Introduction      Index to Sets      Cognate Sets      Finderlist      
Subgroups      Languages      Words      Proto-form indexes      
References+      Roots      Loans      Near      Noise      Formosan      
Updated: 4/20/2019


Austronesian Comparative Dictionary

Cognate Sets


Sa    Se    Si    Su    




































*Sa- stative prefix


PAN     *Sa- stative prefix

Puyuma a-stative prefix
  u-dawilGo away!
  dawil-awbe far from


PMP     *ha-₂ stative prefix

Bikol ha-affix prefixed to adjectives denoting height, length and depth
Cebuano ha-affix added to adjectives referring to degree
  lapadflat, level surface
  ha-lapadwide, broad

Note:   I am indebted to David Zorc for bringing this comparison to my attention.


*Sa₁ ligature


PAN     *Sa₁ ligature     [disjunct: *a₅]

Paiwan saclause-linking particle: and, and then


PMP     *ha₂ ligature

Pangasinan alinking particle, uniting adjectives or descriptive phrases with verbs and nouns, relative sentences to main sentences, etc.


POC     *a ligature

Label aa binding particle between nouns; genitive particle

Note:   Also Pangasinan ya ‘linking particle’.


*Sa₂ locative particle


PAN     *Sa₂ locative particle     [disjunct: *qa₁]

Atayal saparticle of subjugation, and particle with various prepositional and demonstrative usages; at, in, on, to, by; that; there


PMP     *ha₃ locative particle

Malagasy a-a prefix used like an-, am-, and i-, to make a noun into a preposition; e.g. morona '(the) edge', amorona 'at the edge'; nosy 'an island', anosy 'on an island'
Tontemboan a-(followed or not followed by a nasal), prefix that expresses the dative or locative: to, in, at, on, toward, with, over
Mongondow a-prefixed marker of location; a monik 'above, on top', a monag 'below, underneath'
Tolai apreposition: to, in, of, at
Chuukese a-locative prefix, at
Mota a-simple preposition, locative; at; before infinitive verb, to; used before the names of places; forms compound preposition, avune 'on', etc.
Samoan a-particle occurring in certain nominal constructions, especially with locatives
Maori a-particle used before names of places and local nouns when they (a) stand as subject in a sentence, (b) are repeated by way of explanation

Note:   Also Mongondow o- ‘at, in, with words that indicate direction’, Motu a ‘postposition: from, with, by’. This particle appears to be fossilized in several reflexes of POc *a nusa ‘name of an island’ (cf. *nusa). For a discussion of the ‘adhesive locative’ in Austronesian languages see Blust (1989a).


*SabaN cloth used to carry a child on the back


PAN     *SabaN cloth used to carry a child on the back     [doublet: *SebaN]

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) avala cover and the belt for carrying a baby on the back


PMP     *haban cloth used to carry a child on the back

Itbayaten ahbancloth for carrying a baby, cloth or blanket used for carrying an infant
  ahban-encarry an infant in a piggyback manner
Bontok ʔabánblanket or length of cloth used for carrying children; carry a child using a carrying blanket
Gaddang abbancarry a child in a blanket
Bikol mag-habáncarry something cradled in cloth high on the back near the shoulders (as one might carry a small child)

Note:   Also Rhade abăn ‘blanket’.


*SabaRat south wind (?)


PAN     *SabaRat south wind (?)

Kavalan balateast wind
  sbalateast wind
Amis safalatsouth wind


PMP     *habaRat southwest monsoon

Itbayaten havayatwest wind (blows from late July to September)
Casiguran Dumagat abágatsouthwest monsoon winds
Tagalog habágatwest or southwest wind; monsoon
Bikol habágatsouth wind
Hanunóo ʔabágatsouthwest monsoon; or, indefinitely, any very strong wind; year
Aklanon habágatsouth wind
Hiligaynon bagat-nansouth
Cebuano habágatstrong wind that hits Cebu from the southwest, common from June to September
Maranao abagatsouthwest monsoon
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) evaɣatthe strongest wind, the Northeast monsoon
Tiruray baratthe rainy season
Ngaju Dayak baratwest; west wind; storm
Paku baratwind
Malagasy avaratranorth
  varatrathunder, thunderbolt
Iban baratwest, western, westerly
Malay baratWest; etym. associated with ribut, i.e. strong Westerly winds
Acehnese baratwest, westerly
Karo Batak baratwest, western
Toba Batak baratwest
Sundanese baratwest
Old Javanese baratstrong wind, storm; west
Javanese baratstrong wind occurring usually during the rainy season
Sasak baratstorm; to storm
Tae' baraʔbig, terrific, violent, of rain and wind
Makasarese baraʔwest wind, west monsoon
Palauan ŋəbárdwest, west wind
Manggarai waratrainy season (primarily in January and February); violent storm
Rembong waratwest monsoon
Ngadha varawind, storm; stormy
Kambera waratuwest, west wind
Hawu wawest, the island of Sumba
Rotinese fa-kseawind, west wind
Erai harakwest, western
Leti wartawest, west wind
Selaru haratwest, westward
Yamdena baratwest, western, west monsoon; also used for 'year'
Kei barat, waratwest, west monsoon, rainy season
Dobel farawest
Kamarian halatwest
Asilulu halatwest, west wind, west monsoon
Buruese fahatwest monsoon
Buli pātwest, west wind
Numfor barekwest
  wam-barekwest wind, west monsoon
Ere ahaywind, northwest monsoon
Likum yahaywest wind
Wuvulu afaanorthwest wind
Aua afaastorm wind
Mussau apaestrong wind, storm wind
Mendak avattyphoon, gale
Bali (Uneapa) lavaratastrong wind and rain
Kairiru yavarwind type
Manam awaranorthwest wind
Gitua yavaraNorthwest wind; blows from December-March, brings rain to Gitua
Keapara yabaranorthwest wind
Mailu avaranorthwest monsoon
Motu laharanorthwest wind, and season
Kilivila yavatanorth (wind)
Tawala yawalatarain (light) from southwest during dry season
Molima yavalatanorthwest wind
Fijian cavāa hurricane, storm of wind
Tongan afāhurricane, gale or very severe storm
Samoan afāstorm, gale, hurricane
Rennellese ahaastorm
Maori āwhāgale, storm; rain

Note:   Also Saisiyat (Taai) pinan-abaL-an (apparently reshaped on the model of amiʃ ‘north’: pinan-amiʃ-an-an ‘north wind’), Casiguran Dumagat balát ‘strong wind from the west (from the mountains, considered a bad wind which blows in stormy weather)’, Mentawai barä ‘west, west wind’, Proto-Sangiric *baRet ‘west wind’, Mongondow wagat ‘rainy season’, Wolio bara ‘west, west monsoon’, Rembong barak ‘west wind’, Erai harak ‘west, west wind’, Soboyo bara ‘north’. There is no doubt that this term referred to the west monsoon of island Southeast Asia and portions of western Melanesia, in contradistinction to the east monsoon, *timuR (q.v.).

Apart from a few anomalous glosses (Kavalan balat, Manobo (Western Bukidnon) evaǥat) the references to cardinal directions in the reflexes are consistent with a west wind centered very near the Equator. In Amis (23 degrees n. latitude) this is described as a ‘south’ wind, throughout most of the Philippines (5-18 degrees n. latitude) it is described as a ‘south’ or ‘southwest’ wind, in most of the languages of Indonesia (5 degrees n. latitude to 10 degrees s. latitude) it is described as a ‘west’ wind, and in Merina, the standard dialect of Malagasy (23 degrees s. latitude) the meaning is ‘north’ (presumably a secondary semantic development after the Malagasy migration from southeast Borneo).

In the western Pacific the orientation of the west monsoon to the north-south axis appears to be somewhat different. The languages of the Admiralty Islands (all within 2 degrees s. latitude) and a number of those in southeastern Papua (roughly 10 degrees s. latitude) refer to the west monsoon as a ‘northwest’ wind, whereas the languages of both western and eastern Indonesia at corresponding latitudes refer to it as a ‘west’ wind. Further east, beyond the reach of the monsoon, the term survives as the name of a strong storm wind without reference to cardinal direction.


*Sabij twins of the same sex


PAN     *Sabij twins of the same sex     [disjunct: *apij]

Paiwan savidthings without exception, identical (as children born at the same time and all of same sex)


PMP     *habij twins of the same sex


POC     *apic twins of the same sex

Roviana avisitwins, when of same sex
'Āre'āre rapia twin; two stones in one fruit

Note:   The gloss of *Sabij clearly implies a lexical distinction between twins of the same sex and twins of opposite sex, but no etymon which can be associated with the latter meaning has yet been found. Given the limited data in support of this reconstruction it is possible that the meaning was simply ‘twins’, and that a convergent semantic restriction developed independently both in Paiwan and in Roviana.


*Sabit long cloth wrapped around body and used for carrying


PAN     *Sabit long cloth wrapped around body and used for carrying

Amis safitlong cloth used as a band to tie a baby on one's back; cloth used as a belt; cloth used as a headdress; cloth wrapped around the feet to help climb betel nut tree


PMP     *habit long cloth wrapped around body and used for carrying

Ifugaw (Batad) abitwedge anything between waistband of loincloth and body
Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) abitplaited rattan carrying strap
Karo Batak abitthe long cloth that is fixed under the armpits by women
Dairi-Pakpak Batak abitsarong
Toba Batak ambitcarry a child in the arms
Nias awigirdle, belt (for women)


*SadiRi housepost


PAN     *SadiRi housepost

Amis salili <Apost (Chen 1982:141)


PMP     *hadiRi housepost

Ilokano adígipost; pillar. Any of the principal posts on which the whole frame or skeleton of the house is built; any of the four posts that support the frame of a loom
Isneg adíxiany of the seven principal posts on which the whole frame or skeleton of the house is built
Itawis aríhipost
Tagalog halígipost, pillar
Bikol harígipost, pillar, column
Aklanon halígi(h)column, post, mainstay, support (of house)
Hiligaynon halígipost, pillar
Cebuano halígipost; pillar or strong member of an organization; head, mainstay on which a group rests; outstanding person in a specific field of endeavor; penis (humorous); use as a post
Mansaka arigipost (of a house)
Tiruray lileythe main posts in house construction
Bisaya (Limbang) rigihouse post
Berawan (Long Terawan) dəkkIhhouse post
Berawan (Long Jegan) dəkkəyhouse post
Kayan jiheʔpost or support of house
Kayan (Uma Juman) jihiʔhouse post
Melanau (Mukah) diihouse post
Lawangan oripost
Ma'anyan aripost
Malagasy andrypillar, post
Iban diristand, uphold, erect, cause to stand
Malay dirian erect attitude
Acehnese diriridge post, used to support the ridge pole of a house
Mentawai arigiposts upon which a house rests; posts that support the veranda of a house; posts under a sleeping platform
Sangir dihipost, leg (as of a table)
  dihi-m balehouse post
Tontemboan ariʔihouse post
Mongondow oʔigipost under a house or bridge, pillar
Totoli oliihouse post
Dampelas eliihouse post
Balantak oriiʔpole, post
Tae' aʔriricenter post of a house
Wolio ariipost, stake, pile (standing)


PCEMP     *adiRi housepost

Bimanese riʔipost
  riʔi umahouse post
Manggarai sirihousepost
Rembong dirihousepost
Solorese riihousepost
Kédang lilihouse post
Rotinese dipost, pole, pillar, upright (for supporting a house)
Atoni nipillar
  ni ainafmaternal pillar
  ni monefmasculine pillar
Tetun riicolumn, pillar, post, pier, or stake
  ema rii-nan upright person, tall and straight
Leti ririhouse post
Wetan riripost, mast
Yamdena diripost, pillar
  na-m-dirstand, stand up
Fordata n-diristand, stand up
Kei dirstand up straight
Teluti hilipost
Paulohi ririhouse post
Saparua riripost
Asilulu lilipost, pillar
  lili temathe northernmost house post (which is considered sacred)
Boano₂ lilipost
Wakasihu lilepost
Batu Merah lilipost
Buli lipost, pillar, corner post
  li pupuŋ-anmain post, center post
Numfor rirpost, pile, pillar
Waropen ripile, post under a house


POC     *ariRi housepost

Manam ariripillar
  ariri moanemale post (long)
  ariri ainefemale post (short)
Numbami alilipillar, housepost
Lau liliside posts
Sa'a lilidoor posts


PCEMP     *hadiRi bubuŋ-an center post, main housepost

Yamdena didiŕ buŋ-ancenter post, main housepost
Buli li pupuŋ-ancenter post, main housepost

Note:   Also Casiguran Dumagat adígi ‘housepost’ (probably an Ilokano loan), Kelabit diri ‘house post’, Kiput pəlirəy ‘house post’, Old Javanese ḍiri ‘stand, stand upright, remain standing; be in function, reign; standing alone, outstanding, surpassing all others’, Buginese alliri ‘house post’, Chamorro haligi ‘fence post, pillar, house post used for structural support’ (probably a Tagalog loan). Nataoran Amis salili appears for expected **sarili; the comparative data for this Amis dialect are not yet sufficient to determine whether the assimilation in this form is regular or sporadic, but the cognation of the form is hardly in question. In this connection it is worth noting that among the Formosan aborigines only the Amis, Kavalan and Ketagalan (the latter now extinct) built houses elevated on posts (Ferrell 1969:33).

The necessity of positing PAn *SadiRi ‘house post’ leaves no alternative but to conclude that this type of residential structure has great antiquity among Austronesian-speaking peoples, and that the house types of the Atayal, Tsou, Paiwan, Rukai, Bunun, and Yami, which are constructed either directly on the ground, or in a shallow excavation, represent architectural innovations. Such innovations may well have been motivated by a need to adjust to the colder conditions of life in the mountains, or by a need for protection from the seasonal typhoons that periodically sweep westward across the Pacific to southern Taiwan.

Finally, accounts such as that of Cunningham (1964) and Schulte Nordholt (1971:428ff) make it clear that the dualistic cosmological symbolism embodied in the Atoni house distinguishes ‘male’ and ‘female’ posts, associated respectively with the right and left sides. Although the similar dualistic distinction in Manam appears to be based on the length of the post itself rather than on its position within the larger domestic structure, it appears very likely from this linguistic symbolism that speakers of PCEMP made use of some type of dualistic symbolism which was expressed as a male/female contrast in certain of the supporting posts for the house.


*Sadu many, much, plenty


PAN     *Sadu many, much, plenty

Puyuma saɖumany (objects, animals; but not human beings)
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) sazumany, much (of non-human) (Tsuchida 1980)


PMP     *hadu much, many, plenty

Yami aromany; much
Itbayaten aromany, plenty, abundant, numerous
Ilokano adúmany, much, plenty
  ag-adúto augment, increase
  um-adúto augment, increase
  ka-adútotal number, quantity
  man-ag-adúmultiplying; a variety of mushroom
  sagg-adúmany for each
Atta (Pamplona) arumany
Agta (Central Cagayan) addumany
Isneg adúmany, much, plenty
Itawis arúmany
Bontok maŋ-adúincrease in volume, of a river in flood
Kankanaey adúmany; much; a great many; a great deal; plenty of; numerous
  maŋ-in-adúrain heavily, pour with rain (used only in tales)
Ifugaw adúmany, much
Casiguran Dumagat ádua great amount; crowd; to increase, become many; many, a lot, much
Dohoi aroʔmany
Erai arumuch, many


POC     *aru many, much

Arosi arumany; of men, islands, etc.


*Sajek smell; to smell (transitive)


PAN     *Sajek smell; to smell (transitive)

Saisiyat s-om-azekto smell
Atayal sokto smell
Proto-Atayalic *saukto smell
Pazeh sa-sazekto smell, perceive odor
Sakizaya mi-sanəkto sniff, smell
Amis saneka bad odor, smell
Amis (Central) sanekto sniff, smell something


PMP     *hajek smell, sniff, kiss

Itbayaten harekidea of kissing hard for respect
Ilokano agékto kiss
Sambal (Botolan) alekto kiss
Ayta Abellan alekto kiss
Tagalog halíkto kiss
Bikol hadóka kiss
Hanunóo ʔárukkiss, kissing, i.e., with the nose, sniffing lightly against the nose or cheek of another
Aklanon haeókto kiss
Hiligaynon halúkkiss, peck on the cheek
Cebuano halúkkiss, sniff, putting the nose next to the person kissed; to kiss
Maranao arekkiss
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) hazekto smell, to kiss
Tiruray ʔarekto kiss
Bonggi adeksniff, smell
Murut (Timugon) aloksniff, smell
Bisaya areksniff, kiss
Belait n-adaʔto sniff, smell
Berawan (Long Terawan) m-areʔto sniff, kiss
Narum adaksniff, smell, kiss
Sebop m-arekto sniff, smell
Kenyah (Long Anap) m-adeksniff, smell
Kayan areka kiss, to kiss
Kiput adəksniff, smell, kiss
Melanau (Mukah) adeksniff, smell, kiss
Bukat m-arəkto smell
Tunjung k-araksniff, smell
Old Javanese arekkiss
Balinese adeksmell, be smelt, follow a scent
Proto-Sangiric *adikto kiss
Mongondow ayokkiss
Soboyo hayoʔto sniff, smell


PEMP     *ajek smell, sniff, kiss

Numfor yāsnative manner of kissing, by sniffing the face


POC     *acok to sniff, kiss

Seimat aso-ito sniff, smell
Wuvulu atoto sniff, smell
Lakalai asoto sniff, smell (something)
Ali lasto sniff, smell
Molima yasoto smell (something)
Gilbertese aro-boismell, scent, the sense of smell
  arok-ito smell or scent an odor
Rotuman asoto kiss


PWMP     *meŋ-hajek to sniff, kiss

Ida'an Begak meŋ-aroksniff, smell
Melanau (Mukah) meŋ-adeksniff, smell
Lahanan ŋ-areksniff, smell
Balinese ŋ-adekto smell (something)
Mongondow moŋ-ayokto kiss
Banggai moŋ-oyok-i <Ato kiss


PPh     *hajek-an to kiss

Itbayaten harek-anto kiss
Ilokano agk-ánto kiss
Tagalog halik-ánkiss someone
Bikol hadók-anto kiss
Hanunóo ʔaruk-ánkissing
Cebuano hagk-án-ango somewhere to kiss something as part of tradition


PAN     *Sajek-en to smell

Saisiyat sazek-ento smell
Balinese adek-insmell this!

Note:   Also Amis hanek ‘a bad odor, smell’, Tboli melek ‘kiss’, Singhi Land Dayak koduk ‘to smell (something)’, Atoni at nɛk ‘to kiss’, Mono-Alu aho ‘to sniff, smell’, Roviana aho-a ‘to kiss (someone/something)’, vari aho ‘kiss one another’. Although only the general meaning ‘to smell (transitive)’ can confidently be associated with PAn *Sajek, it is clear from the distribution of semantic reflexes that PMP *hajek referred specifically to the traditional nose kiss of MP-speaking peoples.


*SakuC transport piecemeal; tranport through repeated trips


PAN     *SakuC transport piecemeal; tranport through repeated trips

Kavalan saquttransport something
Puyuma akuTtransport
Paiwan sakutsroute over which things are moved
  s-m-akutsmove objects from one place to another; move objects over same route more than one trip
  ma-sakutsbe moved
  pa-sakutscause things to be moved
  pa-sakuts-anplace to which things will be moved


PMP     *hakut transport piecemeal; transport through repeated trips

Itbayaten hakotidea of transporting
Casiguran Dumagat akottransport something from one place to another
Ayta Maganchi akotto haul, carry, bring along
Tagalog hákotload, loading (in quantity); act of carrying or loading away, or transporting away
Bikol hákotto transport, usually by carrying
Hanunóo ʔákutpacking, carrying on one's back, of slung over one's back
  mag-ʔákuttransport goods in this manner
Aklanon hákotget, gather, bundle up
Hiligaynon hákutcarry to another place, bring in successive loads, transport
Cebuano hákutcarry or haul something in several trips
  hakut-an-anplace where something one hauls is obtained; place where things are hauled; something used in hauling things
Maranao akotcarry, transport
Binukid hakutcarry, ahul (something) in several trips
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) hakuthaul a quantity of something which requires more than one trip
Mansaka akotcarry repeatedly in order to move something from one place to another (this activity does not mean carrying a lot at once, but rather repeated trips until all is carried as planned)
Banjarese hangkutto move (as house), transport
Iban aŋkutcarry in many loads or continuously, shift, remove, esp. of bringing in the harvest
Maloh aŋkuttake away
Malay aŋkutcarrying away piecemeal. Of loading and unloading cargo, transporting water a pail at a time, a mason-bee bringing mud for its nest
Mongondow mog-akutgo back and forth repeatedly in order to bring or carry something, put something down, or into something else, as rice, corn, firewood, etc.
Kaidipang akutoto carry piecemeal
Wolio aŋkubring, take somebody somewhere, accompany, conduct, render the last sad office to a dying person


PWMP     *maŋ-hakut transport piecemeal; transport through repeated trips

Singhi Land Dayak ŋ-akotcarry a child in a cloth
Malay meŋ-aŋkutcarry away piecemeal, transport

Note:   The fundamental idea expressed in this comparison is that of removing a material from one location to another as result of repeated trips between the two sites. The natural prototype for such a concept may have been the activity of the mason bee in securing mud for its nest (see *hakut hakut). However, if this activity served as a model for the semantics of *SakuC it appears that its distinctive feature (repeated trips over the same route) had already been abstracted and put to more general use by PAn times.


*Salas forest, wilderness, woods


PAN     *Salas forest, wilderness, woods

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) ar-arasforest


PMP     *halas forest, wilderness, woods, jungle

Itbayaten axasforest-to-be
Ifugaw ála(h)communal forest
Cebuano i-hálasof the jungle; ignorant; become wild, ignorant
  bábuy-ŋ i-hálaswild pigs
Modang (Long Glat) lasforest, jungle
Lawangan alaswoods
Malagasy alaa forest, a wood
Samihim taun alahwoods
Malay alasjungle, forest (used in Java)
Old Javanese alaswood, forest; also: quantity of flowers or plants growing in a thick cluster
Javanese alasforest; jungle; non-irrigated agricultural land
Madurese alas alasjungle
Balinese alasuninhabited land, jungle, forest; desert, wilderness; wild
Totoli alasjungle
Tae' alaʔbush, forest, jungle
Buginese aleʔforest
  aleʔ aleʔbushes, weeds (as in an overgrown garden)
Makasarese (Salayar) alasaʔforest, jungle
Bimanese araforest, jungle
Rembong alasforest, jungle
Kambera alahudark woods
Tetun alasforest, woods, thicket of scrub
Talur alasforest
Kisar alhaforest, jungle
Wetan alalarge forest, wilderness
Selaru alasforest, jungle
Yamdena alasforest, jungle


PWMP     *ka-halas-an (gloss uncertain)

Itbayaten ka-axas-anforest, woods
Ifugaw k-alláh-anprivate forest
Maranao k-alas-anforest, woods
Binukid k-alas-anforest, jungle, woods
Old Javanese k-ālas-anovergrown by the forest


PWMP     *halas-an forested area, wilderness

Ifugaw aláh-anforested zone
Malay oraŋ hutan alas-ana forest dweller
Javanese alas-anuncultivated, uncivilized
  woŋ alas-anforest-dweller; boor
Balinese alas-anwilderness, inaccessible wild area


PMP     *halas + "dark" primary forest, primeval jungle

Malagasy ála maízinadense forest (lit. 'dark forest')
Kambera na alahu kapàtaŋuimpenetrable forest (lit. 'dark forest')


PWMP     *halas Raya primary forest, virgin jungle (lit. 'big forest')

Malagasy ala bea great or thick forest (lit. 'big forest')
Madurese alas rajāprimeval forest; virgin jungle (lit. 'big forest')

Note:   Also Lampung las ‘forest, jungle’, Ngadha kala ‘thicket, forest, jungle’. Dempwolff (1934-38) reconstructed both *halas (in the form *alas) and *quCaN (in the form *hutan) meaning ‘forest’. It is now clear, however, that PMP *halas was a general term for ‘forest, jungle’, while PMP *qutan (also PAn *quCaN?) referred to a particular category of flora which is perhaps best described by Brown's (1984) term ‘grerb’ (‘small plant relative to the plant inventory of a particular environment whose parts are chiefly herbaceous (green, leafy, nonwoody)’. It thus included various grasses, herbs, bushes and the like (some of which were useful and some not) which probably were conceptually united by their being noncultivated plants associated with the wilderness.


