prime Minister: sixth Parliament, post-war CanadaEdit

With the war winding down, King held a federal election in 1945 and won a minority, but formed a functioning coalition to continue governing. As King was defeated in his own riding of Prince Albert, fellow Liberal William MacDiarmid, who was re-elected in the safe seat of Glengarry, resigned so that a by-election could be held, which was subsequently won by King.




Retirement and deathEdit

King's grave and memorial plaque



Personal style and characterEdit

King lacked a commanding presence or oratorical skills; he did not shine on the radio or in newsreels. There was scant charisma.[101] Cold and tactless in human relations, he had allies but very few close personal friends; he never married and lacked a hostess whose charm could substitute for his chill. His allies were annoyed by his constant intrigues.[102]

He is not remembered for great major policy innovations as prime minister. Christopher Moore says, "King had made 'Parliament will decide' his maxim, and he trotted it out whenever he wished to avoid a decision." [103] He was keenly sensitive to the nuances of public policy; he was a workaholic with a shrewd and penetrating intelligence and a profound understanding of the complexities of Canadian society.[104] His strength was apparent when he synthesized, built support for, and passed measures that had reached a level of broad national support. Advances in the welfare state were an example. His successors, especially Diefenbaker, Pearson, and Trudeau built the welfare state which he had advanced during the Second World War into the modern cradle-to-grave system.[105]

Scholars attribute King's long tenure as party leader to his wide range of skills that were appropriate to Canada's needs.[2] King kept a very candid diary from 1893, when he was still an undergraduate, until a few days before his death in 1950; the volumes, stacked in a row, span a length of over seven metres and comprise over 50,000 manuscript pages of typed transcribed text.[106] One biographer called these diaries "the most important single political document in twentieth-century Canadian history,"[107] for they explain motivations of the Canadian war efforts and describe other events in detail.

King's occult interests were kept secret during his years in office,[108] and only became publicized after his death when his diaries were opened. Readers were amazed. King communed with spirits, using seances with paid mediums. Thereby, he claimed to have communicated with Leonardo da Vinci, Wilfrid Laurier, his dead mother, his grandfather, and several of his dead dogs, as well as the spirit of the late President Roosevelt. Some historians argue that he sought personal reassurance from the spirit world, more than political advice. After his death, one of his mediums said that she had not realized that he was a politician. King did inquire whether his party would win the 1935 election, one of the few times politics came up during his seances. However Allan Levine argues that sometimes he did pay attention to the political implications of his seances: "All of his spiritualist experiences, his other superstitions and his multi-paranoid reactions imprinted on his consciousness, shaping his thoughts and feelings in a thousand different ways."[109]

Historians have seen in his spiritualism and occult activities a penchant for forging unities from antitheses, thus having latent political import. Historian C.P. Stacey, in his 1976 book A Very Double Life examined King's secret life in detail, argued that King did not allow his beliefs to influence his decisions on political matters. Stacey wrote that King entirely gave up his interests in the occult and spiritualism during World War II.[110]

King never married,[108] but had several close female friends, including Joan Patteson, a married woman with whom he spent some of his leisure time; sometimes she served as hostess at his dinner parties.[111] He did not have a wife who could be the hostess all the time and handle the many social obligations that he tried to downplay. Editor Charles Bowman reports that, "He felt the lack of a wife, particularly when social duties called for a hostess."[112]

Some historians have interpreted passages in his diaries as suggesting that King regularly had sexual relations with prostitutes.[113] Others, also basing their claims on passages of his diaries, have suggested that King was in love with Lord Tweedsmuir, whom he had chosen for appointment as Governor General in 1935.[114]


Along with Wilfrid Laurier, King was the only other Canadian Prime Minister to be in office during the reigns of three Canadian Monarchs.[115]

King was ranked as the greatest Canadian Prime Minister by a survey of Canadian historians.[116]

He was named a Person of National Historic Significance in 1968.[117]

He is portrayed by Dan Beirne in Matthew Rankin's 2019 film The Twentieth Century.[118]



Ribbon Description Notes
  Order of Merit (OM)
  King George V Silver Jubilee Medal
  King George VI Coronation Medal
  Grand Croix de l'Ordre national de la Légion d'honneur
  Grand croix de l'Ordre de la couronne de Chêne
  Grand cordon de l'Ordre de Léopold

Honorary DegreesEdit

Honorary Degrees
Location Date School Degree
  Ontario 1919 Queen's University Doctor of Laws (LL.D) [122]
  Ontario 1923 University of Toronto Doctor of Laws (LL.D) [123]
  Connecticut 1924 Yale University Doctor of Laws (LL.D) [124]
  Virginia 1948 College of William and Mary Doctor of Laws (LL.D) [125]
  Ontario 3 June 1950 University of Western Ontario Doctor of Laws (LL.D) [126]


King's likeness is on the Canadian fifty-dollar note since 1975.






