Vote yes on Amendments 5 and 6

October 13, 2010|South Florida Sun-Sentinel

For more than a year, they've attacked the Fair Districts movement, whose Amendments 5 and 6 would end the gerrymandering practice that keeps lawmakers secure in their jobs.

They tried bullying the movement's leader. "Look at me," Senate President-designate Mike Haridopolos commanded Ellen Freidin, who was made to stand during two hours of testimony before the Legislature in February.

They tried killing the amendments in court. Twice.

And they tried sabotaging the amendments by proposing their own Amendment 7, which they said would simply clarify Amendments 5 and 6. A judge knew better, fortunately ruling the Legislature's amendment, which effectively would have neutered the Fair Districts amendments, was too confusing to go to voters.

Now, in the final days leading up to the Nov. 2 election, they and their backers are pitching the same bunk that's no truer today than when they offered it up months ago.

They say Fair Districts is unworkable. Translation: Not in the lawmakers' best interests.

And they say it would significantly harm minority representation in Florida. That's simply not true.

If Amendments 5 and 6 passed, here's what they'd do: They'd require lawmakers to draw up legislative and congressional districts that are contiguous, compact and that respect city and county boundaries.

The exception would be where doing so would compromise minority representation.

If anything, the Fair Districts amendments would enhance minority representation. They note that no districts "shall be drawn with the intent or result of denying or abridging the equal opportunity of racial or language minorities to participate in the political process or to diminish their ability to elect representatives of their choice."

That's why the Florida NAACP supports them. And the Florida Conference of Black State Legislators. And the Florida Black Caucus of Local Elected Officials.

If Amendments 5 and 6 pass, lawmakers also could no longer draw districts with the intent to favor an incumbent or a political party.

That's why Republicans who control the Legislature, who drew district maps in 2002 and who'd draw them again in 2012, are so opposed. In 2008, despite Florida's Democratic tilt that had the state vote for Barack Obama, not a single incumbent Republican legislator lost. Coincidence, no doubt.

Of course, when Democrats controlled the Legislature, they too drew up districts that increased the odds of winning elections. But if Fair Districts passes, playing favorites, whether Democrats or Republicans, would end.

Yet gerrymandering in Florida's about more than protecting whichever party's in power. Much more. It's about protecting the seat of anyone holding elective office. In 2004, no legislative or congressional incumbents lost a bid for re-election.

The more you look, the worse it gets. In more than 400 legislative races over the past six years, only three incumbents haven't held onto their seats.

 This incumbent-protection program not only thumbs its nose at the idea of free, competitive elections every 10 years; it offers up Picasso-shaped districts that make no geographic sense. U.S. Rep John Mica's snakes its way from Winter Park to St. Johns County. U.S. Rep. Corrine Brown's meanders from Orlando to Jacksonville.

It also disproportionately splays assorted population centers. Tallahassee legislators have 12 districts that include pieces of Orange County.


Vote yes on Amendments 5 and 6.

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