(Formosan only)

*Samaq a plant: Lactuca indica Linn., and Sonchus oleraceus Linn.


PAN     *Samaq a plant: Lactuca indica Linn., and Sonchus oleraceus Linn.

Kavalan samicommon sow thistle: Sonchus oleraceus Linn.
Pazeh samaa plant: Sonchus oleraceus Linn.
  sama binayua plant, Lactuca indica, used to reduce fever (binayu = ‘mountain, forest’)
Amis samaʔtender edible greens which look somewhat like dandelions
Thao shamaqlow-lying plant with purple berries and long soft leaves that are boiled and eaten for their antifebrile properties: Lactuca indica
Bunun (Takituduh) samaqa plant, Lactuca indica
Kanakanabu samaʔəplant sp.: Lactuca indica
Rukai (Budai) samaplant sp.: Lactuca indica
Paiwan samaqan herb: Lactuca indica

Note:   Also Seediq (Tkdaya) sama balay, Tsou samaka, Saaroa samaʔə. This comparison was first noted by Li (1994).


*SameCi a plant: Solanum nigrum


PAN     *SameCi a plant: Solanum nigrum

Tsou micia plant: Solanum nigrum
Paiwan sametsia plant: Solanum nigrum


PMP     *hameti a plant: Solanum nigrum

Isneg amsíthe nightshade, Solanum nigrum L. Its young leaves are used for vegetables; eating these cooked young leaves cures the it-itól disease of the eyes
Bontok ʔamtía tall herb used for pig food, and cultivated as a vegetable substitute: Solanum nigrum L. (Solanaceae)
Kankanaey amtínightshade: Solanum nigrum Linn.; a common solanaceous weed with white flowers and small black berries
Ifugaw (Batad) amtíblack nightshade: a broad-leafed plant, Solanum nigrum [Sol.] planted in upland fields … or on mounds … along a pondfield dyke. The leaves and young shoots are boiled and eaten as a side dish

Note:   Also Kanakanabu namíci, Saaroa ɬamici, Rukai (Maga) amicu, Rukai (Tona) amici, Itbayaten humtiSolanum nigrum Linn.’, Ilokano amtík ~ agamtík ‘nightshade plant, Solanum nigrum’, Hanunóo untí ‘a small wild herbaceous plant (Solanum nigrum Linn.); the young leaves are used as a green vegetable by the Hanunóo’, Maranao moti ‘morel plant: Solanum nigrum L.’, Manobo (Western Bukidnon) muti ‘a plant: Solanum nigrum’, Javanese ranti ‘tomato’, Manggarai kenti ‘a wild vegetable: Solanum nigrum’. This word shows multiple irregular variations, making any reconstruction difficult. I have arbitrarily chosen to compare Paiwan sametsi with forms in other languages that are ambiguous for initial *S or zero.

Finally, I am indebted to R. David Zorc for drawing my attention to the Itbayaten and Manobo (Western Bukidnon) forms, and for reminding me that he proposed an alternative reconstruction, *SamŭCi, in Zorc (1982:118). Zorc’s motivation for positing an unstressed high back vowel in this form was to relate the otherwise unexplained high back vowels in Maga Rukai amicu (metathesis of *i and *u), Itbayaten humti (metathesis of *a and *u), Hanunóo untí (metathesis of *a and *u), Maranao moti, and Manobo (Western Bukidnon) muti.

The precarious nature of this reconstruction, however, should be obvious, since: it requires the assumption of 1) two different metathesis patterns in three different languages, 2) an irregular loss of *S- in Hanunóo and Manobo (Western Bukidnon) (this would be equally true if these forms were assigned to the present reconstruction), 3) syncope of an unstressed low vowel *a in Itbayaten and Hanunóo, and 4) an irregular loss of prepenultimate *a (rather than reduction to schwa) in Manobo (Western Bukidnon). Moreover, it forces us to assume that the well-known syncope of schwa /VC__CV also applied to other vowels, including both *u and *a. I know of no evidence that might justify this assumption, which should be apparent in any of these languages that undergo rightward stress shift through suffixation (none of them shows a syncope pattern when this happens). Add to this the fact that the initial consonants of the Kanakanabu, Javanese, and Manggarai forms, the medial vowel of the Kanakanabu, Saaroa and Rukai forms, and the final consonant of the Ilokano form are unexplained by either reconstruction, and it appears clearly preferable to settle on *SameCi and leave the rest of these apparently related but wildly irregular forms unexplained.


(Formosan only)

*Samud a plant, sesame: Sesamum indicum


PAN     *Samud a plant, sesame: Sesamum indicum

Kavalan samuzsesame: Sesamum indicum
Saisiyat ʃamorsesame: Sesamum indicum

Note:   Since most varieties of sesame are native to subsaharan Africa and the Indian subcontinent, the antiquity of sesame in Taiwan is unclear. Nonetheless the forms given here exhibit regular sound correspondences, are glossed ‘sesame’ in both sources, and appear to be directly inherited in both languages. It is possible that the referent is a similar plant which is yet to be botanically identified.


(Formosan only)

*Sanaq river otter


PAN     *Sanaq river otter

Kavalan saniotter
Thao shanaqriver otter
Paiwan sanaqotter

Note:   It is unclear whether this word originally referred to sea otters, river otters or both. Within recorded history sea otters have not extended as far south as Taiwan, so our best guess is that *Sanaq referred exclusively to river otters.


*SapaR unroll a mat, spread out a mat


PAN     *SapaR unroll a mat, spread out a mat

Kavalan s-m-apaRto lay mats (Li 1982:490)
Seediq s-m-apawspread a mat (Li 1982a:176)
  spag-ispread the mat!
Paiwan s-m-apaspread out (on ground); put pad of leaves between burden and one's back


PMP     *hampaR unroll a mat, spread out a mat

Sambal (Tina) apáymat
Ngaju Dayak amparwhat is spread out (mats, carpets, etc.)
Malagasy ámpatrastretched out, as the legs, or a corpse immediately after death
Banjarese hamparspread out a mat
Iban amparspread (as a cloth on a table)
Malay (h)amparspreading out horizontally (of bedrock, outspread carpets, pitching tents, opening out mats, spreading wings)
Acehnese hampato spread out; to be spread out, as a stone that from above appears stretched out and flat
Karo Batak amparlie on the ground
  apar-apara little mat in a bird cage; an old pad under a new sitting or sleeping mat
Toba Batak ampar-ana broad mat
Lampung apaymat
Sundanese ŋ-amparto spread out (as a mat)
  sa-ampar samakas far as the mat stretches ( = to border on)
Javanese amparfloor
  ampar-anmat to sit on
Sasak apahanything used to sit on (mat, cushion, etc.)
Tae' ampaʔspread out; mat
  ampaʔ-ispread out on, over, cover with
  ti-ampaʔspread out, as a mat; dispersed, as a multitude of people
Proto-South Sulawesi *a(m)pa(r)unroll, spread out
Buginese appaʔlayer, mat
Makasarese aparaʔspread out (as a carpet)


PAN     *S<um>apaR unroll, spread out a mat

Kavalan s-m-apaRto lay mats (Li 1982b:490)
Toba Batak m-amparbe scattered, of cattle, things people, hamlets, etc.
Buginese m-appaʔuse a protective lining or mat


PWMP     *hapaR-an a mat

Toba Batak ampar-ana broad mat
Javanese ampar-anmat to sit on

Note:   Also Saisiyat (Taai) ʃapəl (< *SapeN) ‘spread a mat, lay a mat’. Despite occasional nominal derivatives, PAn *SapaR, PMP *hampaR clearly was a verb meaning ‘to spread out’. Its prototype referent appears to have been the unrolling of mats onto the ground, although in several witnesses metaphorical extensions refer to the dispersal of small discrete objects. Under his *hampa(r) ‘spread out, stretch out’ Dempwolff (1934-38) also included proposed cognates in a number of Oceanic languages (e.g. Sa'a epa ‘to lie as a mat, of yam vines’, Fijian yabata ‘cover up with mats’, Tongan ʔepa ‘mats (collectively) given to a bride’). None of these appear to belong to the present cognate set, nor to be related to one another.


*Sapejiq smarting, stinging pain


PAN     *Sapejiq smarting, stinging pain     [doublet: *hapejes, *hapejis]

Paiwan sapediqbe tender-footed; feet hurt (cited as sa-pediq)


PMP     *hapejiq smarting, stinging pain

Itbayaten hapdihairy appendages of plant leaf
  ma-hapdiitching caused by riceplant, corn, caterpillar
Ibanag na-feggistinging pain
Sambal (Tina) aplíʔpain
Sambal (Botolan) ma-ʔapliʔstinging pain
Tagalog hapdíʔsmarting, excruciating pain
Bikol hapdíʔsmarting or burning of the eyes
Aklanon hápdiʔcause pain, smart, hurt a lot; be in pain, feel a smarting pain
Hiligaynon hápdiʔpainful, smarting pain; pain sting
Maranao pediʔlonging for particular food, hunger for something particular; appetite
Subanon ompodiʔsting
Tiruray fedéʔ(of a wound) smarting; (of the stomach) feeling hunger pangs
Tboli hedéksting; smart (as salt in an open wound)
Kadazan Dusun opodismarting (of pain)
Kelabit pedʰiʔsalty
Berawan (Long Terawan) pecistinging, smarting (as a wound in contact with salt)
Bintulu pəɗiʔhot (of the sun, water)
Malay pedéhsmart, ache (of an eye hurt by glare, of by the intrusion of smoke, or by the gases of a volcanic eruption
Karo Batak pegihunenjoyable, as bitter medicine, sour spices
  pegih ukurvery painful, suffer agony
Sundanese pɨrihstinging of the eyes, shooting pain, as in the intestines; sharp, smarting pain
Javanese perihhurt, sting
Balinese perihpainful
Sasak pedihsad, mournful; stingy
Bare'e poismarting

Note:   Also Malagasy fery ‘wound, hurt, ulcer, sore’, Iban pediʔ ‘sharp pain, sting, smart’, Old Javanese pəDe, pəDay ‘to smart (of the eyes; from sleep, bright light, etc.)’, Balinese pedih ‘angry, express anger’. Dempwolff (1934-38) posited *pe[dD]iq ‘hurt, ache’, but his comparison was restricted to languages of western Indonesia. The Malay reflex of *Sapejiq does not show the expected development of an original trisyllable with medial *e (cf. Blust 1982).


*Sapiq flattened


PAN     *Sapiq flattened

Thao ma-shapiqslightly flattened on the sides, of roundish objects (as a citrus fruit that has been pressed in on the sides)
  min-shapiqbecome flattened, of a round or other three-dimensional object


PMP     *hapiq flattened, as plants to the ground

Cebuano hápiʔfor plants to bend flat to the ground (as corn bent flat by a strong wind)


*Sapit press together, press between two surfaces


PAN     *Sapit press together, press between two surfaces

Paiwan sapitjbook
  s-m-apitjput in a pile (papers, etc.)
  pa-sapitjput between others (as papers); put in a book


PMP     *hapit press together, press between two surfaces; part of the loom

Tagalog hápitpressing tight between two hard objects
  hapíttight-fitting (said of dresses or the like); taut, tense
Hanunóo hápitpressing tightly against something
Iban apitsqueeze, press; next in order
Maloh apitpinch, nip
Malay (h)apitpressure between two disconnected surfaces (as in a copying press or printing-press); torture by pressure
Karo Batak apitclip; trap
Simalungun Batak apitpinched, squeezed
Sundanese hapitpart of the native loom (that against which the galeger sits pressed, and that the weaver wears)
Old Javanese (h)apitenclosed, squeezed, pressed; "inserted", name of the 11th and 12th months
Balinese apitplace between two things, shut in on both sides; be between
Sasak apitsqueezed in
  apit baŋkethe middle child
  apitpart of the loom
Gorontalo wapitotouch, be touched
Banggai ampitwhat is folded
Tae' apiʔpart of the loom consisting of two wooden slats between which the thread is pinched. It is located in front of the weaver and is bound to the hip yoke with thongs of buffalo hide
Buruese api-hpinch, squeeze; pick up or hold with tongs


POC     *apit pinch, squeeze

Nggela avipick up a stone from the oven with tongs


PWMP     *maŋ-hapit pinch, squeeze, enclose

Karo Batak ŋ-apitpinch or squeeze something; lie between
Old Javanese aŋ-apitenclose on both sides, flank; grip, clamp
Balinese ŋ-apitplace between two things, shut in on both sides
Sasak ŋ-apitsqueeze in
Banggai maŋ-ampitto fold


PWMP     *paŋ-hapit instrument used to press

Bahasa Indonesia peŋ-apittwo people who stand on the right and left of the bride or groom
Karo Batak peŋ-apitbamboo laths between which one presses something
Makasarese paŋŋ-apiʔyoung women who flank the bride; young men who flank the groom


PWMP     *hapit-an pinching apparatus

Tagalog hapit-ánpressing or tensing apparatus or machine
Balinese apit-ana trap; a bet, wager; a sort of claw with which women fasten the warp in the loom


PWMP     *hapit hapit pinching apparatus

Karo Batak apit-apitthe two lowest laths of the loom, between which the warp is pressed
Javanese apit-apiton both sides
Balinese apit-apita split bamboo into which the ribs of the roof run

Note:   Also Buruese afi-h ‘press, clamp’. With root *-pit ‘press, squeeze together; narrow’. Dempwolff (1934-38) included Sa'a äpi ‘hold under the arm, hold close to the body’, Tongan ʔapiʔapi ‘crowded or crammed’, and Samoan apiapi ‘narrow’, apit-ia ‘be wedged in, be confined’ as reflexes of *ha(m)pit ‘hold together’, but I regard these as non-cognate.

In addition to their general verbal meanings, reflexes of PWMP *hapit have two recurrent nominal senses: 1. the members of a wedding party who flank (‘squeeze in’) the bride or groom at the wedding ceremony, and 2. a part of the indigenous backstrap loom. The distribution of forms with the former meaning is limited to two known languages (Bahasa Indonesia, Makasarese), and probably is due to borrowing. Reflexes of *hapit which refer to a part of the backstrap loom are, however, more widespread (Karo Batak, Sundanese, Balinese, Sasak, Tae'), and are less likely to be products of diffusion.

More difficult is the problem of achieving an exact gloss: with reference to the loom PWMP *hapit evidently designated a structure consisting of two wooden slats between which the warp threads were pinched. Judging from the glosses in Sundanese and Tae', this structure extended across the lap of a seated weaver, and was bound at its ends by thongs which extended around her padded hips so as to control the desired tension on the warp threads.


*SapSap feel, grope


PAN     *SapSap feel, grope     [doublet: *kapkap, *SapuSap]

Amis sapsapfeel with one's hands; figuratively feel: find out
Thao sh<m>apshapfeel for something without seeing it; grope


PMP     *haphap feel, grope

Maranao apapgrope, touch, feel
  apap-ʔapaptouch gently, rub lightly, fondle


*SapuSap feel, grope


PAN     *SapuSap feel, grope     [doublet: *SapSap]

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) apuapgrope (in a bag, or in the dark)


PMP     *hapuhap feel, grope

Ifugaw apúapact of feeling, groping, fumbling
Ifugaw (Batad) apūaprub any part of the body with the open palm, as to rub an insect bite, an area that has been bumped
Aklanon hapuhápfeel around, feel for (something -- as when searching a thief for something stolen or for a weapon)
Cebuano hapúhapstroke gently back and forth with little pressure
Maranao apoʔapfumble, grope
Manobo (Dibabawon) (h)apu(h)apstroke with palm of hand

Note:   Also Tagalog apuháp ‘feel out by extending the hand’, Bikol hapíhap ‘rub gently; caress, fondle, pet, stroke’.


*Sapuy fire


PAN     *Sapuy fire

Saisiyat hapoyfire
Proto-Atayalic *hapu-niq, hapuyfire
Pazeh hapwi, hapuyfire
Thao apuyfire
Bunun sapuđfire
Hoanya dzapufire
Tsou puzufire
Kanakanabu apúlufire
Siraya (Gravius) apuyfire
Proto-Rukai *apoyfire
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) apuyfire
Paiwan sapuya fire; artificial light


PMP     *hapuy fire

Itbayaten hapoyfire
Ilokano apúyfire
Isneg apúyfire
Itawis afífire, light
Kalinga (Guinaang) apúyfire
Bontok ʔapúyfire
Ifugaw apúyfire
Ifugaw (Batad) apúyset fire to something, revive a fire from coals
Casiguran Dumagat apóyfire, firewood
Pangasinan apóyfire; start a fire
Sambal (Tina) apóyfire
Ayta Abellan apoyfire
Tagalog apóyfire, flame
Hanunóo ʔapúyfire
Palawan Batak ʔapóyfire
Maranao apoyfire; work rapidly like fire; stimulate one to fever pitch
Manobo (Ata) hapuyfire
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) hapuyfire
Tiruray ʔafeyfire
Molbog apuyfire
Tboli ofifire
Dumpas apuyfire
Kadazan Dusun t-apuyfire
Abai Sembuak afuyfire
Kelabit apuyfire
Kenyah apuyfire
Murik apifire
Kayan apuyfire, a light
Melanau (Mukah) apuyfire
Bukat apuyfire
Bekatan apoyfire
Kejaman apuyfire
Lahanan apuyfire
Melanau (Matu) apuyfire
Kanowit apoyfire
Ngaju Dayak apuyfire
Paku apuyfire
Ma'anyan apuyfire
Malagasy afofire; calamity (fig.)
Dusun Witu apuyfire
Iban apifire, light, lamp, spark
Maloh apifire
Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) apuyfire
Singhi Land Dayak opuyfire
Proto-Chamic *apuyfire
Tsat puy³³fire
Moken apuyfire
Malay apifire; flame; light (of lighthouse); fiery
Acehnese apuyfire
Simalur axoefire
Karo Batak apifire
Toba Batak apifire
Mentawai apifire
Lampung apuyfire
Sundanese apuyfire (archaic)
Old Javanese apuy, apwifire
Javanese apisteam; warm oneself by the fire
Madurese apoyfire
Balinese apifire
Sasak apifire
Proto-Minahasan *apifire
Tonsea apifire
Tontemboan apifire
Totoli (h)apifire
Ampibabo-Lauje apifire
Balantak apufire
Bare'e apufire
Tae' apifire
Mori Atas apuifire
Moronene apifire
Proto-South Sulawesi *apifire
Mandar apifire
Makasarese apifire
Bonerate apifire
Popalia apifire
Palauan ŋáufire
  ŋuí-llabor pains
Chamorro guafifire, combustion, conflagration, burning mass of material; to anger, to vex
Bimanese afifire
Komodo apifire
Manggarai apifire
Ngadha apifire; burn
Keo apifire
Riung apifire
Li'o apifire
Sika apifire
Kodi apifire
Waiyewa apifire
Anakalangu apifire
Kambera epifire
Hawu àifire
Dhao/Ndao aifire
Helong aifire
Tetun ahifire
Vaikenu aifire
Erai aifire
East Damar aifire
Moa aifire
Wetan aifire (used in compounds only)
Selaru aifire
Fordata yafufire
Kei yaffire
Kola effire
Watubela afifire
Elat aufire
Bonfia yāffire
Teluti yafofire
Paulohi afufire
Gah aiffire
Proto-Ambon *apu(y)fire
Laha aufire
Hitu aufire
Asilulu aufire
Manipa aufire
Boano₂ aufire
Batu Merah aowfire
Morella aowfire
Amblau afufire


PEMP     *api fire

Kowiai/Koiwai laffire
Buli yapfire
Mayá ꞌla¹²pfire
As yapfire
Minyaifuin yapfire
Arguni yaffire


POC     *api fire

Ahus yahfire
Likum jehfire
Ponam jaffire
Sori japfire
Seimat ahfire
Wuvulu afifire
Kaniet afifire
Tanga iffire
Arop yaifire
Gedaged yafire, conflagration, combustion, ignition
Gitua yapfire
Yabem jafire
Numbami yawifire
Adzera zaffire
Motu lahifire
Bwaidoga/Bwaidoka aifire
Luangiua ahifire
Gilbertese aifire; (fig.) fervor, passion, ardor; get red, glow
Kosraean efire
Pohnpeian ahifire
Mokilese oaifire
Chuukese ááffire
Woleaian yaffire, flame, blaze
Lehalurup epfire
Motlav n-epfire
Mota avfire
Vatrata n-evfire
Lakona evfire
Nokuku ɔvifire
Northeast Ambae afifire
Leviamp n-ap̋fire
Makatea afifire
Tongan afifire (in general)
  mata afifire (single fire, not fire in general)
Samoan afifire; light (to light a fire with, i.e. smouldering stick etc.), brand
Kapingamarangi ahifire
Rennellese ahifire
Anuta apifire
Rarotongan aʔifire, light: that which burns or sheds a light or heat
Maori ahifire
Hawaiian ahifire, match, lightning; burn in a fire, destroy by fire


PWMP     *ma-hapuy fiery, on fire

Tagalog ma-apóyfiery
Acehnese meu-ʔapuyburning, sending off sparks
Tontemboan ma-apicatch flame, burn; warm oneself by a fire


PWMP     *maŋ-hapuy set on fire

Ifugaw (Batad) maN-apuyset fire to; revive a fire
Pangasinan maN-apoystart a fire
Kadazan Dusun maŋ-apuito spark, to sparkle
Iban ŋ-apimake a fire flare up; cook with a fire
Malay meŋ-apimake mischief (proverbial)
Bahasa Indonesia meŋ-apilike fire, resembling fire, becoming fire
Old Javanese aŋ-apipurify by fire
  aŋ-apuybe on fire, to flame, blaze; set on fire, inflame, burn
Tontemboan meŋ-apispew out fire, of volcanoes
Bare'e meŋ-apubegin to cook with a new fire


PWMP     *maŋ-hapuy-i apply fire to

Toba Batak maŋ-api-ilay wood on the fire
Old Javanese aŋ-apuy-iset fire to; inflame, rouse to anger
Madurese ŋ-apoy-eapply fire to, heat with fire


PWMP     *maR-hapuy build a fire (?)