Part of his country retreat, now called Mackenzie King Estate, at Kingsmere in the Gatineau Park, near Ottawa, is open to the public. The house King died in, called "The Farm", is the official residence of the Speaker of the House of Commons of Canada, and is not part of the park.

Home of William Lyon Mackenzie King in Kingsmere, Quebec


King was mentioned in the book Alligator Pie by Dennis Lee, appearing as the subject of a nonsensical children's poem,[127] which reads "William Lyon Mackenzie King / He sat in the middle and played with string / He loved his mother like anything / William Lyon Mackenzie King."

King is a prominent character in Donald Jack's novel Me Too, set in Ottawa in the 1920s.

A character who appeared twice in the popular 1990s Canadian television series Due South was named "Mackenzie King" in obvious reference.

Supreme Court appointmentsEdit



  2. ^ Osgoode Hall, while then located close to the University of Toronto campus, was not formally associated with the University of Toronto.



  2. ^ a b Neatby, H. Blair (1977). "King and the Historians". In English, John; Stubbs, J.O. (eds.). Mackenzie King: Widening the Debate. Macmillan of Canada.
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  5. ^ Courtney, John C. (1976). "Prime Ministerial Character: An Examination of Mackenzie King's Political Leadership". Canadian Journal of Political Science. 9 (1): 77–100. doi:10.1017/S0008423900043195.
  9. ^ Stewart, Ian (Winter 2007). "Names Written in Water: Canadian National Leaders and Their Reputations among Party Members". Journal of Canadian Studies. 41 (1): 31–50.
  10. ^ Stacey, C. P. (1976). A Very Double Life: The Private World of Mackenzie King. 46 (1 ed.). Macmillan. ISBN 0-7705-1509-6., photo between pages 96–97
  13. ^ Dawson 1958, pp. 37–38.
  14. ^ Blackburn, Robert H. (1988). "Mackenzie King, William Mulock, James Mavor, and the University of Toronto Students' Revolt of 1895". Canadian Historical Review. 69 (4): 490–503. doi:10.3138/CHR-069-reviews.
  15. ^ Dawson 1958, pp. 198–199.
  19. ^ Dawson 1958, pp. 129-131.
  21. ^ Dawson 1958, pp. 227–231.
  22. ^ Chernow, Ron (1998). Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller Sr. Random House. pp. -571–586. ISBN 0-6794-3808-4.
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  24. ^ Dawson 1958, pp. 248–251.
  25. ^ Cooper, Barry (1978–1979). "On Reading Industry and Humanity: a Study in the Rhetoric Underlying Liberal Management". Journal of Canadian Studies. 13 (4): 28–39. ISSN 0021-9495.
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  64. ^ Ann McAfee. "Housing and Housing Policy". The Canadian Encyclopedia.
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  83. ^ Hansard, House of Commons, June 10, 1942
  84. ^ Fujiwara, Aya. "Japanese-Canadian Internally Displaced Persons:Labour Relations and Ethno-Religious Identity in Southern Alberta, 1942–1953. Page 65
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  86. ^ Sunahara (1981), 37.
  87. ^ Sunahara (1981), 46.
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  89. ^ Sunahara, Ann. "The Politics of Racism: The Uprooting of Japanese Canadians During the Second World War." Toronto: J, Larimer, 1981. Pg 47-48.
  90. ^ Kobayashi, Audrey. "The Japanese-Canadian redress settlement and its implications for ‘race relations’" Canadian Ethnic Studies. Vol. 24, Issue 1.
  92. ^ "1988: Government apologizes to Japanese Canadians". CBC News.
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  94. ^ Vincent Massey, What's Past is Prologue (London: Macmillan, 1963), p. 242.
  95. ^ Dawson 1958, p. 409.
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