Ilokano ag-apúycook rice
Isneg max-apúybuild a fire
  mag-apúycook rice
Casiguran Dumagat meg-apoyto collect firewood
Malay ber-apicontaining fire; producing fire
Toba Batak mar-apihave fire, be fiery
Balinese mah-apibe fiery, be on fire
Tae' maʔ-api-apiplay with fire


PMP     *pa-hapuy-an firewood, what is used to make a fire

Itbayaten pa-hapoy-ansomething with which you build a fire
Tontemboan pa-api-anpiece of firewood; what one uses to start a fire


POC     *papian firewood, what is used to make a fire

Gilbertese aiafirewood, fuel
Woleaian fafiy(a)firewood
Tongan fefiefirewood, fuel
Samoan fafiefirewood
Anuta papiefirewood
Rarotongan vaʔiefirewood
Maori wahiefirewood
Hawaiian wahiefuel, firewood; to serve as firewood

Note:   Also Nukuoro lahhie ‘firewood’. Walsh and Biggs (1966) give Rarotongan vaʔie ‘firewood’, but this appears as vaie, with unexplained zero reflex for medial *f in their reported source (Savage 1962). Although the Oceanic forms can be regularly derived from PMP *pa-hapuy-an, and although POc preserved *api ‘fire’ it is unlikely that the morphological relationship between *api and *papian was apparent to speakers of POc, which had already undergone such a thorough morphological restructuring that many original morpheme boundaries were completely concealed from the average speaker. Except for the reported Maori variant fafia, all Polynesian reflexes show an irregular fronting of the final vowel, a change that presumably had already occurred in PPn, perhaps giving rise to doublets *fafie and *fafia.


PWMP     *paŋ-hapuy (gloss uncertain)

Ifugaw (Batad) paN-apuywhat is used to make a fire
Old Javanese paŋ-apuyset on fire


PWMP     *paR-hapuy-an fireplace, hearth

Maranao pag-apoi-anfireplace
Malay per-api-anfireplace, hearth
Toba Batak par-api-anhearth, fireplace
Javanese pr-apè-nfireplace; place for an open fire, e.g. a blacksmith's forge


PWMP     *h<in>apuy (gloss uncertain)

Ilokano in-apúycooked rice
Isneg in-apúycooked rice
Old Javanese in-api, in-apuybe on fire


PAN     *S<um>apuy (gloss uncertain)

Paiwan s-m-apuycarry a torch or light


PMP     *h<um>apuy (gloss uncertain)

Ifugaw (Batad) um-apuythat with which something is burned, i.e. a fire
Casiguran Dumagat um-apoystart a fire


PWMP     *hapuy-an fireplace, hearth

Ifugaw (Batad) apuy-anthat burned, as wood; that revived, i.e. coals
Tagalog ápuy-anstove, fireplace; matchbox, tinderbox; lighter
Melanau (Mukah) puy-anhearth
Tontemboan api-anbring fire to, apply fire to


PWMP     *hapuy hapuy₁ firefly

Karo Batak api apifirefly
Seko ampi-apifirefly (Mills 1975:621)


PWMP     *hapuy hapuy₂ tree sp.

Malagasy (Sakalava) afi-afya tree
Iban apia tree: Calophyllum obliquinervium Merr.
Malay api apia mangrove-class (Loranthaceae); Avicenna sp., esp. Avicenna officinalis, very bright-colored, almost fiery amid darker neighbors
Karo Batak api apitree sp.
Toba Batak api apitree with reddish wood that yields good timber
Nias afiʔafikind of wood
Sasak api apiplant with dark red flowers and finger-shaped leaves
Bare'e apitree sp.
Makasarese api apitree that grows on swampy ground and riverbanks, used as firewood

Note:   Also Kankanaey apey ‘fire; burning; conflagration; combustion; light’, Kapampangan apíʔ ‘fire, flame, spark’, Balinese ampi ‘fire’, Sasak perapen ‘smithy, forge’ (Javanese loan), Rotinese haʔi ‘fire’, Leti w~ai ‘fire’, Lakalai havi ‘fire’. Many reflexes of *Sapuy are affixed in a variety of ways. Some of the cross-linguistic agreements in morphologically complex forms of this morpheme appear to reflect affixed proto-forms, while others appear to be products of convergence. Among the latter are the following:

1) Ifugaw (Batad) i-apuy ‘that with which something is burned, i.e. a fire’, Tontemboan i-api ‘the time specified for a woman who is about to give birth to be exposed to heat; that which is used for warming her’;
2) Kapampangan mam-apiʔ ‘is sparking, is on fire’, Ngaju Dayak mam-apuy ‘roast (fish, etc.) over a fire’; Mandar me-api-aŋ ‘cooking place, hearth’,
3) Itbayaten mapa-hapoy ‘to produce fire’, Tontemboan mapa-api ‘warm oneself, stay by a fire’,
4) Paiwan pe-sapuy ‘catch on fire’, Isneg pag-apúy ‘allow (somebody) to cook rice’, Ngaju Dayak p-api ‘what is roasted in the fire’;
5) Paiwan pu-sapuy-an ‘fireplace’, Ifugaw pun-apuy-án ‘fireplace, hearth’.

In addition, *hapuy hapuy ‘firefly’ may be a convergent innovation (cf. PWMP *qali-petpet ‘firefly’), and various other reduplicated forms of *hapuy almost certainly are products of historically independent innovations, as with Karo Batak api api ‘caterpillar with hairs that cause strong itching’, Old Javanese apuy apuy ‘light a fire; sit near a fire (?)’, and Tontemboan api api ‘kind of bird, named from its red breast’.


*SaRuŋ snore, groan, etc.


PAN     *SaRuŋ snore, groan, etc.     [doublet: *heReŋ, *heRuŋ]

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) h-əm-aruŋsnore (Ting 1978)


PMP     *haRuŋ snore, groan, etc.

Bikol hagúŋ-húŋto hum (something), to buzz
Aklanon hágoŋgroan, moan (due to severe pain or sickness)
  hagóŋin death throes due to disease
Cebuano háguŋcontinuous humming, high-pitched sound
Malay meŋ-aroŋgrowl, of a dog

Note:   Also Hanunóo, Cebuano háguk ‘snore’.


*Sasak ripe; cooked


PAN     *Sasak ripe; cooked     [doublet: *esak]

Bunun sasakcooking, boiling


PMP     *hasak ripe; cooked     [doublet: *esak]

Kadazan Dusun ansakcook, ripen (intr.)
Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) asakripe; cooked
Simalur ancaʔcook, make ripe
Sundanese asakripe; cooked


PAN     *ma-Sasak ripe; cooked     [doublet: *esak]

Bunun ma-sasakcook, boil; bear fruits, ripen; mature (of a woman)


PMP     *ma-hasak ripe, cooked

Malagasy másakaripe, cooked; agreed upon; matured, of thoughts or intentions
Malay masakripe (fruit or grain), cooked (food)
Simalur m-ancaʔcooked, ripe
Palauan márəkripe (i.e. ready to eat); cooked
Chamorro masaripe, cooked
Kamarian masa-ecooked, ripe
Alune masacooked, done; ripe, mature


PEMP     *masak ripe, cooked

Buli masacooked, ripe, complete
Lou mwascooked
'Āre'āre mataripe, of fruit


*Sasaq whet, sharpen


PAN     *Sasaq whet, sharpen

Bunun sasaqwhet; rub; grind; sharpen
Paiwan t-m-ataq <Ato whet (on large stone)


PMP     *hasaq whet, sharpen

Ilokano ásawhet, hone, grind; polish, burnish; to gall, to chafe, to fret
Ayta Abellan ahasharpen with a whetstone
Tagalog hásaʔwhetting, sharpening
Hanunóo ʔásaʔwhetting, sharpening
Kadazan Dusun asawhetting, sharpening
Kayan asause a whetstone, sharpen a tool by abrasion
Melanau (Mukah) asaʔwhetting, sharpening
  m-asaʔwhet, sharpen
  n-asaʔbe sharpened
  batew asaʔwhetstone
Ngaju Dayak asawhetting, sharpening, grinding
Malagasy asawhetting, sharpening
  vàto asànastone used for grinding knives, etc., a grindstone
Banjarese asahwhetting, sharpening
Iban ansahgrind, sharpen
Maloh ansaʔgrind, sharpen
Malay asahgrinding down; whetting; tooth-filing (the first rough filing is daboŋ; asah is the final smoothing with the point of the whetstone)
Acehnese asahwhet, sharpen, file off (teeth)
Simalur asasharpen, whet
Karo Batak asahwhet, sharpen
Dairi-Pakpak Batak asahwhet, sharpen something on a heavy whetstone or touchstone; stone used to test the purity of gold
Toba Batak asawhet, sharpen
Simalungun Batak asahwhet, sharpen
Mentawai asawhet, sharpen
Rejang aseaʔsharpen
  butew aseaʔgrindstone (for chillies); whetstone
Sundanese asah(of a smith) work tools through forging and whetting; in general, whetting, sharpening
Old Javanese asahfile, grind, scour
Javanese asah-asahwash (dishes)
Sasak asaʔwhetstone
Sumbawanese asawhet, sharpen
Sangir asawhetting, sharpening
Proto-Minahasan *asaʔwhet, grind sharp
Mongondow ataʔwhetting, sharpening
  mog-ataʔwhet, sharpen
Dampelas asawhetting, sharpening
Uma -ahaʔwhet, sharpen
  watu poʔ-ahaaʔwhetstone
Bare'e asawhetting, sharpening
Tae' asagrind, whet, sharpen
Mori Bawah mo-ahato sharpen
Buginese asawhet, sharpen
  aŋ-asa-ŋplace where sharpening is done
Chamorro guasaʔsharpen, make sharp
Kambera ahagrind (rice)
Watubela ahaksharpen
Paulohi asa-ewhet, sharpen
Asilulu hasasharpen by continuously rubbing one side of the blade on a whetstone
Buruese asa-ksharpen, as a knife
  asa-ncutting edge, as of a knife
Soboyo hasawhet, sharpen


PEMP     *asaq sharpen, rub, grate

Numfor yāswhet, sharpen
Kairiru yassharpen something
Manam arasharpen
Roviana asa-iato grind, as an axe if very blunt; grate, like luzu (sweet yam or potato), taro, etc.
Eddystone/Mandegusu asagrate or rub, as nuts, etc.; pudding made by grating
Bugotu a-ahagrate, rub down on a stone (as taro) sharpen by rubbing
Lau satarub, rub down, sharpen by rubbing
Sa'a sata-aʔichafe, rub
Arosi atascrape, rub, sharpen with rubbing
Mota asarub, wash with rubbing
  asa-grub something
  asa-ŋrub hard, rub into shreds
Fijian yacagrate, grind, file, rub eyes with cika (conjunctivitis)
  i yacagrater, grindstone


PWMP     *maŋ-hasaq whet, sharpen

Sambal (Bolinaw) maŋ-ásaʔsharpen
Kadazan Dusun maŋ-asasharpen, whet
Ngaju Dayak maŋ-asarub, grate, grind against one another (as two knives)
Malagasy man-àsasharpen, whet, grind, put a point on
Singhi Land Dayak ŋ-asahsharpen
Malay meŋ-asah dawatrub up ink on a palette
Simalur maŋ-asasharpen, whet
Karo Batak ŋ-asahwhet, sharpen
Toba Batak maŋ-asawhet, sharpen
Sundanese ŋ-asahwhet, sharpen
Old Javanese aŋ-asahfile, grind, scour
Javanese ŋ-asahsharpen, hone
Sasak ŋ-asaʔwhet, sharpen
Sangir maŋ-asawhet, sharpen
Dampelas maŋ-asawhet, sharpen
Bare'e maŋ-asawhet, sharpen


PWMP     *paŋ-hasaq person or instrument that grinds or sharpens

Malay tukaŋ peŋ-asahexpert at tooth-filing
Old Javanese paŋ-asahone who grinds or sharpens
Bare'e watu mpaŋasa ndapaŋasaka labuwhetstone used to sharpen a bush knife
Tae' paŋ-asathat which is sharpened


PWMP     *paŋ-hasaq-an whetting, sharpening

Ilokano paŋ-asá-anwhetstone, oilstone, hone
Bahasa Indonesia peŋ-asah-anmanner or action of whetting or sharpening


PAN     *Sasaq-an whetstone, grindstone

Bunun sasaq-angrindstone
Paiwan tataq-anlarge whetstone


PMP     *hasaq-an whetstone, grindstone

Bontok ʔasá-ʔanwhetstone, especially one used for putting a fine edge on a blade
Tagalog hasaʔ-ánwhetstone
Hanunóo ʔasaʔ-ánwhetstone
Bahasa Indonesia asah-aninstrument used to whet or sharpen
Simalur (batu) asa-nwhetstone
Simalungun Batak asah-anwhetstone
Mentawai asa-anwhetstone
Sundanese batu asah-anwhetstone
Old Javanese asah-angrindings
Javanese asah-anwhetstone
Tae' asa-nwhetstone
Makasarese (Salayar) asa-aŋwhetstone


PWMP     *hasaq-en be sharpened; thing sharpened

Ilokano asá-enwhet, hone, grind
Kadazan Dusun asa-onbe sharpened
Malagasy asa-ìnabe sharpened, be whetted, be pointed
Bahasa Indonesia asah-anwhat has been sharpened
Chamorro guasaʔ-onsharpener (for metal tools), grindstone, whetstone


POC     *asaq-i sharpen (transitive)

Manam ara-isharpen
Sa'a sat-erub down, grind, sharpen on a stone
Arosi ata-iscrape, rub, sharpen with rubbing
  ata-ataa rasp, scraper
Bauro rata-iscrape, rub, sharpen with rubbing
Pohnpeian edesharpen, put an edge on something (transitive)
  adahdsharpen, put an edge on something (intransitive)

Note:   Also Bunun asaq ‘rub, grind, whet, sharpen’ (Nihira 1983 [1932]), Bintulu aseʔ ‘whetting, sharpening’, Iban asah ‘sharpen’, Gedaged yase ‘sharpen, abrade, rub (down), file, pulverize’, Lau tata ‘scrape, sharpen by rubbing’, Sa'a ata-ata ‘diamond-shaped yam grater; to grate’. The etymon of this widespread cognate set clearly referred to the sharpening of worn tool edges, and not merely to grating or grinding in general. It is compatible with a hypothesis that either edge-ground stone tools or metal tools of some type were in use among PAn speakers (c. 4,000 B.C.). Paiwan tataq is assumed to result from assimilation of *S to *s prior to the regular change *s > /t/.


*SateD accompany, escort; send, return


PAN     *SateD accompany, escort; send, return

Puyuma ʔatəɖsend, deliver
Paiwan satjezreturn something; object which is being returned


PMP     *hateD accompany, escort, conduct, convey; send; return; escort the bride to her husband; gift of food at a wedding; send bridewealth payments

Bontok ʔatədshare something with somebody
Sambal (Botolan) atelescort
Kapampangan atádescort away from home to another place
Tagalog hatídconduction, accompaniment; person conducting or convoying or taking something or someone to a destination
Bikol hatódto escort, conduct; to convoy; convey or deliver; bring or accompany to a particular place
Aklanon hatódto escort, take, deliver safely, conduct
Hiligaynon hatúddeliver personally, carry a message
Cebuano hatúdtake something somewhere; make something reach a certain distance in time or space; something delivered
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) hateddeliver
Mansaka atuddeliver, escort, bring, carry
Tboli eteddeliver
Kayan atenconvey, take to
  im aten bua meduŋ men sepuiplease take some papaya fruit to our grandfather
Kayan (Uma Juman) aterconvey, take to a place
Bintulu atədcommand, order
Malagasy atitrapresented, conducted, conveyed, sent, returned
Banjarese atarconduct, escort, convey
  ba-atar-anconvey an engagement gift
Maloh antataccompany, escort
Rhade atătto accompany, escort, guide
Malay (h)antarconducting, escorting; bearing along; conveying; (Bazaar Malay) to send
  meŋ-hantarthe processional conveyance of bridal gifts at a wedding
Malay (Jakarta) (h)anterconducting, escorting
Acehnese antatescort, accompany, convey, bring, transfer
Lampung atotcarry (rice)
Sundanese antɨrescort, accompany; escort a corpse to the grave; futher; give in, give full rein to one's passions
Old Javanese ateraccompany, escort, take someone somewhere; bring, carry
Javanese atercarry, take; take, accompany
  ater-aterfoods for a ritual meal; take such foods to neighbors
Madurese aterescort, accompany
  ter-atercontribution or gift which is taken to the home of the recipient (usually consists of food)
Balinese atehlead away, follow, accompany, escort (Low Bal.)
Sasak aterbring food to someone who is working outside of the house
Sumbawanese antatescort, accompany
Proto-Minahasan *atədtransport, convey
Mongondow atodescort, conduct, bring, take, carry
  pokog-atodtime of the bringing of something (used in a fixed expression uttered at the time the marriage dowry is brought)
  antodtake away, lead away
Bare'e atabring or escort someone to his destination
Tae' antaʔescort, accompany, take someone to his destination
Buginese antaraʔescort (as a bride to her wedding)
Makasarese antaraʔgive presents at the end of the fasting month, and on Chinese and European New Year's Day; what one has brought back from a trip (fruits, etc.) to give as presents to the neighbors
Palauan ŋádərgift of food accompanying bride when she is brought to prospective husband's family
  mərádərsend/see person off; return; send back; bring (bride) to prospective husband's family



Numfor yakerescort, show a person out (as a rule this is festive)
  yaker binescort a bride to her bridegroom; also the preparations connected with this: to wit, the bringing of bridewealth


PAN     *ma-SateD escort, accompany

Bunun ma-satutake, carry (as a letter to someone)
Puyuma ma-ʔatəɖaccompany someone to a destination (as in taking a child to school, or delivering goods)
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) m-a-ʔatezescort a sick person or a drunk home
Kayan m-atenconvey, take to; escort
  tei teloʔ maten hawaʔlet us go to escort the bride
Bare'e ma-atatake or escort to a destination
  ma-ata mania-ñaof a woman, to accompany her parents-in-law a distance as they return home after the wedding feast at which they have taken their son to the home of the bride


PWMP     *maŋ-hateD send, accompany

Tarakan ŋ-atadsend
Bahasa Indonesia meŋ-antar-(kan)send or accompany a person on his way
  antar-meŋ-antaraccompany one another, send to one another (as gifts of food)
Old Javanese aŋ-ateraccompany, escort, take someone somewhere; bring, carry
Tae' maŋ-antaʔname of an offering to the gods (also called massuraʔ tallaŋ by which a pig is sacrificed at an offering place using bamboo poles with figures carved in them
Makasarese aŋŋ-antaraʔgive presents at the end of the fasting month, and on Chinese and European New Year; offer to one's neighbors what one has brought back from a trip (as fruits or other things)


PAN     *pa-SateD send (?)

Puyuma pa-ʔatəɖto send (as a letter)
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) pa-ʔatezsend
Paiwan pa-satjezcause something to be returned
Bikol pa-hatódthat which is given by the parents of the bridegroom to the parents of the bride as a sign that the marriage contract has been fulfilled


PWMP     *paŋ-hateD person who leads or escorts another; means of leading or escorting

Bahasa Indonesia peŋ-antarperson who leads or escorts another; means of leading or escorting
Buginese paŋ-antaraʔperson who leads or escorts another
Makasarese paŋŋ-antaraʔexchange presents at the end of the fasting month, or at Chinese or European New Year


PWMP     *h<in>ateD was escorted or brought; person escorted, thing brought

Bintulu n-atədbe ordered
Old Javanese in-aterwas escorted, was brought
Mongondow in-atodwhat has been brought; was brought, was escorted


PAN     *S<um>ateD accompany, escort

Puyuma ʔ<əm>atəɖto deliver something to someone
Paiwan s-m-atjezreturn something; send off a visitor


PMP     *h<um>ateD accompany, escort

Kayan m-atenconvey, take to; escort
Old Javanese um-ateraccompany, escort, take someone somewhere; bring, carry


PAN     *SateD-an escort, accompany (imperative)

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) atez-anescort a sick person or a drunk home (imperative)


PMP     *hateD-an escort, accompany (imperative)

Aklanon hátd-an imáwescort him (imperative)
Cebuano hatd-ánbring
Ngaju Dayak hanter-anlead, guide, deliver
Malagasy atèr-anaused of the person to whom anything is sent, etc.
Bahasa Indonesia antar-anmoney, etc. given by the groom's family to his future parents-in-law; goods which are taken or sent on request; person who escorts or accompanies
Balinese ateh-anexport


PWMP     *hateD-en be escorted, be delivered

Hiligaynon hatd-unbe delivered personally; what is delivered personally
  hatd-unbe delivered personally; what is delivered personally
Malagasy atèr-inabe offered, be presented, be sent, be returned

Note:   Also Itbayaten hatid ‘deliver, accompany’, Tiruray odor ‘go along, accompany’, Acehnese euntat ‘escort, accompany, convey, bring, transfer’, Balinese (High) ater ‘lead (an animal), escort, lead away (prisoners)’, Sasak anter ‘escort, accompany’, Tondano antar ‘wedding gold’ (= Malay loan with semantic change?), Banggai antok, maŋ-antok-kon ‘lead, escort, bring’, Bimanese oto ‘escort, accompany’.

Dempwolff (1934-38) reconstructed *ha(n)teD ‘bring, escort, conduct, deliver’. However, this gloss fails to account for the fact that reflexes of *SateD refer not just to this general semantic range, but more specifically to 1. a ceremonial escorting of the bride to the wedding or to her new husband (in connection with patrilocal residence?), and 2. to some form of material exchange, probably involving bridewealth (Bikol, Mongondow, Numfor). The clear references to food exchanges or distribution -- whether connected with marriage or not -- in at least Javanese, Madurese, Sasak, Makasarese and Palauan further suggests that by at least PWMP times *hateD included as an important part of its denotation gifts of food from a wedding feast which were evidently carried home for consumption.


*Sauni in a little while, momentarily, later


PAN     *Sauni in a little while, momentarily, later

Atayal sonitoday (up till this moment, opposite of kira 'the rest of today') (Egerod 1980)
  saonia little while ago; today (Tsuchida 1976)
Amis anu-sauniafter, later (Tsuchida 1976)
Tsou ósniimmediately
Kanakanabu saúnitoday
  nuu-saúniin a little while
  mii-saúnia little while ago
Paiwan sawnia short while
  nu-sawniin a little while, later today
  ka-sawniearlier today; a little while ago (today)
Bontok ʔawníwait; make something last; some unspecified time in the future; soon; later
Kankanaey aunístay! hold! wait!
  auní auní etindicates the future with verbs
  auní si maauauníby and by; soon; anon; ere long; in a moment; in a minute
Ifugaw (Batad) awniexclamation roughly equivalent to 'wait!', 'later!'


*Saw question particle


PAN     *Saw question particle

Amis sawquestion particle indicating that the speaker expects the answer to be obvious


PMP     *aw question particle

Hanunóo ʔáwinterrogative particle
Cebuano awparticle preceding a statement made to correct oneself; particle preceding an afterthought; particle preceding a statement or question meaning 'is that so?' and shows surprise; particle preceding a predetermined answer
Tiruray ʔawappears first in questions, and formally marks the following as a query

Note:   If the Amis and Philippine forms are cognate the latter show an irregular loss of expected initial h-.


*Sawak waist, back of the waist


PAN     *Sawak waist, back of the waist

Kavalan sawaqwaist, back of the waist
Thao awakan area of the body corresponding roughly to the waist; vulnerable areas of the side and back between the rib cage and the pelvic bone


PMP     *hawak waist, back of the waist

Itawis áwakwaist
Bontok ʔáwakbody
Kankanaey áwakbody
Ifugaw áwakloins, or waist
Pangasinan áwakwaist
Sambal (Tina) awakwaist
Bikol háwakbody, torso, physique; stalk of plants; shaft of an arrow
  mani-háwaktake the form of something
Hanunóo háwakback of the waist (NOTE: No general term for waist)
Aklanon háwakwaist
Hiligaynon háwakwaistline
Cebuano háwakwaist
  hawak-untend to suffer from backaches
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) hawakwaist of a person; by extension, waist of a garment; hold someone around the waist
Mansaka awakwaist
Kadazan Dusun t-avakwaist, hips, loins
Tingalan (West) awakwaist
Malay awakbody; trunk of body; self; -- whence it is used as a pronoun (I, we, -- connoting a certain kindly superiority or authority; you -- as a pronoun in familiar use; sometimes in kindly speech)
Talaud avaʔabody
Acehnese awaʔbody; person; crew
Simalur awaʔbody, trunk, stem
Karo Batak awakloins
Dairi-Pakpak Batak abakwaist, hips
Toba Batak akhips, loins
Simalungun Batak awakwaist
Rejang awoʔbody, abdomen, trunk
Sundanese awakbody; reflexive pronoun
  paŋ-awakbe, exist
Old Javanese awakbody, embodiment, self, own self, own (special) form of being, nature, kind
  m-āwakhave or assume a body, be an embodiment of
Javanese awakbody; you ( to someone one speaks Ngoko to, but does not know well)
Balinese awakbody; life; the self
Sasak awakbody
Mongondow awakbody; sometimes also 'self'
Gorontalo wawaʔobody
Uma aakwaist
Bare'e awabody; waist
Proto-South Sulawesi *awakwaist
Muna aawaist
Manggarai awakhips, waist
Rembong awakwaist
Proto-Ambon *awa-loins, hips
Buruese awa-nwaist (anatomical)
Kayeli awa-iwaist
Rotuman ao(k)body, torso (of man or animal); person, self


PWMP     *paR-hawak-an body shape

Bahasa Indonesia per-awak-anposture, shape or condition of the body
Sasak per-awak-anbody shape, body build
Gorontalo pohu-wawaʔoposture, shape or condition of the body


PWMP     *hawak-an waistline

Kapampangan awák-anwaist
Cebuano hawák-anwaistline

Note:   Also Hanunóo áwak ‘back of waist’, Kelabit awaʔ ‘waist’, Maloh awaʔ ‘waist’, Dairi-Pakpak Batak awak ‘waist, hips’, Rejang awaʔ ‘body, abdomen, trunk’. The precise semantic agreement in the glosses of Kavalan sawaq and Hanunóo háwak ‘back of the waist’, and the somewhat wavering English gloss ‘waist, hips’ in several languages suggest that the referent of *Sawak did not correspond exactly to any semantic category of English. Rather, the available information suggests that PAn *Sawak and PMP *hawak referred to the unprotected space between the rib cage and the pelvic bone which is not covered by the muscles of the abdominal diaphragm, hence a part of the body corresponding roughly to the English concept ‘waist’, but applying only to the sides and back.


(Formosan only)

*Sawiki betel nut: nut of Areca catechu


PAN     *Sawiki betel nut: nut of Areca catechu

Thao shawikithe betel palm, Areca catechu; the nut of this palm, commonly chewed as a refreshment
Bunun savikiareca palm and nut; betel nut
Hoanya abikiareca nut
Rukai (Mantauran) savikiareca palm and nut; betel nut
Paiwan savikiAreca catechu (tree and nut)
  pu-savikiengaged to be married, betrothed (Western dialect)

Note:   Also Hoanya abiki, Siraya aviki, Rukai (Tona) θaviki ‘areca nut’. The history of betel chewing in South and Southeast Asia is complex, and the details remain to be fully worked out (Zumbroich 2008). In attested Austronesian-speaking societies from Taiwan to the western Pacific the fruit of the areca palm is chewed as a mild stimulant, either by individuals alone or as part of a social ‘lubricant’, in some cases connected with formal events such as wedding engagements. More exactly, what is chewed is the betel quid, a packet consisting of an outer leaf wrapping the nut and a small quantity of lime made by crushing the shells of marine molluscs or coral. In Taiwan the practice has spread in recent centuries to the Han Chinese community, who must have learned it from the native populace. This word was replaced in PMP by *buaq.


*SawSaw wash, rinse


PAN     *SawSaw wash, rinse     [doublet: *NawNaw, *rawraw]

Amis sawsawgeneric word for wash


PMP     *hawhaw wash, rinse

Tagalog hawháwrinsing (said of clothes)

Note:   Also Amis sasaw ‘generic word for wash’.


*SayaN termite


PAN     *SayaN termite     [doublet: *aNay]

Thao ayaztermite
Puyuma ayantermite
Paiwan sa-sayalʸtermite


*SebaN carry a child with a carrying cloth


PAN     *SebaN carry a child with a carrying cloth

Kavalan sebanlong binding cloth for carrying a child on the back
Paiwan sevalʸcarry someone on the back
  ki-sevalʸask to be carried on someone's back; copulate (animals)


PMP     *heban carry a child with a carrying cloth

Itbayaten ahbancloth or blanket for carrying a baby or an infant, hanging down from mother’s neck in order to tuck it up, usually in the side (a child is carried in front of the mother when it is very young, on the side when it is at the stage of crawling, and on the back when it is taken for a long journey)
Itawis ábbanhold a baby
Kankanaey ebánblanket used to carry children on the back
Ifugaw obánspecial blanket in which babies and little children are carried on the back of somebody
Hanunóo ʔubántumpline or shoulder strap used in carrying heavy packs
Malay embanband going around the body. Of the bands supporting a porter's knapsack; also of a horse's belly-band
Toba Batak obancarry, bring
Old Javanese (h)embanthat which carries or encloses
Balinese embancarry a child; rear, bring up (a child)
Ngadha ebacarrying strap or cloth for small children; carry children on the side or in the arms with such a strap or cloth


PAN     *S<in>ebaN what is carried on the back

Paiwan s-in-evalʸsomeone carried on someone else's back


PMP     *h<in>eban what is carried on the back

Old Javanese h-in-embancarry on both arms or in a carrying shawl; hold on one's lap; to nurse, be the guardian of

Note:   Also Pangasinan ebá, ebák ‘to carry (esp. a child)’, Bikol hagbán ‘carry something bulky wrapped in cloth’. Arndt (1961) cites Ngadha eba under céba, but the alphabetical order shows that this is a misprint for ceba (/eba/). In PMP this form clearly meant ‘carry a child with a carrying cloth’; such a specific gloss cannot yet be assigned to PAn *SebaN.


*SebuC pluck, pull up (as weeds)


PAN     *SebuC pluck, pull up (as weeds)

Paiwan sevutsremove grain stalks from field after harvest


PMP     *hebut pluck, pull up (as weeds)

Berawan (Long Terawan) keuʔto pull, as weeds
Malagasy évotraplucked up, retracted; be withdrawn, recanted
Banjarese ambutpull off the husk of a coconut
Balinese ebutpull up (weeds), draw out
Sangir ebuʔpluck, pull out (plants, hair, etc.)

Note:   With root *-buC ‘to weed, pluck, pull out’.


*Sekak to crow, to caw


PAN     *Sekak to crow, to caw

Amis skakthe crow of a rooster; to crow


PMP     *hekak to crow, to caw

Isneg akkáʔto cackle, of fowls
Ngaju Dayak kakraven
Iban kaka crow, Corvus sp. (onom.)
Malay eŋkaka crow, Corvus enca
Javanese eŋkakvar. of small crow

Note:   Javanese eŋkak probably is borrowed from Malay. With root *-kak₁ ‘cackle, laugh loudly’.


(Formosan only)

*Seked stop an activity, take a break, rest


PAN     *Seked stop an activity, take a break, rest

Pazeh mu-seketto rest, to stop
  ta-seked-i na!Let’s rest
Paiwan s<m>ekezto stop, rest
  sa-sekez-ana resting place beside a trail
Paiwan (Western) pa-sekezto cause to stop (as automobile); to cause to rest

Note:   Also Kavalan tqez ‘to stop, to rest for awhile when walking’.


*SekuC hunched over, stoop-shouldered


PAN     *SekuC hunched over, stoop-shouldered

Puyuma sekuʈbend (knee, elbow), flex


PMP     *hekut hunched over, stoop-shouldered

Tagalog hukótstooped; round-shouldered


*Sema tongue


PAN     *Sema tongue

Saisiyat kæ-hmatongue
Proto-Atayalic *həmaʔtongue
Seediq hematongue
Sakizaya səmaʔtongue
Amis sematongue
  pa-semastick out the tongue
Paiwan sematongue
  s<m>emastick out the tongue (Western dialect)


PMP     *hema tongue

Sika ma-ŋtongue
Rotinese matongue
Atoni ma-ktongue
Vaikenu ma-ftongue
Selaru tongue
Buruese maa-ntongue

Note:   Also Puyuma sema ‘tongue’ (< Paiwan), Lampung emah ‘tongue’, Manggarai, Ngadha lema, Kambera làma ‘tongue’. Alternatively, the Atayal, Saisiyat and Puyuma forms can be assigned to *sema, and the Amis and Paiwan forms to a doublet *Sema. The vowel length in Selaru , Buruese maa- is unexplained, and it is possible that these forms reflect PCEMP *maya.


*Semay cooked rice


PAN     *Semay cooked rice

Kavalan mːaycooked rice (Tsuchida 1971)
Pazeh sumaycooked rice
Amis hmaycooked rice


PMP     *hemay cooked rice

Atta (Pamplona) ammayrice on the stalk
Isneg ammáyrice, Oryza sativa L. Paddy, rice in the husk, unhusked rice, whether growing or not
Itawis ammáyrice plant
Bikol húmayprepare a dish eaten on festive occasions in which seasoned meat or fish and rice are cooked in a segment of bamboo
  h-in-úmaythe dish prepared in this way}
Aklanon humáycooked rice
Hiligaynon humáyrice plant
Cebuano humáygeneral term for rice
Manobo (Ata) homoycooked rice
Subanun (Sindangan) gɨmaicooked rice
Manobo (Tigwa) hɨmɨycooked rice
Manobo (Ilianen) ɨmɨycooked rice
Talaud ammericeplant, rice in the field
Toba Batak omerice in the husk, rice plant
Proto-Sangiric *emayrice in the field
Sangir ĕmmerice in the field, unhusked rice; food (in general)


PPh     *ka-hemay-an rice field

Isneg k-ammay-ānrice field
Cebuano ka-humáy-anrice field

Note:   Also Binukid humáy, Kalagan umay, Mamanwa homay, Manobo (Sarangani) omay ‘husked rice’, Palawan Batak omay, Toba Batak eme, Malay imai ‘cooked rice’. Dempwolff posited *imay ‘rice’, but based his reconstruction entirely on Toba Batak eme, Malay imai.

Although PAn *Semay apparently meant ‘cooked rice’, the meaning of PPh *hemay is less certain. Both in northern Luzon and in Sangir of northern Sulawesi, PPh *hemay is reflected in the meaning ‘rice in the field; unhusked rice’, and PPh *ka-hemay-an ‘rice field’ supports a similar gloss for the unaffixed stem.

At the same time, however, a number of languages in the central Philippines agree with Formosan reflexes and with such variant forms in western Indonesia as Toba Batak eme and Malay imai in supporting a gloss ‘cooked rice’. In either case there are competing forms for the meaning in question.

PAn *pajay clearly meant ‘rice in the field; unhusked rice’, and in this sense evidently persisted in PPh. Although reflexes of both *kaen-en and *nasi mean ‘cooked rice’ in widely separated languages, the former set of terms almost certainly developed this sense as a result of convergent change from an original meaning ‘what is eaten’, while some reflexes of the latter probably are borrowings of Malay nasi ‘cooked rice’.


*Semut smothering, suffocating


PAN     *Semut smothering, suffocating

Saisiyat panə-ʃəmət-ənsmothered
Paiwan semutjsmothering, choking
  ma-semutjto be smothered
  s<m>emutjto smother someone


PMP     *hemut smother, suffocate

Ivatan amutsuffocate
Agta (Eastern) amótto clamp one’s hand over one’s own or someone else’s mouth to prevent talking or breathing; hold one’s nostrils so no air enters
  amot-ánto pinch one’s nostrils so water doesn’t enter
Isneg ammótcover the mouth with the hand
  ammot-ánto cover the mouth with the hand
Casiguran Dumagat emótto suffocate (as for a person under a blanket to not be able to breathe)

Note:   I assume that Saisiyat has assimilated the reflex of *u to the other three vowels in the only form of this word that is given in Li (1978).


*Señaw to wash


PAN     *Señaw to wash     [doublet: *Siñaw]

Pazeh mə-sənawwash utensils
Rukai (Mantauran) ʔəna-ʔənauwash clothing


PMP     *heñaw to wash

Bikol hanáwwash the hands or feet
Cebuano hunáwwash the hands


(Formosan only)

*Seŋad to breathe


PAN     *Seŋad to breathe

Basai suŋa-suŋalto breathe
Kavalan seŋazto breathe
Puyuma əŋadbreathe


PAN     *S<um>eŋad to breathe

Puyuma m-əŋadto breathe

Note:   Also Puyuma aŋaɖ ‘a breath’, aŋaɖ-an ‘windpipe, bronchial tubes’.


*Seŋaw to breathe (?)


PAN     *Seŋaw to breathe (?)

Thao shnawheart, breath; character
  ma-shnawhold the breath
  mak-shnawto breathe; mean something sincerely, speak ‘from the heart’
  mak-shna-shnawbreathe; fontanelle; temple


PMP     *heŋaw exude or escape, of air, gases or similar substances (?)

Cebuano huŋáwfor wind to blow; for air to leak out; for the ground to exude a stench after rain; for body heat to escape, lending relief
  h<in>uŋáwgas or air exuded
  huŋaw-an-ánhole where air or gases leak

Note:   Also Maranao seŋaw ‘breath; vapor’. The semantic differerence between this and PAn *Seŋad is unclear. Reflexes of the latter uniformly mean to ‘to breathe’, whereas reflexes of PAn *Seŋaw are more diverse, and hence more difficult to assign to a uniform meaning.


*Sepat four


PAN     *Sepat four

Luilang suvafour
Taokas shupafour
Kavalan ʔu-spatfour
Proto-Atayalic *ma-sepateight
Seediq (Truku) spatfour
Papora na-patfour
Pazeh sepatfour
Amis spatfour
Bunun patfour
Proto-Rukai *sepatefour
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) patfour (cardinal)
Paiwan sepatjfour


PMP     *epat four

Isneg appátfour
Itawis appátfour
Bontok ʔəpátfour
Ifugaw opátfour
Casiguran Dumagat epátfour
Bikol apátfour
Buhid ufátfour
Hanunóo ʔúpatfour, a cardinal number
Kalamian Tagbanwa epatfour
Palawan Batak ʔepatfour
Cebuano upátfour
Maranao patfour
Binukid ha-epatfour
Mansaka opatfour
Tiruray ʔefotfour
Molbog opatfour
Tboli fatfour
Murut (Tagol) apatfour
Kelabit epatfour
Kenyah patfour
Penan (Long Lamai) patfour
Kayan (Uma Juman) patfour
Bintulu patfour
Melanau (Mukah) patfour
Bukat apatfour
Bekatan apatfour
Lahanan patfour
Siang opatfour
Malagasy éfatrafour
Iban empatfour
Maloh ampatfour
Salako ampatfour
Malay empatfour
Talaud appatafour
Simalur atfour (in combination)
Karo Batak empatfour
Toba Batak opatfour
Nias õfafour
Lampung paʔfour
Old Javanese patfour
Javanese patfour
Madurese empaʔfour
Balinese empatfour
Sasak empatfour
Proto-Sangiric *epatfour
Sangir epaʔfour
Tontemboan epatfour
Mongondow opatfour
Gorontalo opatofour (in serial counting)
Buol opatfour
Uma opoʔ <Afour
Bare'e opo <Afour
Mandar appeʔfour
Makasarese appaʔfour
Wolio apafour
Muna paafour
Bimanese upafour
Komodo paʔfour
Manggarai patfour
Rembong patfour
Lamaholot patfour
Solorese patfour
Lamboya patafour
Anakalangu patufour
Kambera patufour
Hawu epafour
Rotinese hafour
Vaikenu hafour
Erai akfour
Talur in-haʔatfour
Tugun aatfour
Leti wo-atafour
Selaru atfour
Yamdena fat(e)four
Bonfia fātfour
Gah faatfour
Proto-Ambon *patfour
Saparua haafour
Laha atafour
Amblau faafour
Buruese pafour
Mendak wI:tfour


PEMP     *pat four

Kowiai/Koiwai fatfour
Taba p-hotfour
Buli fatfour
Biga fatfour
As fafour
Minyaifuin pi-fatfour
Arguni fatfour
Ron fakfour
Numfor fiakfour
Waropen akofour
Marau₁ atifour
Papuma bo-afour
Kurudu bo-atfour
Ahus ha-hufour
Ponam fa:-ffour
Wuvulu fafour
Mussau atafour
Numbami wat(a)four
Dobuan atafour
Papapana tau-vasifour
Haku to-hatsfour
Uruava vasifour
Ririo vécfour
Gilbertese afour
Kosraean ah-ŋfour
Pohnpeian pah-four
Woleaian faa-four
Ulithian faayfour
Amblong mo-vatfour
Apma ka-vetfour
Rano a-vetsfour
Avava i-vatfour
Southeast Ambrym hatfour
Pwele patifour
Sie ndə-vatfour
Fijian four
Tongan four
Samoan four
Kapingamarangi haafour
Rennellese haafour
Anuta pafour
Rarotongan āfour
Maori whāfour; elliptically, the fourth month
Hawaiian four, fourth (commonly preceded by the numeral-marking prefixes, as ʔehā keiki, four children)


PWMP     *iŋg-epat four times

[Kadazan Dusun iŋg-apatfour times]
Malagasy in-èfatrafour times
Mongondow iŋg-opatthe fourth


PPh     *ika-epat fourth

Itbayaten ichápatfourth
Ifugaw m-ika-pʔátfourth
Casiguran Dumagat ika-epatfourth
[Tagalog ika-ápatfourth]
[Hiligaynon ika-ápatfourth]
Cebuano ika-upátfourth


PMP     *ka-epat fourth

Bontok ka-pʔátdivide into four, to quarter
Pangasinan k-ápatthat which makes four, fourth
Cebuano ka-upátfour times
Kadazan Dusun ka-ʔapatfourth
Iban ka-empatfourth
Malay ke-empatfourth
  ke-empat-empatall four
Enggano ʔa-opafour
Lampung ka-paʔall four
[Sundanese ka-opatfourth]
Old Javanese ka-patfour altogether; as fourth; the fourth month
Javanese ka-patfourth in a series
Madurese ka-empaʔbe four, number four
Sasak ke-empatfourth
Sangir ka-epa-efourth
Mongondow ko-opatfour times; the fourth
Fijian ka-vāthe fourth


PWMP     *ka-epat-an fourth

[Itbayaten k-ápat-anfourth month, January (old calendar)]
Bikol ka-apát-anfourths
[Hiligaynon ka-ápat-anforty]
[Manobo (Western Bukidnon) k-epat-anforty]
Malay ke-empat-anthe fourth


PAN     *ma-Sepat (gloss uncertain)

Seediq (Truku) ma-spateight
Paiwan ma-sepatjfour (persons)


PMP     *ma-epat divided into four (?)

Madurese ma-empaʔdivide into four
Tontemboan me-epatdivide into four; make a square
Gorontalo ma-opatoalready four in quantity
Buginese ma-eppaʔthe fourth
Kambera ma-patufour (stative; cf. tau ma-patu 'the four men')


PAN     *maka-Sepat four times

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) maka-pt-elforty
Paiwan maka-sim-atj-elʸfour times


PWMP     *maka-epat four times

Bikol maka-apátto have four
Cebuano maka-upátfour times
Balinese maka-pat-patall four, four each
Makasarese maka-appaʔfourth
  maka-appaʔ-nathe fourth


PWMP     *maR-epat become four, divide into four (intr.)

[Kapampangan mag-ápat-a bánwaspend four years]
Bikol mag-apátbecome four
Malagasy mi-èfatradivide into four parts, be in four
Malay ber-empatin a quartet (i.e. with three others)
Karo Batak raja mer-empatthe four chief princes of the Karo
Toba Batak mar-opat-opatfour at a time, four each
Old Javanese mar-patseparate into four parts
Sasak ber-empatthe four of them


PMP     *paka-epat four times

Malagasy fah-èfatrathe fourth; four fathoms
Toba Batak si-paha-opatthe fourth month
Chamorro faha-fadfour times


POC     *paka-pat four times

[Arosi haʔa-haifour times]
Fijian vaka-vāfour times
Rennellese haka-haado four times; second and sixteenth nights of the month


PWMP     *paR-epat one-fourth

Malay sa-per-empata fourth
Karo Batak raja per-empatthe four chief princes of the Karo
Toba Batak di-par-opatdivided into four parts
  sa-par-opata fourth
Old Javanese par(e)patformation, arrangement
Makasarese parapaʔone fourth
Wolio par-apafourth part, quarter


PWMP     *paR-epat-an (?)

Malay per-empat-anone quarter of something divided; cross-roads
Old Javanese par-pat-ana fourth part, quarter
Madurese par-apad-anone quarter of something divided; cross-roads
Sasak per-empat-ancross-roads
Tontemboan pa-epat-anrectangle, square; rectangular measure


PAN     *paR-Sepat-en do four times

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) paR-pat-endo four times


PMP     *paR-epat-en divide into four (?)

Bikol pag-apát-ondivide into four; send four at a time


PAN     *Sa-Sepat four (of humans)

Amis sa-spatfour (animals and humans)
Kanakanabu sa-supatefour (humans)
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) a-apatfour (humans)


PMP     *a-epat four (of humans)

Itbayaten aʔ-patfour (serial counting and reference to inanimates)
  haʔ-patfour (animals and humans)
Pangasinan a-pátfour
Kapampangan á-patfour
Tagalog á-patfour
Aklanon á-pʔatfour
Hiligaynon ápatfour
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) heʔe-patfour
Dampelas h-apat <Afour
Bare'e a-opofour (independent numeral)


PWMP     *taR-epat four each (?)

Cebuano tag-upátfour apiece; odds of four to three in betting
Buginese tar-eppaʔevery four, all four


PWMP     *epat-an group of four (?)

Tagalog ápat-ánfour by four
Sundanese opat-anthe four, set of four
Balinese empat-anfourth, quarter


PWMP     *epat-en be divided into four

Bontok ʔəpat-ənbe divided into four
Malagasy efàr-inabe divided into four


PMP     *epat epat four at a time

Tagalog ápat-ápatfour at a time
Bikol apát-ápatonly four
  apát-apátsend four at a time
Old Javanese pat-patfour?; or in groups of four?
Javanese pat-patby fours
Balinese pat-patfour
Sasak empat-empat-naall four
Mongondow opat-opatfour by four, four at a time; all four
Makasarese appaʔ appaʔfour at a time
Kambera pa-patuby fours, in groups of four
Selaru r-at r-atfour by four, four at a time
Yamdena fate-fatefour by four, four at a time


POC     *pati pati four at a time

[Manam wati-watifour each, four at a time]
[Cheke Holo fa-fatifourth]
[Nggela vati-vatifour each]
Fijian vā-vāall four


PAN     *pat-a four (in counting certain referents)

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) pa-pat-afour (animals and objects)
Chamorro fat-afour days
Watubela fat-afour
Batu Merah at-afour
Morella hat-afour


PWMP     *pat-aŋ four (combination form)

Old Javanese pat-aŋfour
Javanese pat-aŋfour (combination form in 40, 400, 4,000)
Balinese pat-aŋfour (in 40, and in counting units of time or distance)
Sasak pet-aŋfour (in 40, 4,000)
Bare'e pat-afour (in 40, 400, 4,000, counting units of time)
Tae' pat-aŋfour (in 40, 4,000 (NOT in 400), counting units of time)
Mandar pat-ap-puloforty
  pat-a(ŋ)-allofour days
Makasarese pat-aNfour (in 40, 400, 4,000)
Wolio pat-afour (junction form of apa in 40, etc.)
Muna fat-ofour (before classifiers, measure nouns, units of time)


PCEMP     *pat-i four

Teluti faifour
Wahai atifour
Gimán p-fotfour
Dusner (p)atifour
Munggui bo-atifour
Marau₂ haifour
Manam watifour
Yabem àc-lêfour
Ubir batfour
Suau hasifour
Kilivila -vasifour
Saliba hasifour
Piva e-vatifour
Banoni to-atsifour
Torau e-watifour
Mono-Alu e hatifour
Nggela vatifour
Lau faifour
'Āre'āre haifour
Sa'a haifour
Arosi haifour
Haununu haifour
Sakao yeðfour
Nokuku vatifour
Malmariv vatifour
Lametin vatfour
Mafea v"atifour
Raga fasifour
Lingarak i-vasfour
Leviamp i-va̋four
Axamb a-vacfour
Nakanamanga patifour

Note:   Also Taroko kn-spat-an ‘in four days’, Karo Batak p-empat-en ‘the fourth day’, Kambera ka-patu-ŋu ‘by fours, four at a time’. Itbayaten kak-ápat ‘a fourth part, one-fourth’, Pangasinan kak-ápat ‘one-fourth, quarter’ appears to be a valid comparison, but without wider attestation I hesitate to assign it to PPh.

Perhaps the most noteworthy feature of *Sepat and its reflexes is the exceptionally large number of morphologically complex forms which can be reconstructed. Some of these contain productive affixes which also occur with other numerals. Others, as *pat-a, *pat-aŋ, and *pat-i, contain presumptive suffixes which do not occur elsewhere, and are of dubious morphological status.

In addition to those forms which have been reconstructed, the following morphologically similar reflexes of *Sepat are assumed to be products of convergent development:

1. Puyuma (Tamalakaw) kaR-pa-apat ‘four each’, Bikol kag-apát ‘fourteen’,
2. Bontok maŋ-apát (< meŋ-kapʔát ‘to make four, add a fourth, do four times’, Nias maŋ-õfa ‘divide into four’,
3. Bikol mag-pag-apát ‘divide into four, send four at a time’, Old Javanese ma-par-epat ‘consist of four parts (divisions, formations)’,
4. Pangasinan mi-kapát ‘fourth’, Malagasy mi-èfatra (< *maR-epat) ‘divide into four parts, be in four’.

In addition, Wolio parapa ‘fourth part, quarter’ may be a Malay loan, thus considerably weakening the evidence for *paR-epat. One continuing puzzle is the source of initial /h/- in a few scattered reflexes of PAn *Sa-Sepat, but not of *Sepat (e.g. Itbayaten haʔ-pat, Manobo (Western Bukidnon) heʔe-pat, Dampelas h-apat). The most straightforward explanation is that /h/- in these cases reflects the consonant of Sa-. The difficulty with adopting this explanation is that 1. there is good evidence that PAn *Sepat irregularly became PMP *epat, not **hepat, and 2. in the three languages mentioned PAn *a-enem is also reflected with /h/- (Itbayaten haʔ-nem, Manobo (Western Bukidnon) heʔ-enem, Dampelas h-onoŋ). Dampelas even adds /h/- before the historically secondary vowel in h-oalu ‘eight’ (from *wa-walu > owalu > oalu). For the time being, then, I assume that these instances of /h/- are historically secondary, although the basis for a convergent development remains unclear.


*Sepi dream


PAN     *Sepi dream     [doublet: *Sipi]

Proto-Atayalic *sepidream; to dream
Paiwan mi-sepito dream


PMP     *hepi dream

Tetun m-ehito dream


*SeReC to bind tightly; belt


PAN     *SeReC to bind tightly; belt     [doublet: *beRet]

Thao pia-lhictighten a binding, etc., make tighter
  shu-lhicpull something that is slack until it becomes tight


PMP     *heRet to bind tightly; belt

Bontok ʔələtto bind; to tighten; to make taut
Pangasinan elétrigor, firmness
Hanunóo húgutpulling up, as of a loincloth; tightening, as of a binding
  h<ur>ugut-án-angetting married, “tied together”, “hitched”
Romblomanon hugutsomething, as a roll of buri (palm leaf) strips, a jar lid, a piece of clothing on the body, a weaving is firm or tight
Masbatenyo mag-húgotto pull, haul, tow
  hugut-ánscrew tightly
Aklanon hugótto tighten, make firm
Waray-Waray hugótthe act of stretching or drawing tightly, as of string, cord, rope or the like; drawn tightly, stretched
  hugot-áto draw tightly
Agutaynen ma-elettight; tightly; firm
Hiligaynon hugúttight
Cebuano hugútfirmly tied, attached, closed; taut, holding tight; firm in belief, purpose, feeling
  húgutpull in rope or the like
Maranao getto lose or choke out breath
Binukid hegettight, taut; firm
  heget-atighten it!
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) heǥetto tighten something; in tying or wrapping something, to pull it tight; to twist tight the lid of a bottle or jar; figuratively, to make a final settlement
Mansaka ugutto tighten
Mapun hallottightness; tight
  mag-ka-hallot-anto seal (an agreement); to guarantee; to pledge (in order to seal an agreement)
Tausug huguttightness (as of a knot, tie, lid, door); firmness
Kadazan Dusun ogottight, firmly held together
  moŋ-ogotto tighten, hold it firmly
  agat-aito tighten
Lun Dayeh ereta piece of cloth or talun (tree bark) tied around the waist, normally worn by elderly women
Kelabit ərətman’s belt
  ŋ-ərətto tighten by constriction, as a belt
Iban rattight, firm; tighten; confirm
Malay (h)eratconstriction; pressure from every side
  meŋ-erat kainto fasten the sarong tightly around the waist
Bahasa Indonesia erat-eratfirmly, tightly, of binding
Sundanese hɨrɨtsmall, narrow (as a hat)
Old Javanese hötnarrowness, etc.
Sasak rətbind firmly
Mongondow ogot-anwaist, middle of the body
Tae' arraʔtight, firm, tightly bound
Proto-South Sulawesi *ɨrrɨrttight
Buginese erreʔtying up, fastening
Makasarese arreʔfirm, firmly tightened
Manggarai eretfirm, tight (of a binding)


PAN     *ma-SeReC tight, firm

Thao ma-lhictight, constricting, as a belt; firmly in place


PMP     *ma-heRet tight, firm

Pangasinan ma-létstrong, well founded
Tausug ma-hugutfirm, fast, tight, tightly closed; (of one’s faith) strong; (of one’s inner being) not overly emotional or unstable, calm


PWMP     *maŋ-heRet tighten, make firm, of a binding

Kadazan Dusun moŋ-ogottie up tightly
Kelabit ŋ-ərəttighten by constriction, as a belt
Malay meŋ-eratfasten (a sarong) tightly around the waist
Buginese maŋ-erreʔnarrow
Makasarese aŋŋ-arreʔtighten firmly


PAN     *S<um>eReC tighten, fasten firmly

Tsou s<m>orəcətie tightly


PMP     *h<um>eRet tighten, fasten firmly

Bontok ʔ<um>lətto bind; to tighten; to make taut
Tagalog h<um>igítpull until taut or tight
Mapun h<um>allottighten up something, as when tying up rope
Tausug h<um>ugutto become tight or tighter


PWMP     *heRet-en be tied up tightly

Bontok ʔəlt-ənbe tied up tightly
Tagalog higit-ínbe pulled until taut or tight
Kadazan Dusun ogot-onbe tied up tightly

Note:   Also Pazeh m-axes ~ m-axet ‘tight (of a belt or clothes)’, Kanakanabu ma-ʔərəcə ‘tight’, Rukai (Maga) u-rəcə ‘tie two strings’, Hanunóo huʔút ‘tightness, tight fit, referring to clothes’, Kalamian Tagbanwa keet ‘tighten something’, Maranao liget ‘selfish, greedy, miser; tight’, magaget ‘tight (as a dress)’, Tiruray eget ‘a string; holding something tightly’, erat ‘tight, narrow’, Tboli get ‘tightness, as of screws; strictness, as of rules; tight, strict’, Yakan haget ‘firm, secure, tight’, Malay jerat ‘running noose; of noose-snares for birds and small mammals, also of a strangler’s noose as used by thugs’, serat ‘jammed in an opening; stuck; held fast’, Malay (Jakarta) jiret ‘noose trap’, Old Javanese hret ‘restraint, check, resistance’, aŋ-hret ‘to restrain, hold back, keep in check’. Tsuchida (1976:166) united the Pazeh, Tsouic and Rukai forms together with Malay (h)erat under PAn *qeReC, but the fuller comparison cited here does not support this interpretation.


*Sesi flesh, meat


PAN     *Sesi flesh, meat     [doublet: *isiʔ]

Kavalan esimeat, flesh
Paiwan setimeat


PMP     *hesi flesh, meat

Kenyah si-ncontents; flesh
Kayan si-nflesh, meat
Melanau (Mukah) seyflesh
Nias ösicontents; flesh
Proto-Sangiric *esimeat
Tontemboan esigums, flesh of the teeth
Proto-South Sulawesi *ɨ(n)sicontents
Makasarese assicontents
Tigak si-nmeat

Note:   Also Atayal hiʔ ‘flesh; body; person; self’, Kavalan ʔsiʔ ‘meat’, Acehnese asòe ‘contents, stuffing, cargo, flesh (living or dead, but not slaughtered’. Mills (1981:65) posits "Proto-Indonesian" *( )a(n)si( ) ‘contents, flesh’, but Acehnese asòe is the only form in his comparison which cannot be assigned to *Sesi.


*Setek cut, sever, chop


PAN     *Setek cut, sever, chop

Amis stekto literally cut, sever
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) ʔetekcut down a tree or bamboo with a bolo


PMP     *hetek cut, sever, chop

Kenyah (Long Wat) tekpieces that have already been cut (as in cutting sugarcane)
Melanau (Mukah) tekpiece made by cutting
Nias õtõchop to pieces, chop up
Makasarese attaʔto notch; underside of the glans penis
  atteʔnotch in a post or stick, notch in a coconut tree used for climbing
Hawu etacut, cut off
  eta duetap a lontar palm for palm wine
Kamarian etepiece, lump


POC     *otok cut, sever

Motu otoslice or strip

Note:   Also Hawu eté ‘cut, cut off’.


*Seyaq shyness, embarrassment; shame


PAN     *Seyaq shyness, embarrassment; shame

Paiwan siaqshyness, embarrassment


PMP     *heyaq shyness, embarrassment; shame

Tagalog hiyáʔ, híyaʔshame
Hanunóo ʔúyaʔshame, modesty
Aklanon huyáʔface, pride; shame; be disgraced, be shamed
Kalamian Tagbanwa ɨyakashamed
Hiligaynon huyáʔshame, disgrace
Palawan Batak ʔɨyaʔashamed
Samal iaʔfeeling of shame
Mongondow oyaʔshyness, shame
Uma eaʔshame
Bare'e eashame, shyness


PWMP     *ka-heyaq shame, shyness

Hanunóo ka-uyáʔ-anvirtue, honor
Maranao kayaʔshame; shyness
Mongondow ko-oyaʔshyness
Uma ka-eaʔshame
Bare'e ka-eashame, shyness


PAN     *ma-Seyaq shy, embarrassed; ashamed

Paiwan ma-siaqshy, polite, embarrassed


PMP     *ma-heyaq shy, embarrassed; ashamed

Tboli meyakshy, ashamed
Bintulu məzaʔshy, ashamed
Melanau (Mukah) miaʔshy, ashamed
Kanowit miaʔashamed
Sangir meashame
  ma-meaashamed, shy
Mongondow mo-oyaʔshy, ashamed
Banggai maashame
  ma-maashy, ashamed
Uma me-ʔeaʔashamed
Bare'e ma-eaashamed, shy
Wolio maeashy, bashful, embarrassed, ashamed, modest


PCEMP     *ma-mayaq shy, embarrassed, ashamed

Bimanese majashy, ashamed
Manggarai majashy, ashamed
Ngadha meashame, bashfulness, shyness
Li'o meaashamed
Sika mea-ŋshy, ashamed
Lamaholot miaʔshy, ashamed
Rotinese maeashamed, to feel shamed; bashful
Selaru maiashamed
Elat mo-maishy, ashamed
Masiwang maya-nshy, ashamed
Kowiai/Koiwai ma-malashy, ashamed
Buli maiashamed; shame, disgrace
Numfor mashy, ashamed
Duke of York mai-maishame; ashamed
Manam maia, maya, maya-mayaashamed
Gedaged ma-maishame; embarrassment, confoundedness, abashment
Numbami me-meyashy, ashamed
Ubir ma-maishy, ashamed
Dobuan o-maya-mayashame, ashamed
Molima wo-maya-mayashame
Nggela maaashamed; feel reverence
Sa'a masa, masa-masashy, ashamed, respectful
  masa-nashame, confusion, shyness
Arosi masaashamed
Gilbertese maa-mashame, timidity, shyness, bashfulness
  ma-maa-mabe ashamed, shy, confused
Woleaian maa, maashamed; disgraceful; feel shameful
Tongan feel shame, be ashamed
Samoan ashamed, embarrassed
Maori shame, abasement; shy, ashamed

Note:   Also Seediq siqa ‘shame, modesty, reserve’, m-siqa ‘ashamed, modest, reserved’, k-siqa ‘imperative and negative of m-siqa’, Hanunóo húya, ‘shame, modesty’, huya-húya ‘sensitive plant’, Mongondow oraʔ ‘shyness, shame’.

This comparison is a noteworthy example of how fossilized morphology together with regular sound change can thoroughly disguise the connection of related forms, even when recurrent phonological correspondences have been established. Thus, without knowledge of the morphology, Tagalog hiyáʔ could correspond only to **ia in most Oceanic languages. The development of CMP, South Halmahera-West New Guinea, and OC forms has been: *ma-Seyaq > ma-siaq > ma-hiaq > maiaq > mayaq, and thus exactly parallels the development of PAn *ma-Suab POc *mawap ‘to yawn’. Following the reanalysis of PAn *ma-Seyaq as PCEMP *mayaq, many CEMP languages reinterpreted this historically stative/attributive form as nominal (‘shame, shyness’) and added a historically secondary stative/attributive prefix *ma-, yielding PCEMP *mayaq ‘shyness, shame’, *ma-mayaq ‘shy, ashamed’. The parallel developments in Sangir ma-mea and Banggai ma-maa are assumed to be products of convergence, since a reflex of *Seyaq is retained as a separate morpheme in other WMP languages.


*Seyup blowing on (a fire, etc.)


PAN     *Seyup blowing on (a fire, etc.)     [doublet: *tiup]

Kavalan s-m-iupto blow (with breath)
Seediq iup, yupto blow (as on a fire)
Thao m-iupto blow (with breath)
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) iupto blow with breath
Paiwan siupsuck in air


PMP     *heyup blowing on (a fire, etc.)

Sambal (Botolan) ɨyɨpto blow
Bikol hayópblow something away; blow on something
Aklanon huyópto blow (air) on
Kalamian Tagbanwa ɨyɨpto blow
Hiligaynon huyúpblast, blow, breath
Cebuano huyúpblow air, blow something away; treat an ailment by huyúp
Mamanwa hoyopto blow, as a fire
Maranao iopblow, esp. with the mouth
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) hiupblow on or at something; blow a musical instrument
Mansaka uyupto blow, as a fire
Tiruray ʔiufto blow
Tboli m-eyufto blow, as with one's breath
Kelabit iupblowing
Sa'ban yopthing used for blowing (as a bamboo tube used to blow on the fire)
Jarai ayupto blow
Rhade ayuʔto blow across (musical instrument, as a flute)
Simalur iubblow on, fan something
Toba Batak iupblowing on
Mongondow irupto blow, blowing (person, wind); to fan; blow away


PWMP     *maŋ-heyup blow, blow on (a fire, etc.)

Subanon moŋ-oyupto blow, as a fire
Kelabit ŋ-iupblow, blow on
Sa'ban n-yopblow, blow on
Simalur maŋ-iupblow, blow on
Toba Batak maŋ-iupblow


PWMP     *maR-heyup to blow, as the wind

Bikol mag-hayópblow something away, blow on
Hiligaynon mag-huyúpblow, breathe upon, expel breath
Malay ber-tiupto blow (as the wind)


PAN     *Seyup-an place of blowing

Seediq yup-anplace of blowing (as where a fire is being started)


PMP     *heyup-an place of blowing

Bikol hayop-anplace of blowing
Palawan Batak ʔuip-an <Mto blow, as a fire (Reid 1971)
Maranao iop-anmouthpiece


PWMP     *heyup-en be blown

Bikol hayop-ónblow something away, blow on
Subanun (Sindangan) iup-ɨnto blow, as a fire
Malagasy tsìofinabe blown


PWMP     *heyup heyup hollow cane for blowing on the fire

Ifugaw yup-yúpblow-pipe, used to increase the fire burning in the hearth
Casiguran Dumagat yop-yópto blow on something (as to blow out a candle, or to blow on coals to get them to flare up)
Simalur iuf-iubhollow cane or tube for blowing on the fire
Karo Batak iup-iupbellows
Toba Batak iup-iup ni sarunemouthpiece of a clarinet


PAN     *S<um>eyup to blow

Kavalan s-m-iupto blow (with breath)
Thao m-yupto blow (with breath)


PMP     *h<um>eyup to blow

[Sangir t-um-iuʔto blow, of the wind]

Note:   Also Bontok ayóp ‘blow on, as a fire in order to make it flame’. Some liberties have been taken in the comparison of morphologically complex reflexes of *Seyup and *tiup in order to argue for the antiquity of certain morphologically complex forms of *Seyup. One other item that can be added to the comparison for *Seyup Seyup in this connection is Malay tiup-tiup ‘mouth organ’, Malay (Baba) tiop-tiop api ‘bellows’.


*Sezam borrow, lend


PAN     *Sezam borrow, lend     [doublet: *hinzam]

Paiwan sedjamsomething borrowed


PMP     *hezam borrow, lend

Casiguran Dumagat edEmborrow
Kapampangan andámborrow, lend
Tagalog hirámborrowed; adapted
Bikol hadámborrow
Hanunóo ʔudámborrowing, lending
Aklanon hueámborrow
Hiligaynon hulámborrow
Cebuano hulámborrow something; adopt, take over as one's own
Tboli m-edomborrow
Singhi Land Dayak nyamborrow, lend
Sangir edaŋborrow from someone, of objects that must themselves be returned, as opposed to objects (e.g. money) that can be returned in kind
Proto-Minahasan *edamlease land, rent
Tontemboan eramrent
Wolio adaborrow


PPh     *ipa-hedám lend something (?)

Tagalog ipa-hirámto lend (something)
Tontemboan ipa-eramwill be rented


PPh     *ma-hedám (gloss uncertain)

Tagalog ma-hirámable to borrow (something)
Tontemboan ma-eramto rent


PPh     *maŋ-hedam borrow

Tagalog maŋ-hirámborrow
Sangir maŋ-edaŋborrow from, lend to (of objects that must themselves be returned)


PAN     *pa-Sezam lend

Paiwan pa-sedjamto lend, loan
Tagalog pa-hirámthing lent
Aklanon pa-hueómto lend
Cebuano pa-hulámto lend
[Makasarese pa-inraŋto lend]
Wolio pa-adalend to (a person)


PPh     *pa-hedam-en be lent to

Tagalog pa-hir(a)m-ínto lend something to (someone)
Bikol pa-hadam-ónto lend
Tontemboan pa-eram-enbe rented


PPh     *hedam-en be borrowed

Casiguran Dumagat edim-ento borrow
Tagalog hir(a)m-ínto borrow (a thing)
Bikol hadam-onto borrow
Aklanon hueom-ónto borrow
Hiligaynon hulam-unto borrow
Tontemboan eram-enfor rent

Note:   Singhi Land Dayak ñam is assumed to be njam, with the type of nasal-obstruent sequence that has been called an "implosive" nasal (Coady and McGinn 1982) or a "funny" nasal (Durie 1985). The parallel suffixation in Malay mem-injam-kan ‘lend something to someone’ and Wolio pa-ada-aka ‘lend (something)’ is assumed to result from a historically independent ‘capture’ of the preposition *aken in both languages. Tagalog híram-an ‘person from whom or place from which one may borrow something or things’, Malay pinjam-an ‘thing borrowed; loan’ may point to PWMP *hezam-an, but the Malay suffix could reflect *-en.

Finally, it is noteworthy that at least three widely separated WMP languages (Kiput, Javanese, Sangir) make a lexical distinction between the borrowing of an object that must itself be returned (e.g. a book), and the borrowing of an object that can be returned in kind (e.g. rice, money). Although these distinct glosses cannot yet be assigned to different reconstructed forms, it appears unlikely that such a distinction would develop independently. If not, *Sezam presumably referred to only one type of borrowing, while some other verb yet to be reconstructed referred to the other.


*Si-₁ instrumental prefix, marker of the


PAN     *Si-₁ instrumental prefix, marker of the instrumental focus

Atayal s-marker of instrumental passive
Atayal (Mayrinax) si-instrumental prefix
Bunun is- <Mprefix - instrumental
Paiwan si-be the instrument or cause of


PMP     *i- instrumental prefix

Tagalog i-marker of instrumental focus verbs (formed by prefixing i- to an instrumental adjective: Schachter and Otanes 1972: 319)
Bikol i-verbal affix, instrumental, infinitive-command form
Aklanon i-prefix for future and command verb forms in the instrumental focus
Hiligaynon i-general proposed action instrumental affix
Cebuano i-instrumental passive verb affix, future
Motu i-instrumental prefix (daro-a 'sweep', i-daro 'broom', budu-a 'bore a hole', i-budu 'boring instrument', etc.)
Bugotu i-instrumental prefix to nouns
Lau i-instrumental prefix
Sa'a i-instrumental prefix forming noun from verb
Arosi i-instrumental prefix
Mota i-instrumental prefix
Fijian i-a noun preformative added to verbal roots, sometimes with reduplications. It indicates (1) the instrument of an action; (2) the scene of the action, (3) the result of an action, (4) the method of an action, (5) the actor, (6) the person or thing acted on
Rennellese i-causative, instrumental, locative, ablative, and temporal preposition, and causative conjunction

Note:   The PMP reflex of PAn *Si- should be *hi-. This morpheme shows an irregular loss of the initial consonant in all diagnostic MP witnesses (mostly in the Philippines).


*Si-₂ originate from, come from


PAN     *Si-₂ originate from, come from

Paiwan ka-si-to originate from, come from


PMP     *hi- originate from, come from

Bontok ʔi-a derivational prefix generally attached to locational words and meaning a person from that location
Kankanaey i-prefix with a few adverbs of time, and with names of towns or countries to indicate the people whose town or country of origin they are
Ifugaw i-prefix of names of places. Indicates the person or the people who inhabit the village, the site, the region, the zone which bears a name known by all those who live there
Malagasy i-a prefix used before names of places, tribes
Old Javanese i-particle with a prepositional function before nouns, often combined with the definite particle ŋ to . Occurs before nouns which in the sentence function as grammatical object (esp. before place-names)
Gilbertese i-prefix to names of places or categories. It designates persons originating or living in those places, or members of these categories

Note:   Apparently distinct from the locative focus marker *i. Reflexes of *Si are common in the names of language groups in northern Luzon.


*Si-₃ to wear, put on clothes, etc.


PAN     *Si-₃ to wear, put on clothes, etc.

Kavalan si-rukuhto wear a bamboo hat
Saisiyat ʃi-potœhto wear shorts
Seediq se-lukusto dress up
Rukai (Tanan) si-kiʔiŋto wear clothes

Note:   These examples were first cited by Teng (2014).


(Formosan only)

*Sidi Formosan serow, mountain goat


PAN     *Sidi Formosan serow, mountain goat

Basai siligoat
Kavalan sizigoat
Saisiyat ʃiriwild goat, serow
Amis sirigoat
Thao sisinative wild goat, the Formosan serow: Capricornis crispus swinhoei Gray; domesticated goat
Bunun sidigoat
Puyuma sirigoat
Paiwan sizinative wild goat, the Formosan serow: Capricornis crispus swinhoei Gray


(Formosan only)

*Sijap broom


PAN     *Sijap broom

Kavalan sinapbroom
Puyuma idapbroom (Ting 1978)

Note:   Ting (1978) cites the Puyuma form in the Pinaski, Ulibulibuk, Kasabakan and Katipul dialects, but Tsuchida (1980) does not give it for the Tamalakaw dialect, nor does Cauquelin (2011) give it for Nanwang Puyuma.


*Sika- prefix for ordinal numbers


PAN     *Sika- prefix for ordinal numbers

Paiwan si-ka-prefix for ordinal numbers


PMP     *ika- prefix for ordinal numerals

Itbayaten icha-prefix for ordinal numbers
Kankanaey ika-a prefix added to cardinal numbers to form ordinal ones
Tagalog ika-prefix for ordinal numerals
Hanunóo ʔika-prefix for ordinal numerals
Cebuano ika-prefix for ordinal numerals
Maranao ika-prefix for ordinal numerals
Tombonuwo koordinal prefix to numerals
Ida'an Begak kə-ordinal prefix to numerals in non-future contexts
Iban ke-ordinal prefix to numerals
Malay kə-ordinal prefix to numerals


POC     *ka- prefix for ordinal numerals

Gilbertese ka-prefix for ordinal numerals (always with the article te, hence tenua ‘three’, te ka-tenua ‘third’)
Woleaian ga-prefix for ordinal numerals
Fijian ka-prefix for ordinal numerals


(Formosan only)

*Sikad ashamed; shy


PAN     *Sikad ashamed; shy

Kavalan sikazshy, ashamed
  paq-sikazcause to be ashamed, shy or bashful
  qaq-sikazeasily ashamed, shy or bashful
Pazeh sikatashamed, shy


PAN     *ma-Sikad ashamed; shy; modest

Kavalan m-sikazpolite; shy
Pazeh ma-sikatashamed; shy; reserved, modest

Note:   This form appears to be synonymous with PAn *ma-Siaq ‘shy, ashamed’. So far no way has been found to distinguish these two reconstructions semantically.


*Sikam mat


PAN     *Sikam mat

Kanakanabu sikáməmat woven with wild ginger leaves
Saaroa sikaməmat woven with wild ginger leaves


PMP     *hikam mat

Manobo (Dibabawon) hikammat

Note:   Also Paiwan sekam ‘mat’, Binukid ikam ‘mat’, Manobo (Western Bukidnon) ikam ‘mat’.


*Sikan fish


PAN     *Sikan fish

Bunun (Takituduh) kaːnfish
Bunun (Takbanuad) iskan <Mfish
Hoanya sikanfish


PMP     *hikan fish

Ilokano ikánfish
Isneg ikánfish (generic)
Arta ianfish
Kankanaey ikánfish
Ifugaw ikánany kind of fish that is greater than mudfishes; may be applied to fishes in general
Casiguran Dumagat ikánfish; go on a fishing trip
Maranao ikanlegendary fish-like animal
Iban ikanfish
Tsat ka:n³³fish
Malay ikanfish (generic)
Karo Batak ikandried or salted fish
Toba Batak ihana large fish
Old Javanese (h)ikanfish
Wawonii ikafish
Moronene ika ~ icafish
Palauan ŋíkəlfish
Chamorro guihanfish (generic)
Komodo ihaŋfish
Manggarai ikaŋfish
Ngadha ikafish
Keo ikafish
Riung ikanfish
Lamaholot ikanfish
Kodi ighafish
Waiyewa iafish
Dhao/Ndao iʔafish
Rotinese iʔa(k)fish
Tetun ikanfish
Vaikenu ikafish
Galoli iʔanfish
Talur iʔanfish
Tugun ikafish
West Damar jeñofish
Wetan īnafish
Fordata ia(n)fish
Kola ikafish
Ujir ikafish
Dobel siʔafish
Watubela ikanfish
Teluti yanofish
Kamarian ikaraw pounded fish with vegetables
Gah ikanfish
Alune ianefish
Wahai ianfish
Proto-Ambon *ikanfish
Saparua ianfish
Laha iaŋfish
Hitu ianfish
Asilulu iʔanfish
Manipa ihafish
Larike iʔanufish
Batu Merah ianifish
Morella ianfish
Buruese ikanfish


PEMP     *ikan fish

Taba yanfish
Gimán ianfish
Sawai infish
Buli ianfish
Minyaifuin infish
Dusner infish
Ron infish
Numfor infish
Tigak ienfish
Tabar iafish
Duke of York ianfish
Bali (Uneapa) ighaŋafish
Arop yifish
Lusi ihafish
Kove ihafish
Lakalai la-iafish (generic)
Manam ikafish
Gitua igafish
Numbami iyafish
Bunama ʔianafish
Dobuan ianafish
Papapana na-ianafish
Haku a-yanafish
Tinputz ìànfish
Uruava ianafish
Torau ia-lafish
Mono-Alu ianafish
Hoava iγanafish
Roviana iganafish (generic)
Nggela igaa creature of the sea: fish, mollusc, crayfish, whale, squid, sea anemone, etc.
Marau₂ iʔafish
'Āre'āre iʔafish (generic)
Sa'a iʔefish
Arosi iʔafish
Proto-Micronesian *ikafish (generic)
Gilbertese ikafish (generic)
Woleaian ig(a), igal(a)fish
Mota igafish
Raga ixefish
Apma ikfish
Axamb na-ixfish
Nakanamanga na-ikafish
Pwele na-ikafish
Efate (South) na-ikfish
Rotuman iʔafish: including also turtles, whales, alligators, etc., but not crabs, shellfish, etc.
Fijian ikafish
Tongan ikafish, incl. also turtles (fonu) and whales (tofuaʔa), but not eels, cuttle-fish or jelly-fish
Samoan iʔafish (incl. turtles and whales)
Rennellese ikafish, turtle
Rarotongan ikafish (generic)
Maori ikafish
Hawaiian iʔafish or any marine animal, as eel, oyster, crab, whale; meat or any flesh food

Note:   Also Bunun (Northern) kaːn ‘fish’, Wolio ikane, isa ‘fish’. In addition to functioning in isolation as the generic term for ‘fish’, this widely distributed form is the head element in many fish names.


*Siket tie, bind, attach to by tying


PAN     *Siket tie, bind, attach to by tying

Amis siketbe attached, joined to


PMP     *hiket tie, bind, attach to by tying

Itbayaten hichetidea of winding
Ilokano ikétgeneral name for all kinds of nets
Isneg ikátnet
Bontok ʔíkətdog collar
Kankanaey iketfasten a rope to, attach a cord to, fasten a line to; to strap, to leash
Pangasinan ikétnet
Kapampangan íkatbraid
Bikol híkotnet, now primarily used for fishing, but in the past used for hunting as well
Cebuano hikúttie something up; tie something to something
Maranao ikettie
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) hikettie up; commit suicide
Tiruray ʔiketa tie; to tie (loan)
Bintulu ikəttying
Lahanan m-ikətto tie
Iban ikattie, tie together
Malay ikattying up, fastening; (in Java) head-band, head-cloth
Karo Batak ikettied up, of prisoners
Toba Batak ihotrope, band, fetter
Lampung ikoʔtie something
Old Javanese iketband, tie
Javanese iketplaited batik head cloth which the wearer dons by winding it around his head
Balinese ikettie, bind; kind of expensive cloth in which the threads of the warp or the weft are tied off at various places, so that they can be dyed in different colors
Sasak iketbind with a rope
Sangir ikiʔtie, bind
Ngadha ikétie, bind, fetter
Hawu ĕki <Mtie, bind


PWMP     *maŋ-hiket to tie, bind together

Iban ŋ-ikattie something together
Malay meŋ-ikatbind, tie together with rope
Karo Batak ŋ-ikettie up, take prisoner
Balinese ŋ-ikettie, bind
Sasak ŋ-iketbind with a rope
Sangir maŋ-ikiʔbind, tie up


PWMP     *maR-hiket to tie

Bikol mag-híkotto make a net from
Malay ber-ikattied, tied up


PWMP     *h<um>iket to tie

Kapampangan m-ikatto braid
Bintulu m-ikətto tie
Old Javanese um-iketto bind, tie, bind together


PWMP     *hiket-en tied, bound together

Kankanaey ikt-énbe fastened or attached to
Bikol hikót-onbe made into a net from
Malay ikat-anwhat is already tied; way of tying; bundle

Note:   Also Sekar eket ‘tie, bind’. Dempwolff (1934-38) included Samoan iʔo ‘wind, coil (as string or rope between two parts of the body)’ in this comparison. However, the Samoan form and similar forms in other Polynesian languages (e.g. Niue iko ‘to coil, wind around’) appear to be distinct. This item may contain the root *-keC ‘adhesive, sticky’, and hence end in *C.


*SimaR grease, oil, fat


PAN     *SimaR grease, oil, fat

Kavalan simaRfat, grease
Saisiyat SimaLfat, grease
Amis simaloil, grease, fat; gasoline
Bunun simal(animal) oil
Tsou símrogrease, fat (Duhtu)
Saaroa ʔimarəgrease, fat
Siraya gimachfat, oil, salve
Proto-Rukai *simaʔafat, grease
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) imaRgrease, fat
Paiwan simaraw animal fat (after cooking or rendering into oil it is qalev)


PMP     *himaR grease, oil, fat

Cebuano hímagoil with magical healing properties obtained from a special kind of leech

Note:   Tsuchida (1976:234) reconstructs Proto-South Formosan *S₁imaR ‘grease, fat’.


*Simu 2p pronoun: you


PAN     *Simu 2p pronoun: you

Atayal simuprimary and nominalized pronoun II plus III; you and he or she


PMP     *imu 2p pronoun: you

Itbayaten imoyou
Aklanon ímoyour (sg.), you
Hiligaynon ímuyour, yours (second person sg. pre-position source pronoun)
Cebuano ímuyou (sg.)


PCEMP     *imi 2p. pl. pronoun: you

Tetun imiyou (pl.)
Wetan imiyou (pl.)
Kei imyou (pl.)
Kamarian imiyou (pl.)
Paulohi imiyou (pl.)
Gilbertese imthy, thee, thou
  imiyou (pl.)

Note:   The forms brought together here show two general irregularities: 1. the expected reflex of *S- in all four WMP languages is h-, and 2. the expected reflex of the last syllable vowel in all CEMP languages is -u. Given these problems it would be easy to posit only a PPh reconstruction *ímu and a distinct PCEMP (or even PCMP) reconstruction *imi.

However, it is well-known that pronouns commonly undergo irregular sound changes, in part because of their high text frequency, and in part because of the tendency for pronoun systems to be restructured while retaining the elements that compose them (Blust 1977). PAn *Simu evidently contains the element *-mu seen also in PAn *kamu ‘2p. pl.’. The relationship of this form to the pronoun system reconstructed in Blust (1977) remains problematic, and the supporting evidence for it needs to be examined critically through closer attention to the historical development of the languages from which this evidence is drawn.


*Sin- verb prefix


PAN     *Sin- verb prefix

Bunun sin-gerund prefix (like "-ing" in English)


PMP     *hin- verb prefix

Ifugaw -in-infix denoting the frequency or intensity of an action
Tagalog hin-prefix indicating removal, cleaning or the like
Bikol hin-prefix which conveys the meaning of removing something
Cebuano hiN-prefix forming verbs which mean 1. be almost (such-and-such) a state, time of day, 2. referring to an intense action, 3. added to nouns to form a verb meaning 'get the (noun) out', 4. added to a few verb bases to form nouns referring to an accidental or involuntary action

Note:   The function of this affix remains unclear, although it seems likely that it contributed a sense of intensification to the meaning of the verb stem.


(Formosan only)

*Sina a plant: Erechtites spp.


PAN     *Sina a plant: Erechtites spp.

Saisiyat (Taai) ʃinaɁa plant: Erechtites spp.
Atayal (Mayrinax) sinaa plant: Erechtites spp.
Rukai (Budai) la-sia-sinaa plant: Erechtites spp.

Note:   According to Merrill (1954:132) this plant is an introduction from the Americas, raising questions about the referent of *Sina. However, several species of Erechtites are known in the central and southern Philippines, where they are designated by native terms unrelated to this reconstruction (Madulid 2001). The comparison cited here was first noted by Li (1994:259), who reconstructed ‘Proto-Formosan’ *sina.


*SiNuq beads


PAN     *SiNuq beads     [doublet: *uNuq]

Saisiyat shilœbeads
Thao ma-shizuqwear something around the neck, as when money is put in a garland around the neck of a sick person
  shizuq-anput something around the neck; necklace
Tsou skuunecklace
Kanakanabu sinúʔunecklace
Saaroa ilhuʔunecklace
Rukai (Budai) silobeads


PMP     *hinuq beads

Murik inubeads
Kayan inubeads
Mentawai inubeads
Hawu inuput around the neck (beads, chain, string, etc.)
Rotinese inu inuhang together in great quantities, in clusters (as fruits that are tied together)
Atoni inu lekofine coral beads

Note:   Also Atayal sniuu ‘necklace’. Tsuchida (1976:165) proposes Proto-South Formosan *S₁iɬuq ‘beads’.


*Siñaw to wash


PAN     *Siñaw to wash     [doublet: *Señaw]

Seediq (Truku) sinaoto wash (vessels, surfaces, solid objects)
Pazeh si-sinawwash utensils
Thao sh-m-inawto wash
Bunun ma-sinavwash (spades, bowls)
Kanakanabu m-ari-sináuwash utensils
Proto-Rukai *sinawwash (clothes)


PMP     *hiñaw wash hands, feet or face

Ilokano innáwdo the dishes; wash, rinse, cleanse plates, glasses, jars, etc.
Tagalog hináwwashing of hands or feet
Hiligaynon hináwwash hands or feet
Cebuano hináwwash the hands


PAN     *Siñaw-an place where one washes

Seediq (Truku) snag-anplace where one washes
Thao shinaw-anwash objects other than clothing


PMP     *hiñaw-an place where one washes

Tagalog hínaw-anwash-bowl
Cebuano hinaw-anwash basin

Note:   With root *-ñaw ‘wash, bathe, rinse’.


*Siŋus sniff, sniffle (as with a runny nose)


PAN     *Siŋus sniff, sniffle (as with a runny nose)

Paiwan siŋusto sniff


PMP     *hiŋus₂ sniff, sniffle (as with a runny nose)

Cebuano híŋussniffle, draw the snot up into the nose
  híŋus-híŋuskind of peppery dish made from chicken intestines
Malay (h)iŋussnot; mucus from the nose
Sundanese iŋushave the sniffles

Note:   Also Kavalan siŋut ‘sniff’, Hiligaynon íŋus ‘to sniffle, draw air audibly’, Cebuano íŋus-íŋus ‘kind of peppery dish made from chicken intestines’, Nias iŋo ‘nasal mucus; to sniffle; catarrh’, Simalur iŋol, Minangkabau iŋur ‘snot’. PAn *s normally became Paiwan t, but is reflected as s in some other forms that contained *S (as *liseSaq > ƚiseqes ‘nit, egg of a louse’). With root *-ŋus ‘snout’.


*SipaR opposite side (esp. of a river)


PAN     *SipaR opposite side (esp. of a river)

Bunun sipalopposite (in spatial location)
Kanakanabu m-u-a-sipárəwalk across the river
Saaroa m-u-u-siparəwalk across the river
  i-siparəthe opposite side of the river


PMP     *hipaR₂ opposite side (esp. of a river)

Tiruray ʔifarcross over to the other side (as of a river or street)
Toba Batak iparthe opposite shore
Bimanese ipaacross, on the opposite side


PWMP     *di hipaR on the opposite side (esp. of a river)

Ayta Abellan lipaythe other side of a body of water; to cross a body of water
Tiruray difarthe other side, in the sense of the side facing the speaker
Abai Sembuak lifagopposite bank
Kelabit d-iparopposite side (as of a river)
Kayan (Uma Juman) d-ipaheither of the sides of a river, etc.
Melanau (Mukah) d-ipahopposite bank of a river
Toba Batak di iparyonder, on the opposite side

Note:   Also Seediq sipao ‘opposite side (of valley, stream)’. Possibly identical to PMP *hipaR ‘brother-in-law, sister-in-law’ (reflecting a PMP exogamous dualistic social organization).


*Sipes cockroach


PAN     *Sipes cockroach

Kavalan sipescockroach
Saisiyat hipihsmall cockroach


PMP     *ipes cockroach

Itbayaten ipescockroach
Ilokano ípescockroach
Casiguran Dumagat ípescockroach; be swarming with cockroaches
Kapampangan ípascockroach
Tagalog ípiscockroach
Hanunóo ípuscockroach
Cebuano ípussmall cockroach
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) ipescockroach
Tiruray ʔifessmall tan cockroach
Wahau pəscockroach
Mei Lan Modang pao̯scockroach
Woq Helaq Modang pao̯scockroach
Long Gelat Modang poe̯hcockroach
Karo Batak ipesthe brown cockroach
Toba Batak iposcockroach
Proto-Minahasan *ipescockroach


POC     *ipos cockroach

Nauna ihcockroach
Nali yihcockroach

Note:   Saisiyat hipih shows ‘sibilant assimilation’ (Blust 1995). With irregular loss of *S- in PMP, parallel to the change in PAn *Sepat > PMP *epat ‘four’. Also Pazeh hepet ‘cockroach’, Malay lipas ‘cockroach; gen. for a number of Blattidae’. Dempwolff (1934-38) attributed Samoan ipo ‘edible sea-worm: Sipunculus spp.’ to this etymon, but this and similar forms in other Oceanic languages are now attributed to POc *impo ‘edible sea worm: Sipunculus spp.’ (q.v.).


*Sipi dream


PAN     *Sipi dream     [doublet: *lupi, *Sepi]

Pazeh pi-sipi, pai-sipidream
Sakizaya simpiʔto dream
Proto-Rukai *sipidream


PMP     *hipi dream

Kadazan Dusun ipidream
Toba Batak ipidream
Nias ifidream
Sundanese impidream
Old Javanese ipidream
Javanese impi, ipia dream
Balinese impi, ipia dream
Sasak impi, ipia dream
Sangir ipidream
Proto-Minahasan *ipidream
Bare'e ipia dream
Tae' impia dream
Mori moʔ-ipidream
Chamorro guifia dream


PWMP     *maŋ-hipi to dream

Toba Batak maŋ-ipito dream
Nias maŋ-ifito dream
Lampung ŋ-ipeyto dream
Sundanese ŋ-impito dream
Javanese ŋ-impito dream
Sasak ŋ-ipito dream
Bare'e maŋ-ipito dream
Tae' maŋ-ipito dream
Chamorro maŋ-guifito dream
Hitu manidream


PWMP     *paŋ-hipi a dream

Sundanese paŋ-impi-ana dream
Old Javanese paŋ-ipy-anstate of dreaming; dream-vision
Javanese paŋ-impè-na dream
Bare'e paŋ-ipia dream
Tae' paŋ-impia dream
Wolio poŋ-ipito dream; a dream


PMP     *h<in>ipi a dream; was dreamt by

Bisaya (Lotud) inipidream
Berawan (Long Terawan) ŋe-nipéhto dream
Gayō mu-nipito dream
Toba Batak mar-nipito dream (said by Warneck 1977 [1906] to be from ni + ipi 'to dream')
Old Javanese in-ipidream
Buginese nippidream
Muna mo-nifito dream
Chamorro gu-in-ifidream
Bunama nihidream


PCEMP     *nipi dream

Bimanese nifidream
Manggarai nipidream
Hawu nito dream
Masiwang m-nifto dream
Paulohi mi-ni-nifito dream
Proto-Ambon *(ma-)nipito dream
Nali nihi-nihdream
Leipon ni-nihdream
Numbami ni-niwidream
Motu nihidream
Roro nibidream
Mekeo (East) nipidream
Molima nividream


PMP     *h<um>ipi to dream

Malay m-impidream
Sangir mi-ipidream


PCEMP     *mipi to dream

Sika m-ipi-ndream
Tetun m-ihi-ndream
Andra mihi-mihto dream
Ahus mihi-mihdream
Kuruti mihi-mihdream
Levei im-mihdream
Ponam mifdream
Cheke Holo mifidream
Nauruan midream
Gilbertese midream

Note:   Also Bintulu, Melanau (Mukah) nupey, Ujir nupiʔ, Ngaju Dayak ma-nupi, Malagasy ma-nofy, Belait ndupay, Kelabit mupih, Modang (Long Glat) empi-n, Totoli upi-an, Wuvulu, Aua mevi, Sori me-mep, Nauna mehi-meh, Lou mImpIp ‘dream’. Malay mimpi, Sangir mipi, and similar forms cited under *h-um-ipi may actually reflect PAn *mi-Sepi (cp. Proto-Atayalic *sepi, Paiwan mi-sepi ‘dream’), although unambiguous reflexes of *Sepi are thus are confined to the Formosan languages. The relationship of Saisiyat ʔishpiʔ ‘to dream’ to these forms remains unclear.


(Formosan only)

*SipuR to count


PAN     *SipuR to count

Thao shupilh <Mto count; read, study, learn
Bunun ma-sipulto count; study, learn
Paiwan supusum, amount, number
  ki-suputo read
  s<m>upu <Ato count, reckon

Note:   Thao shupilh was also recorded as cupish and lhupish (Blust 2003:350). It is assumed that the Thao form shows metathesis of the vowels, and Paiwan supu shows assimilation of the first vowel to the second. Other than this the correspondences are regular, and there is no compelling reason to believe that this is a loan distribution. PAn *SipuR was replaced in PMP by *ihap.


*SiRup sip, as soup or rice wine from a bowl


PAN     *SiRup sip, as soup or rice wine from a bowl     [doublet: *hiRup, *SiRup]

Kavalan siRupto eat soup


PMP     *hiRup sip, as soup or rice wine from a bowl

Ilokano ígupone draught, one swallow (of water, etc.)
Isneg íxop, íxupsip, drink
Bontok ʔígupviand; that which is eaten with rice (of vegetables, meat or snails). It is usually served in a bowl containing the broth in which the viand was cooked; to drink the broth from the viand bowl; to drink wine
Kankanaey ígupsuck in, drink, absorb
Ifugaw igúpLagawe word for drinking which is used in hudhud chant in the sense of "sip" rice wine; it is usually reduplicated
Casiguran Dumagat igúpsip a hot drink
Pangasinan ilópto sip
Tagalog hígopsip
Bikol hígopto siphon, sip
Aklanon hígopinhale, sip
Hiligaynon hígupsip, suck up, slurp, as a soup
Cebuano hígupsip, take in liquid by sucking it up with air; take in air in the same manner
Maranao igopdrink
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) hiɣupsip a liquid by sucking it in with the breath
Tiruray ʔirofsip, suck in a liquid
Kelabit irupwhat is drunk; way of drinking
Ngaju Dayak ihopwhat is drunk; be drunk by someone
Iban irupdrink, fit for drinking
Malay (h)iruplapping or sucking up (liquid)
Sasak irupdrink noisily, slurp, sip
Tae' iruʔdrink; also absorb, as a cloth that is immersed in water
Makasarese iruʔsip, slurp
Komodo iruʔto suck up
Manggarai irupdrink slowly (as from a soup bowl)


POC     *iRup sip, as soup

Nggela iluto drink cabbage soup
  iluv-i(trans. form)
  ilu-iluto drink medicine
Lau iludrink with a spoon, sup, drink soup
'Āre'āre iruh-iadrink slowly
Ulawa iluto sup (as yam soup)
Arosi iruyam soup; to sip yam soup


PWMP     *maŋ-hiRup to sip, to drink

Isneg maŋ-íxupto sip, to drink
Kelabit ŋ-irupto drink
Iban ŋ-irupto drink
Tae' maŋ-iruʔto drink, be drinking


PWMP     *hiRup-an place of drinking

Isneg ixúp-andrink
Tagalog hígup-ansipping tube
Cebuano higup-án, higup-ánansomething from which one sips a liquid
Kelabit rup-anwatering hole for animals in the jungle
[Tae' irus-anpartake of while drinking, as to partake of baked yam tubers while drinking palm wine]


PWMP     *hiRup-en was sipped by

Ilokano igúp-enbe sipped by
Bikol hígop-onbe siphoned, sipped by
Kelabit rup-enis sipped by, will be sipped by

Note:   Also Sasak iup ‘sip, slurp, drink noisily’. The Central Cordilleran forms show irregular /g/ for expected /l/, and may be loans. This verb evidently referred to drinking in small quantities by inhalation, as in sipping hot soup from a bowl. It contrasted with *inum, the ordinary verb for ‘to drink’.


(Formosan only)

*SiSiN omen bird: Alcippe spp.


PAN     *SiSiN omen bird: Alcippe spp.

Kavalan sisinhwamei, bird sp., Garrulax canours
Saisiyat ʃiʃilomen bird (gives bad omens)
Seediq (Truku) sisilpetite bird relied on by the Taroko people to foretell luck or misfortune by its flight or its call in all activities that require travel (Pecoraro 1977); it is an omen of bad luck if it flies horizontally in front of people who are on the way to work or hunt, and they will consequently return home. However, if it flies vertically ---especially on the right hand side, they can proceed on their way (Apay Tang, p.c.)
Pazeh sisilomen bird, Gray-eyed Nun Babbler, Alcippe morrisonia
Paiwan (Western) sisilʸGould’s Quaker-Thrush, Alcippe brunnea brunnea Gould; an important omen bird. Flying from right to left means taboo; heard with tjiḍir [small brown omen bird] it means ‘you will eat pork’.

Note:   This intriguing comparison shows that omen birds, which played a role in the cultures of many documented Austronesian-speaking societies, already had a similar function in PAN society (as they did among the classical Romans). The exact referent of this term remains unclear, although it evidently included birds of the genus Alcippe (thrushes), and its cultural significance apparently was to give warning of the possible negative consequences of engaging in some planned activity.


*Siwa nine


PAN     *Siwa nine

Kavalan siwanine
  kin-siwanine (people)
Papora (me)-siyanine
Amis siwanine
Bunun sivanine
Bunun (Isbukun) sivaʔnine
Hoanya (a)-sianine
Tsou sio ~ sizonine
Puyuma iwanine
  kara-iwanine objects each
Paiwan sivanine
  maɬe-sivanine (persons)


PMP     *siwa nine

Sangil siaw <Mnine
Lingkabau siwə-ynine
Dumpas siwo-ynine
Kinabatangan siwo-ynine
Ida'an Begak siwa-ynine
Belait siwanine (Ray 1913)
Malagasy sivinine
  faha-sivithe ninth; the ancestors; the spirits of the ancestors
  mi-sivito divide into nine parts, to be in nine
Simalur siwanine (in certain combinations, and in women’s speech)
Toba Batak sianine
  si-paha-siathe ninth month
Nias siwanine
  me-ziwanine times (also as an expression of completeness)
Mentawai sibanine
Lampung siwanine
Proto-Sangiric *siaw <Mnine
Sangir sio <Mnine
Bantik siow <Mnine
Proto-Minahasan *siow <Mnine
Tondano siow <Mnine
Tontemboan siow <Mnine
Mongondow siow <Mnine
  ko-siownine times; the ninth
Totoli sio <Mnine
Pendau se-sio <Mnine
Dampelas se-sio <Mnine
Balaesang se-sio <Mnine
Banggai sio <M?nine
Uma sio <M?nine
Bare'e sio <M?nine
Proto-Bungku-Tolaki *sio <M?nine (bound numeral)
Mori Atas o-sionine
Moronene o-sionine
Wolio sio <M?nine
Palauan i-tíwnine (units of time)
  i-tíwnine (when counting in sequence)
  kl-tíwnine (animals, things)
  tə-tíwnine (people)
Chamorro sigwanine
Bimanese civinine
Komodo siwanine
Palu'e hiwanine
Lamaholot hiwanine
Solorese hiwanine
Tetun sianine
Vaikenu sionine
Tugun siənine
East Damar wo-sinine
Leti wo-sia ~ wo-siwanine
Moa wo-siewanine
Wetan wo-siwanine
Selaru siunine
Yamdena siunine
Teluti siwanine
Kamarian siwanine
Gah sianine
Alune sikwanine
Wahai sianine
Saparua siwanine
Asilulu siwanine
Batu Merah siwanine
Soboyo ta-sianine
Taba p-sionine
Ron siwnine
Numfor siwnine
Pom siunine
Marau₁ siwnine
Munggui siunine
Woi siwnine
Mendak siknine
Sursurunga a-siwnine
Tanga k-siunine
Haku to-sinine
Petats to-sienine
Selau sianine
Piva sianine
Torau sianine
Luangiua sivonine
Ririo zianine
Babatana zianine
Roviana sianine
Eddystone/Mandegusu sianine
Bugotu hianine
Kwaio sikwanine
Marau₂ siwanine
Lau sikwanine
Toqabaqita sikwanine
'Āre'āre siwanine
Sa'a siwenine
  siwa-naninth, for the ninth time
Arosi siwanine
Ulithian diwanine
Haununu siwanine
Nokuku tsiwanine
Tasmate tsiwanine
Aore a suanine
Wailengi siwonine
Raga sifonine
Atchin e-siwnine
Uripiv e-siwnine
Makatea siβanine
Rotuman sivanine
Wayan ciwanine
Fijian ciwanine
Tongan hivanine
Niue hivanine; ninth


PWMP     *in-siwa (gloss uncertain)

Malagasy in-tsivinine times
Mongondow in-siow <Mninth


POC     *paka-siwa nine times

Arosi haʔa-siwanine times
Wayan vaka-ciwanine times
Fijian vaka-ciwanine times


PAN     *Sika-Siwa ninth

Kavalan siʔa-siwanine times
Puyuma ka-iwaninth


PMP     *ika-siwa ninth

Fijian i ka-ciwaninth


PAN     *u-Siwa nine (of things?)

Kavalan u-siwanine (things)
Kanakanabu u-síanine
Saaroa u-sianine

Note:   Also Long Semadoh liwaʔ, Tring siwaʔ, Kelabit iwaʔ, Sa'ban ewaʔ, Taboyan, Lawangan sie, Ma'anyan suey, Siang suoy, Gayō, Karo Batak siwah, Sasak siwaʔ ‘nine’, Muna siua ‘nine (form used in counting and prefixed to nouns)’, Rembong siwaʔ, Atoni seɔʔ, Nggela hiua ‘nine’.

The appearance of an unexplained final glottal stop in a few widely-scattered languages raises questions about a possible doublet, and the appearance of –iua rather than –iwa in Muna and Nggela raises other questions that are difficult to answer on the basis of available evidence.

For an explanation of the basis for the irregular change from PAn *S to PMP *s in this word cf. Blust (1995).


*Siwid slanting, awry


PAN     *Siwid slanting, awry

Amis siwitslant, set at an angle, off course


PMP     *hiwid slanting, awry

Tagalog hiwídawry, out of line

Note:   Also Tagalog hiwís ‘aslant, as a staircase’, Cebuano hiwíʔ ‘crooked, winding or twisting; slanting to one side, or askew’. The final consonant correspondence may be irregular, but there is little evidence to decide the matter. For PAn *d- > Amis t-, cf. *duSa > tosa ‘two’.


*Su- take off, remove (+ noun)


PAN     *Su- take off, remove (+ noun)

Kavalan su-to remove (+ noun); lislis ‘scales’, su-lislis ‘to remove scales’ rubuŋ’skin, peeling’, su-rubuŋ ‘to skin, peel something’
Paiwan su-to take off; kava ‘clothes’, su-kava ‘to take off clothes’, tjaLupun ‘hat’, su-tjaLupun ‘take off a hat’

Note:   This comparison was first brought to my attention by Victoria Chen.


*Suab yawn


PAN     *Suab yawn

Amis sowafto yawn


PMP     *huab₂ yawn

Itbayaten a-hwabbreath emitting while yawning; yawn
  h-om-wabto yawn
  ka-hwabact of yawning
Itawis úwabyawn
Bontok ʔuwábyawn
Kankanaey uábyawn
Ifugaw úwabyawn; act of gaping involuntarily
Pangasinan oábyawn
Kadazan Dusun uvabyawn
Bisaya (Limbang) g-uaba yawn
Kelabit uaba yawn
Kayan uhama yawn
Kayan (Uma Juman) huava yawn
Rhade həapyawn
Malay uapyawn
Mentawai ōapyawn
Old Javanese hwab, obyawn
Balinese uabyawn, gape
Sasak uapyawn, gape
Mongondow uabgape, yawn


PAN     *ma-Suab to yawn, yawning

Sakizaya ma-suabto yawn
Proto-Rukai *ma-swabto yawn


PMP     *ma-huab₁ to yawn, yawning

Itawis m-ówabto yawn
Berawan (Long Jegan) m-uamto yawn
Kayan m-uhamto yawn
Kayan (Uma Juman) m-uhavto yawn
Balinese m-uwabyawning, gaping wide
Mori Bawah mo-maato yawn
Masiwang ma-mawayawn


PCEMP     *mawab to yawn, yawning

Bimanese ma-wayawn
Li'o m-oato yawn
Sika m-oayawn
Kédang m-oayawn
Alune ma-kwayawn
Buruese ma-wayawn
Soboyo bala-m-oayawn
Numfor ma-babyawn; in general, open the mouth


POC     *mawap to yawn, yawning

Loniu yeli-ma-wyawn
Seimat ma-wyawn
Bebeli ma-mawato yawn
Wogeo mwawayawn
Manam mawayawn
Sio mowato yawn
Dobuan mwa-wayawn
Roviana ma-vato yawn, breathe upon (*mawava > maava > mava)
Sa'a ähi-ma-wayawn
Chuukese mma-wyawn
Fijian lā-ma-wato yawn, gape


PWMP     *maŋ-huab to yawn

Pangasinan man-óabto yawn
Kelabit ŋ-uabto yawn
Malay meng-uapto yawn
Old Javanese maŋ-hwab, maŋ-obto yawn


PCEMP     *ma-mawab to yawn

Masiwang ma-ma-wayawn
[Buli ma-ma-ipgape, yawn]


POC     *ma-mawap to yawn

Nauna ma-ma-wyawn
Wuvulu ma-ma-wayawn
Eddystone/Mandegusu ma-ma-vato yawn

Note:   Also Bintulu teñe-bab ‘a yawn’, Melanau (Mukah) tuab ‘ a yawn’, Malay kuap ‘yawn’, Chamorro magap ‘yawn’, Yamdena n-maup ‘to yawn’, Mussau mamama ‘to yawn’, Tolai mauviap ‘to yawn’, Mota mamaova ‘to gape, yawn’, Tongan mamao ‘to yawn’, Niue māmao ‘to yawn’, Samoan māvava ‘yawn’, Rennellese mababa ‘to yawn; to open or be open, as a Tridacna’, Nukuoro maava ‘yawn, belch’.

Irregular reflexes of *Suab are quite common, particularly in the OC languages. The cognation of such OC forms as Seimat maw (where only -/w/ remains from the original stem) with WMP forms such as Kelabit uab is clear from the fairly abundant intermediate forms that reflect PAn *ma-Suab ( > ma-huab > ma-uab > mawab).

A perfect parallel is seen in PAn *ma-Seyaq, POc *mayaq ‘shy, ashamed’. In both cases the boundary between the stative prefix *ma- and the stem has been lost in all CEMP witnesses. The only non-CEMP language in which a similar loss of morpheme boundary has taken place is Chamorro (with magap, for expected **magwap ‘yawn’). Following the reanalysis of *ma-uab as *mawab a number of CEMP languages have either introduced a new stative marker, or have reduplicated the first syllable of the new stem. It remains unclear how many of these added syllables (if any) are the result of convergent developments.


*Suaji younger sibling


PAN     *Suaji younger sibling

Kavalan suaniyounger sibling
Proto-Atayalic *suwaiʔyounger sibling
Seediq (Truku) swaiyounger, junior
  mn-swaibrothers and sisters (without distinction of relative age) -- all near relatives, esp. cousins
Pazeh suadi, suaziyounger sibling
Thao sa-suadiyounger sibling
Hoanya suaziyounger sister
Proto-Rukai *agiyounger sibling
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) wadiyounger sibling, younger cousin (ref.)


PMP     *huaji younger sibling of the same sex; younger parallel cousin of the same sex

Yami wariyounger sibling
Itbayaten wariyounger sibling (add.); next-born child
Atta (Pamplona) wagisibling (without respect to relative age)
Isneg waxíbrother, sister; relative
Itawis wahísibling
Balangaw agirelated people of same generation; a "sibling" word
Kallahan (Keleyqiq) agibrother, sister, cousin
Ifugaw agíbrother, sister, cousin
Gaddang wayyidistant relatives, second cousins and beyond
Casiguran Dumagat wadíyounger sibling (ref.)
Pangasinan agíyounger sibling or other person of same generation
Sambal (Botolan) aliyounger sibling, younger cousin, younger sibling-in-law
Ayta Abellan aliyounger sibling
Ayta Maganchi aliyounger sibling
Kalamian Tagbanwa ariʔyounger sibling
Maranao ariyounger person, younger relation
Manobo (Ata) hariyounger sibling of the same sex
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) haziyounger sibling; a younger person of one's own generation, whether related or not
Supan ariyounger sibling
Bukat ari-nyounger sibling
Tunjung gari-nyounger sibling
Ngaju Dayak andiyounger sibling; also: affectionate term for a younger person generally
Singhi Land Dayak m-adisnear relatives
Tsat thai¹¹younger sibling
Simalur axiyounger sibling
Karo Batak agiyounger sibling; placenta
Toba Batak aŋgiyounger sibling of the same sex
Nias axiyounger sibling
Mentawai bagiyounger sibling
Javanese aḍiyounger sibling
Balinese adiyounger sibling; afterbirth, placenta
Mongondow ai-aiyounger sibling
Mori uaiyounger sibling
Mori Atas andiyounger sibling
Wolio andiyounger sibling
Tugun aliyounger sibling


PCEMP     *waji younger sibling of the same sex; younger parallel cousin of the same sex

Bimanese ariyounger sibling
Komodo ariyounger sibling of the same sex
Ngadha aziyounger sibling of the same sex
Lamboya aliyounger sibling (probably parallel)
Kambera eriyounger sibling of the same sex
Dhao/Ndao ariyounger sibling
Rotinese fadiyounger sibling of the same sex
Helong padiyounger sibling
Vaikenu ɔli-fyounger brother
Erai ali-nyounger sibling of the same sex
Yamdena waiyounger sibling of the same sex
Fordata wariyounger sibling of the same sex
Dobel kwaliyounger sibling
Paulohi wariyounger sibling of the same sex
Alune kwalisibling of the same sex
Asilulu wali-younger sibling of the same sex
Boano₂ ani-asibling
Larike waleyounger sibling
Keapara ariyounger same sex sibling


PWMP     *maR-huaji be in a sibling relationship

Itawis mag-wahísibling relationship between two persons
Malay adi-k ber-adi-kbe in a sibling relationship
[Toba Batak mar-haha-mar-aŋgibe in a sibling relationship]


PWMP     *paR-huaji younger sibling of the same sex; younger parallel cousin of the same sex

Maranao pag-aribrother, sister
  pagari-aʔfriend, chum, pal
  pagari-ngive birth to another child
Kenyah p-ade-ʔsibling
Kayan p-ari-n, peh-ari-nall relatives and close friends
Ngaju Dayak pah-arisibling of the same sex


PWMP     *si huaji nickname for youngest child

Samal si-aliyounger sibling
Nias si axiyoungest child
[Tae' si-(po)-adibe in a relationship of elder and younger sibling]


PMP     *ta-huaji younger sibling of the same sex; younger parallel cousin of the same sex

Tiruray t-uwareyyounger sibling, youngest child
Tboli t-woliyounger sibling, relative, friend of the same sex
Bilaan (Sarangani) t-waliyounger sibling, younger cousin
Kadazan Dusun t-adiyounger sibling
Miri t-adihyounger sibling
Kiput t-adəyyounger sibling
Bintulu t-arəyyounger sibling
Melanau (Mukah) t-adeyyounger sibling
Siang t-ariyounger sibling
Proto-Sangiric *t-uadiyounger sibling
Sangir t-uaḷiyounger sibling
Tontemboan t-uariyounger sibling
  me-tuaribrothers, relatives


POC     *taci younger sibling of the same sex; younger parallel cousin of the same sex

Nauna t-ali-nsibling of the same sex
Wuvulu axi-sibling
Tolai t-ai-sibling of the opposite sex
Manam t-ari-younger sibling of the same sex
Gedaged t-ai-younger sibling of the same sex; placenta
Gitua t-azi-younger sibling or cousin of the same sex
Watut race-younger parallel sibling
Adzera rai-nbrother
Motu t-adi-younger sibling of the same sex
Dobuan t-asi-sibling of the same sex
Molima t-asi-younger sibling of the same sex
Nehan tahi-brother, sibling
Cheke Holo t-ahi-younger sibling of the same sex; younger parallel cousin of the same sex
Eddystone/Mandegusu t-ahiyounger sibling of the same sex
Nggela tahiyounger sibling of the same sex
Kwaio asi-nayounger brother; younger consanguineal male kin of own generation
  asi-na geniyounger sister; younger female consanguineal kin of own generation
Sa'a asi-sibling of the same sex
Arosi asi-sibling of the opposite sex
Gilbertese t-arisibling of the same sex
Marshallese j-ati-younger sibling; younger parallel cousin
Mota t-asiyounger sibling of the same sex
Fijian t-aciyounger sibling of the same sex
Tongan t-ehi-nayounger sibling of the same sex, younger cousin of the same sex
Nukuoro d-ai-nasibling, cousin
Anuta t-ai-na"sibling" of the same sex, "sibling-in-law" of opposite sex
Maori t-ai-nayounger sibling of the same sex
Hawaiian k-ai-k-ai-nayounger sibling or cousin of the same sex


PAN     *Suaji-an called or regarded as siblings (?)

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) wadi-yanyounger sibling, younger cousin (ref.)
Isneg mag-wa-waxi-yānbe brothers
Balinese adi-yaŋbe regarded as or called 'younger brother'
Dobel kwali-s-ansibling of the same sex


PWMP     *huaji-ŋ younger sibling of the same sex (vocative); younger parallel cousin of the same sex (vocative)

Casiguran Dumagat wadÉ-ŋyounger sibling (vocative)
Katingan ari-ŋyounger sibling
Malay adi-ŋyounger sibling (vocative)


PMP     *huaji-q younger sibling of the same sex (vocative); younger parallel cousin of the same sex (vocative)

Palawan Batak ʔari-ʔyounger sibling
Gana adi-ʔyounger sibling
Paku adi-ʔyounger sibling
Lundu adi-ʔyounger sibling
Malay adé-kyounger sibling. Loosely, any young near relative such as a cousin; (affectionately) to a wife by her husband
Sasak adi-ʔyounger sibling
  adiʔ-adiʔafterbirth, placenta
Kédang ariʔyounger sibling

Note:   Also Manggarai asé ‘younger sibling of the same sex’; friend’, Nali nali ‘sibling of the same sex’, Lau sāsi ( = sa asiʔ) ‘younger sibling of the same sex’. Dempwolff (1934-38) reconstructed doublets *a(ŋ)ji ‘sibling, consanguine (generally younger)’ and *qa(ŋ)ji ‘sibling, consanguine (generally of the opposite sex)’. The far richer evidence now available supports a trisyllabic etymon, but recurrent, mutually corroboratory irregularities leave open the possibility that we should reconstruct both *Suaji and *Saji. As evidence for the latter, disyllabic variant, we can cite Proto-Rukai *agi, Ifugaw agí, Balangaw agí, Kallahan (Kayapa) agí, Pangasinan agí, Sambal (Botolan) ali, Kalamian Tagbanwa ariʔ, ATA hari, Manobo (Western Bukidnon) hazi, Maranao ari and various forms in western Indonesia (some of which -- like Malay adé-k -- can regularly reflect either variant). The presence of *-u- is, however, clearly supported by all Formosan reflexes noted to date apart from Proto-Rukai *agi, by many reflexes in the northern Philippines, by Tunjung gari-n, by Mentawai bagi, and by a number of reflexes in CMP languages.

Because no Formosan reflex is known to make us of a relative sex distinction, PAn *Suaji must be reconstructed with the meaning ‘younger sibling’. However, agreement between at least Manobo (Ata), Tboli and Toba Batak suggest that PMP *huaji meant ‘younger sibling of the same sex’. It is clear that PMP had four sibling terms: *betaw ‘sister’ (man speaking)’, *ñaRa ‘brother (woman speaking)’, *huaji and *kaka. Whether a relative sex distinction was or was not made in the terms *huaji and *kaka, there can be no doubt that the former referred to younger and the latter to elder siblings. In both Ngaju Dayak and Southern Toraja relative sex is used in the definition of cross-sibling terms, yet reflexes of *huaji and *kaka evidently apply to siblings of either sex regardless of sex of speaker.

It is possible that PMP possessed a similar system, and that the more specific references to younger or elder siblings of the same sex evolved independently in WMP and CEMP languages as a result of a tendency to divide up semantic space into mutually exclusive categories. I find this scenario less convincing than the hypothesis that PMP *kaka and *huaji contained a relative sex component which became otiose and disappeared in those societies that lost descent groups (with which relative sex has an established positive correlation cross-culturally). In addition to its literal sibling referents both PAn *Suaji and PMP *huaji evidently referred to relatives in general, a fact noted as early as 1933 by F.A.E. van Wouden, who proposed an explanation for it (van Wouden 1968 [1935]:120). Finally, it appears likely from agreements in such widely scattered languages as Karo Batak, Balinese, Sasak and Gedaged that PMP *huaji could refer in certain contexts to the afterbirth or placenta (also cp. Numfor naʔik ‘sibling of the same sex; afterbirth, placenta’, where the same semantic association is found with a morpheme that does not reflect *huaji).


(Formosan only)

*Suaw yawn


PAN     *Suaw yawn     [doublet: *Suab]

[Pazeh suawyawn]
[Thao shuawyawn]
[Paiwan suawyawn]


PAN     *ma-Suaw to yawn

Pazeh ma-suawto yawn
Thao ma-shua-shuawto yawn
Paiwan me-suawto yawn

Note:   Also Bunun su-sua ‘to yawn’. Unlike the doublet *Suab, which occurs as an unaffixed base in many languages, to date reflexes of *Suaw have been found only in affixed forms. I have supplied the base form in square brackets to show that the PAn word almost certainly was *Suaw.


*SulaR snake


PAN     *SulaR snake

Proto-Rukai *soLaʔasnake


PMP     *hulaR snake

Ifugaw úlalsmall brownish snake which is not dangerous. It lives among the rice fields, behind or between the stones of retaining walls
Casiguran Dumagat ulágsnake
Ibaloy olalsmall water snake
Hanunóo ʔúlaygeneral term for snake (loan)
Tiruray ʔurarsnake
Tboli ulalgeneral term for snake
Malagasy ólatrasnake
Iban ularsnake
Maloh urarsnake
Jarai alasnake
Moken olansnake
Malay ularsnake; serpent; generic for Ophidia and also for dragons (ular naga)
Simalur ularsnake
Nias ulosnake
Old Javanese ulāsnake
Javanese ulasnake
Madurese olarsnake
Sasak ulah, ularsnake
Sangir ulaheʔkind of snake, the egg-thief
Proto-Minahasan *ulahsnake
Tontemboan ulaʔsnake
  ma-ulaʔbecome a snake
Mongondow ulagsnake
Tialo ulagEsnake
Lauje ulagsnake
Tae' ulaʔsnake
Mori Atas ulesnake
Wawonii ulesnake
Moronene ulesnake
Mandar ularsnake
Makasarese ularaʔsnake
  ulaʔ-ularaʔkind of child's toy that looks like a snake
Palauan ŋuisPalau tree snake: Dendrelaphis lineolatus
Komodo ulahrat snake: Elaphe subradiata
Manggarai ularrat snake: Ptyas korros
Rembong ulargeneric for non-venomous snakes
  ular isiʔrat snake
Sika ularsnake
Lamaholot ulaʔsnake
Kédang ularsnake
Kambera ularusnake
Helong ulasnake
Erai ulapoisonous snake

Note:   Also Puyuma (Tamalakaw) unan ‘snake’, Kankanaey úeg ‘snake, either venomous or not, but often applied more exclusively to the venomous ones’, Sundanese oray ‘snake’, Balinese ula ‘snake’.


*Sulem dimness, twilight


PAN     *Sulem dimness, twilight

Thao urumcloud
Paiwan sulemdarkness; twilight


PMP     *hulem dimness, twilight

Old Javanese ulemshining (only) palely, dim, wan, languishing, faded


PAN     *ma-Sulem dim, dark

Paiwan ma-sulendarkness falls; to be twilight


PMP     *ma-hulem dim, dark

Old Javanese (m)-olemshining (only) palely, dim, wan, languishing, faded

Note:   With root *-lem₁ ‘dark’.


*Sulij lie or sleep next to


PAN     *Sulij lie or sleep next to

Saisiyat (Taai) s<om>oLizbrood on eggs
Paiwan ma-sulidsleep together
  ki-sulidshare someone's bed


PMP     *hulij lie or sleep next to

Bontok ʔúligto put a child to sleep in order that the person watching it can perform other duties
Kankanaey úligto lull to sleep, to rock
Ifugaw úligto hush a baby to sleep; to sink, fall into sleep
Bikol húlidlie someone down to sleep (as a child); lie down beside
Hanunóo ʔúlidbeside, at the side of, near; the state of being or lying side-by-side
Aklanon húlidsleep with, share a bed with, be in bed with
Hiligaynon húlidlie alongside, lie together
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) hulidlie down next to someone; have sexual relations with someone; the person one lies next to
Ngaju Dayak ulir, urirlie next to a child in sleep
Karo Batak si-uliŋ-uliŋ-ensleep in one another's arms
Simalungun Batak uligembrace while sleeping
Mongondow ulidlaying down of small children and the sick


PWMP     *ka-hulij one who lies next to another

Aklanon ka-hulidbedmate, bed partner
Ngaju Dayak ka-uri-urirconstantly next to one another


(Formosan only)

*SulSul to masturbate


PAN     *SulSul to masturbate

Kavalan sussurto masturbate
  s<m>ussurto masturbate
Pazeh pa-surusurto masturbate

Note:   For another example of the development of medial geminates in Kavalan from earlier heterorganic consonant clusters in reduplicated monosyllables cf. PAn *tastas > Kavalan tattas ‘rent, ripped’.


*SuluR lower or let down, as on a rope


PAN     *SuluR lower or let down, as on a rope

Amis sololslide down (as a log down a hill)
Paiwan surur <Aa taut-stretched line


PMP     *huluR lower or let down, as on a rope; pay out fishline; launch a boat

Ilokano úlogdescend, go down, climb down; leave, come down, come out (leaving a house)
Isneg úluggo or climb down, descend (a tree, ladder, etc.; not a mountain)
Tagalog húlogfall; failure in examinations; capture; installment payment
Bikol húlogdrop something; fall
Hanunóo húlugfall, falling
  pa-hulug-húlugkind of monkey trap
Aklanon húeogto drop (something); mail (a letter); to fall, get dropped
Hiligaynon húlugfall down, tumble
Cebuano húlugdrop, fall freely, cause something to do so
Maranao ologfall, drop, abort (intentional)
Tausug hulugfall or drop, as from a height
Kelabit ururact of lowering something
Kayan ulohcause an object to descend a slope, with or without control by a rope; lower a person down
Ngaju Dayak (h)ulohlower or let down, as on a rope
Iban ulurlet down, pay out (rope), launch (a boat), cast (fishing line)
Malay hulurletting go; slacking or paying out (a line)
Sangir uluheʔlet down, lower (objects by rope), pay out (fish line); sometimes also: launch a boat
Banggai ululfish with line let out from the hand
Uma ulupay out (rope), lower
Bare'e uyulower something
Tae' uluʔlower something
Makasarese uloroʔlet drop or slip down, as with a pulley; pay out (rope)
Manggarai ulurto lower, let oneself down, lower by rope; descend


PPh     *i-huluR lower, drop

Ilokano y-úlogbring, etc. down, out of the house; to translate
Bikol i-húlogto drop (something)
Cebuano i-húlugthrow something down


PWMP     *ma-huluR descend, lower

Bikol ma-húlogto fall
Hiligaynon ma-húlugfall down, tumble
Cebuano ma-húlugturn into something worse; fall into sin or disgrace
Maranao ma-ologto drop
Bare'e me-uyudescend, as something that is lowered from above


PWMP     *maŋ-huluR lower something, pay out rope

Kelabit ŋ-ururlower something slowly by rope
Kayan ŋ-ulohcause an object to descend a slope, with or without control by a rope; lower a person down
[Old Javanese aŋ-ulurloosen, release; lower on a rope; let go]
Banggai moŋ-ululpay out rope
Makasarese aŋŋ-oloroʔlet slide through the hand, pay out (rope)


PPh     *maR-huluR to lower

Ilokano ag-úlogdecline, decrease in value; fail, languish, sink
Bikol mag-húlogto drop (something)


PWMP     *h<um>uluR descend, go down

Ilokano um-úlogdescend, go down, climb down; come out (leaving a house)
Isneg um-úluggo or climb down, descend (tree, ladder, etc.; not a mountain). Also: leave a house, come down or out
Kayan m-ulohslip from hold, slip down; fall or slip down from its place; slide down lengthwise by itself


PWMP     *huluR-an what is given to someone

Bikol hulog-áninstallment
Cebuano hulúg-angive money to
Malay hulur-anwhat is extended to someone (gift, help, etc.)
Makasarese olor-aŋfishing pole

Note:   Also Manobo (Western Bukidnon) ulug ‘drop something, cause something to fall’, Melanau (Mukah) ulur ‘pay out rope’, Javanese ulur ‘extend, get let out (e.g. rope); act of letting out (rope, etc.)’, Balinese ulur ‘hang loose, be slack, grow slack’.


*Suni chirping of birds; noise, sound


PAN     *Suni chirping of birds; noise, sound

Kavalan sunisound (as of a clock), chirping (of birds)
  s-em-unito chirp
Pazeh mo-honito chirp, to crow (roosters)
Amis honi, soninoise, sound


PMP     *huni chirp, tweet, crow, produce sound (of birds)

Itbayaten honiidea of crowing; crowing of chickens; noise, bustle
Ilokano únisound, voice, noise, cry (of animals), song (of birds)
  ag-uniutter a sound, make a noise, to cry (animals), to sing (birds), to speak (men)
Isneg únisound, noise, voice, speech, cry (of animals), song (of birds)
Pangasinan únibird song; to sing (birds only)
Tagalog húnichirping or hooting of birds or fowls; song, murmur
Bikol húnicall, sing (birds); twitter, warble
  an h-in-unithe call or song of a bird
Hanunóo ʔúnigeneral term for sounds produced vocally by any and all species of fauna, as of the chirping of birds
Aklanon huní(h)chirp, sing (like birds or crickets); to blow (said of whistle or siren)
Hiligaynon hunísound, chirp, whine
Cebuano húnisong, musical sounds
  pan-úniquality of singing, intonation and pitch; tone of voice
Maranao onisound
Tboli uninoise
Rungus Dusun unitone, sound, note
Kadazan Dusun t-unisound; bleating, neighing, etc.
  moŋ-unito make music, to sound, to produce sound, to chirp, to bleat, to neigh, to strike (of clock)
Kelabit unihsound
Maloh uñisound, noise
Old Javanese unisound, voice; contents of a letter ("what it says")
Javanese unisound, noise, what someone says
Balinese uni, uñisound, make a sound
Sasak unisound, noise
  ber-unimake a sound
Tae' onisound, noise
  oni manukcry of a cock
Leti onicrow of a cock


POC     *uni noise, commotion

Kwaio uni-uni-amake a big ruckus, noise in play (esp. used derisively)


PWMP     *pa-huni make a sound or noise

Sasak p-uniʔmake a sound or noise, play something (music)
Tae' pa-onimake a sound or noise, produce a sound


PAN     *S<um>uni to chirp, to crow, to sound off (birds)

Kavalan s-m-unito chirp


PMP     *h<um>uni to chirp, to crow, to sound off (birds)

Itbayaten h-om-onito crow (of a rooster)


PWMP     *huni huni musical instrument

Old Javanese uny-an uny-an, une-n une-nmusical instruments
Tae' oni oniflute made of a split rice straw

Note:   Also Malay buñi ‘sound; melody; impression made by sound; meaning’; ber-buñi ‘give out sound’. I assume that the palatal nasal in Maloh and Balinese is a product of assimilation to the following high front vowel.


*SuNus withdraw, pull out, extract


PAN     *SuNus withdraw, pull out, extract

Amis sodocpull out, draw, as a sword


PMP     *hunus withdraw, pull out, extract

Tagalog húnosskin peeling; molt or molting, as of reptiles
  mag-húnosto molt; to shed skin, as a snake
Aklanon húnosto pull (out); draw (gun)
  húnos-húnosjerk back and forth, push and pull
Hiligaynon húnusdraw out, pull out, as a drawer
  hunússhelf, drawer
Cebuano húnusdrawer; pull a drawer out
Tiruray ʔunuhtake off one's clothing
Malay hunusdrawing off (of unsheathing weapons, drawing a ring off the finger)
  pedaŋ hunusa drawn sword
Old Javanese unusto draw, take out, extract
Javanese unusdraw a weapon from its sheath
Madurese onosto withdraw, draw out
Sasak unusdrawing something from a sheath
  ŋ-unusto draw something from a sheath
Chamorro gunoswean, accustom (a child or other young animal) to loss of mother's milk


POC     *unus withdraw, pull out, extract

Roviana unusupull out, as a tooth, a nail, a post
Arosi unutake out of
Chuukese wúnúdrawn out, extracted
Woleaian iuliul (iuliulu)pull, draw, pull something from a group
Tongan unupull out, draw out
Rennellese unutake off, remove, pull out, peel
Maori unupull off, put off, doff; draw out, pull out, withdraw


POC     *unus-i withdraw, pull out, extract

Arosi unus-itake body out of shirt, i.e. take off shirt; fall out of
Tongan uhuh-ipull out, draw out, e.g. a sword from its sheath, or a tooth
Nukuoro unus-ipull out (e.g. a sword from its scabbard)
Anuta unu-ipull out
Hawaiian unuh-itake out, withdraw, as money from a bank, or a drawer from a desk; unsheath; take off, as a ring; translate, interpret

Note:   Also Amis hodoc ‘pull out, draw, as a sword’, Chuukese wútti ‘pull out, draw out, extract (nails, splinters, etc.)’, Rarotongan unuʔi ‘pull out or draw out with force’. This term appears to have applied prototypically to the drawing of a knife or sword from its sheath.


*Supiq plant shoot


PAN     *Supiq plant shoot

Paiwan supiqlongest leaf-shoot of taro (edible)


PMP     *hupiq flower spathe of areca palm

Iban upihspathe of palm blossom (mayang), esp. areca (pinang), yielding tough waterproof material for e.g. bailers
Malay upéhspathe; sheath of spadix of the unexpanded fruit of certain palms, esp. of the areca-nut palm. These spathes supply broad, thin wrappers from which temporary buckets are made
Simalungun Batak upihfrond of areca palm
Rejang upiaʔbase of the areca leaf used for wrapping rice, and as a cover for dishes of cooked food
Sundanese upihflower-sheath of the areca palm
Old Javanese upihspathe, sheath of the spadix of the unexpanded fruit of certain palms (used to make leathery water-proof wrappers)
Balinese upihthe calyx of a banana-flower; the sheath surrounding the spring of leaves of the palm (used as a container)
Sasak upéʔleathery sheath at the base of the leaf-stalk of the areca palm

Note:   Dempwolff (1934-38) included Fijian ubi ‘to cover; a cover, cloak’, which I exclude. The WMP cognates cited here clearly support a reconstruction meaning ‘flower spathe of areca palm’. The meaning of PAn *Supiq is less clear, and it is possible that the Paiwan form is not cognate with the others cited here.


*SuqSuq drip or drain out


PAN     *SuqSuq drip or drain out     [disjunct: *SuSuq]

Amis soʔsoʔto drip, drain water off


PMP     *huqhuq drip or drain out

Cebuano húʔhuʔempty a container of its contents by turning it upside down and agitating it.


*SuRas wash body parts, cooking or eating utensils


PAN     *SuRas wash body parts, cooking or eating utensils (but not clothes)

Puyuma (Tamalakaw) -uRaswash one's hands or feet


PMP     *huRas wash body parts, cooking or eating utensils (but not clothes)

Ilokano úgasa shrub whose leaves are used for scouring purposes
Isneg úxātto clean, wash, rinse, do the dishes
Bontok ʔuwásto wash, as dishes
Kankanaey úaswash, clean, cleanse, rinse
Ifugaw úla(h)wash one's hand or face, not applicable to the act of taking a bath
Casiguran Dumagat ugéswash, rinse off (a part of the body, or kitchen utensils, but not clothes)
Tagalog húgaswashing
Bikol húgasto wash (as dishes, a car; not applicable to the face, hands or clothes)
Hanunóo ʔúgaswashing of hands, utensils, etc., but not of face, body or clothes
Aklanon húgasrinse, wash off
Hiligaynon húgaswash hands and other objects except clothes
Cebuano húgaswash anything but clothes
Tiruray ʔurahwash something
Malagasy ozawashing some part of one's body
Malay (h)urasbesprinkle; throw water on the ground so as to moisten the ground
Talaud užasato wash hands
Karo Batak uraspurification (of weapons, etc.) with lemon juice
Toba Batak uraspurify someone by sprinkling with citric acid and flowers
Sasak orasto clean, wash (of objects, not of clothes)
Sangir uhaseʔwash off, wash (body parts, dishes, but not clothes)
Gorontalo huhetowash
Lauje ugasto wash (dishes, spoons, etc.)
Soboyo hulawashing off (of dishes)


PEMP     *uRas wash body parts, cooking or eating utensils (but not clothes)

Taba wasto wash
Buli uaswash oneself, wash the face, dishes, pans, etc.


PWMP     *maŋ-huRas wash, cleanse

[Itbayaten maŋ-oyasto wash utensils]
Hanunóo maŋ-ʔúgaswash hands, coconut shell vessels, etc.
Malagasy man-òzato wash, to cleanse
Toba Batak maŋ-uraspurify something by sprinkling with lime juice and flowers
Sasak ŋ-orasto clean, to wash (of objects, not of clothes)
Mongondow maŋ-ugatwash the anus with water


PPh     *maR-huRas wash, cleanse

Isneg max-úxātto clean, to wash, to rinse, to do (the dishes)
Bikol mag-húgasto wash (as dishes, a car; not applied to the face, hands or clothes)


PWMP     *paŋ-huRas instrument for washing

Cebuano paŋ-húgaswash oneself
Toba Batak paŋ-uras-onwhat is used to wash something


PWMP     *huRas-an to wash

[Itbayaten oyas-anto wash utensils; washing of plates, wounds, boils, hair, feet, boards]
Ilokano ugás-anwash, scour, clean, rinse, to do (the dishes)
Tagalog hugás-anwash something
  hugas-ánwashing tub or basin
Cebuano hugás-anplace for washing
Malagasy ozà-nabe washed, be cleansed


PWMP     *huRas-en be washed off

Bikol hugás-onbe washed off
Cebuano hugás-undishes to be washed
Sasak oras-inbe cleaned, washed (of objects, not of clothes)


PWMP     *huRas-i wash (imper.)

Cebuano hugás-iwash (imper.)
Malagasy oza-ywash (imper.)

Note:   Also Itbayaten oyas ‘idea of washing’, Pangasinan orás ‘wash, clean by washing’, Kapampangan os ‘wash (dishes, feet), wash an object’, Kalamian Tagbanwa uwas ‘rinse off’, Toba Batak urgas ‘wash, purify’, Sasak oas ‘to clean, wash (objects, not clothes)’, Bare'e ma-ugas-i ‘bathe wounds’. Several languages show an unexplained loss of *R in this form. These include Bontok owás, Kankanaey úas (both of these languages, however, show loss of *R in at least one other morpheme), Kapampangan os, Kalamian Tagbanwa uwas and Sasak oas. Li (1978:176) gives Saisiyat S-om-olʸaS ‘rub rusty metal with force, grate’ as a reflex of *SuRas, but this association is dubious on semantic grounds.


*SuRay to pass, of time; to pass time idly


PAN     *SuRay to pass, of time; to pass time idly

Paiwan ki-suayto pass time idly
  pa-suayto postpone; procrastinate
  s<m>uayto pass (as time passes)


PMP     *huRay to wait, be patient

Ilokano ag-úrayto wait
  uray-ento wait for, await
  ur-úrayhopeless, useless; empty; idle
Bontok ʔúlaynever mind
  ʔúlay mueven if, even though
Ifugaw uláy ~ uléslowness in moving, walking, laziness; meekness, gentleness, mildness of character
Ifugaw (Batad) ulayfor someone to calmly tolerate something; for someone or something to do something slowly, gently with something
Casiguran Dumagat uhayto wait
Ayta Abellan olayto allow or tolerate something (a situation or condition)
  pa-olay-an moynanever mind

Note:   This comparison was first noted schematically by Zorc (1986:163), who posited PPh *húRay ‘stop; wait’.


(Formosan only)

*SuReNa snow


PAN     *SuReNa snow

Kavalan suRnasnow, ice, frost
  s<m>uRnato snow
Thao ulhzasnow, ice, frost
Puyuma urlasnow
Puyuma (Tamalakaw) uRlasnow
Paiwan sulʸaice, snow
  s<m>ulʸato freeze; to snow

Note:   Also Pazeh hahela ‘snow’. Given the origin of the Austronesian languages on Taiwan it is clear that speakers of PAn experienced snow and ice and so had a term to designate these referents. On leaving Taiwan and moving ever further into the tropics and then eastward into the Pacific snow and ice were not encountered again until speakers of Eastern Polynesian languages reached New Zealand and Hawaii many centuries later, at which time new terms had to be innovated.


*SuRSuR drawstring; to thread a drawstring


PAN     *SuRSuR drawstring; to thread a drawstring

Amis solsolto thread through holes and draw, as to run a drawn string through holes; to string together


PMP     *huRhuR drawstring; to thread a drawstring

Cebuano hughúg, h-al-ughúgdrawstring in the waistline of clothing to hold it up; put a drawstring at the waist; pass a thread in and out loosely through the edge of cloth in shirring or basting


*SuRut pull, draw


PAN     *SuRut pull, draw

Amis solotto pull; draw something literally; attract, exert influence on
Bontok ʔúlutremove grain from rice panicles by pulling them through one's hands
Tagalog hugótpulling or withdrawing (from); unsheathing
Bikol hugótremove something with the fingers (as lice from the hair, grains of rice from the stalk)
Hanunóo húgutpulling, up as of a loincloth; tightening, as of a binding
Cebuano húgutpull in rope or the like; pick nits from a strand of hair


PAN     *SuRut-en be pulled or drawn

Amis solot-enpull (imper.)
Bikol hugút-onremove with the fingers

Note:   In PPh this form appears to have referred to removal by pulling, as in stripping grain from the stalk by drawing it through the hand. On present evidence only the more diffuse meaning ‘pull, draw’ is assignable to PAn.


*SuSuq drip or drain out


PAN     *SuSuq drip or drain out     [disjunct: *SuqSuq]

Amis sosoʔto let drip out, to drain
Paiwan ma-susuqenter a small hole or crack
Paiwan (Western) ma-susuqenter a small hole and fall; to leak down


PMP     *huhuq drip or drain out

Tagalog huhóʔflowing off of grains or pieces of things


*Suyeʔab to yawn


PAN     *Suyeʔab to yawn     [doublet: *Suab]

Atayal (Squliq) m-suyapto yawn


PMP     *huyeʔab to yawn

Kapampangan uyábyawn, belch
Aklanon húyʔabto yawn
Hiligaynon húyʔabyawn, to yawn
Cebuano huyʔábyawn
Lauje oyabyawn
Bare'e uae <Mgape, yawn


*Suʔu 2sg. agent/possessor


PAN     *Suʔu 2sg. agent/possessor

Saisiyat shoʔoyou (sg.)
Bunun suuyou
Tsou suuthou
Proto-Rukai *ko-so, *mo-sothou
Paiwan suyou, your (sg.)


PMP     *huʔu 2sg. subject pronoun

Sangir u2sg. possessive pronoun
Wolio u2sg. and 2pl. actor prefix to verbs


PEMP     *u₂ 2sg. subject pronoun

Numfor u2sg. subject marker on verbs
Tolai uthou, you, thee, 2sg. nominative and accusative
Gedaged uverbal prefix indicating that the actor is 2sg.
Gitua uyou (sg.), thou
Bwaidoga/Bwaidoka uthou (2sg. conjunctive pronoun)


Austronesian Comparative Dictionary, web edition
Robert Blust and Stephen Trussel
2010: revision 4/20/2019
email: Blust (content) – Trussel (production)