The repositioner

One night, he told me of his secret nightmare: that he would go down in history as the Liberals' last leader
Paddy Ashdown always knew that it wouldn't last forever. And he agonised about how, and when, would be the right time. The party he will leave behind in June is massively in his debt. When he took over in July 1988 it was on the verge of collapse. And, for a short while, life got even worse than that.

All through 1988 and 1989 we were on the edge, as the full impact of the break-up of the Alliance worked its way through. We were beaten by Dr David Owen in a by-election, and by the Greens in the European elections. Finances were dreadful. Morale was at rock bottom. And the opinion polls were within the margin of error of nothing. I well remember Ashdown turning to me in the office late one evening, speaking of his secret nightmare: that he would go down in history as the last ever Liberal leader.

To have survived as leader for 11 years from that base, and then to engineer his departure on an electoral high is a massive achievement. But there is much more to Ashdown than that.

In the Liberal Democrats, Paddy has created and led a party that adds up to considerably more than the sum of its parts. He managed to bind Liberals and Social Democrats into one body, so much so that no-one can now 'see the join'. He did so by moving us all on so that the entrenched positions with which many people entered the new party soon gave way to real discussion and new resolution.

Ashdown was brilliant at challenging the party to think afresh. Remarkably, he has chaired the Liberal Democrat policy committee throughout his leadership - a daunting thought for anyone who wants to succeed him.

We learnt quickly that sitting on the fence was no option for the Liberal Democrats. Even in 1988, Labour had embarked on its long journey to its current position astride the centre-left of politics. At times in the dark days, it felt as though Neil Kinnock's party was walking over the grave of the Lib Dems. Then, when John Major replaced Margaret Thatcher, everyone said that Ashdown's party would be squeezed from that direction, too, in a cruel pincer movement.

It was Ashdown who recognised two things: with both other parties on the move, the Liberal Democrats must stand firm for a core set of beliefs and principles. But, secondly, there is little value in a party of protest at Westminster: the Lib Dems had to create themselves as a party of power.

The stance that Paddy was prepared to take on issues like passports for the people of Hong Kong, the importance of freedom of speech and publication, the need for freedom of information his firm commitment to Britain's future in the European Union: these all add up to a powerful record of principle.

Paddy was often told that his stand would be unpopular. At the time when only the Liberal Democrats stood between the Maastricht treaty and its defeat, he was told that he was wrecking the party. Yet each time Ashdown stood firm, his ratings went up and respect for him grew.

Ashdown has also been leading a repositioning of his party. He has brought it a long way. Many of the initiatives he took - such as the pre-election Cook-Maclennan talks on the constitution and the Joint Cabinet Committee set up since the election - were full of risk, and he often pressed ahead at a faster pace than many people wanted.

But Ashdown has been acting in the long tradition of Liberal leaders from Jo Grimond onwards who have all wanted to see a realignment of the centre-left around non- socialist principles. With Tony Blair installed as leader of the Labour Party, Ashdown saw his chance. He was not to be diverted.

Perhaps that will be Paddy's lasting legacy. Not just 46 MPs - the highest number since Lloyd George. Not just the programme of constitutional reform. Not just the extraordinary strength of the Liberal Democrats in local government.

For Paddy Ashdown set out to redefine British politics around a new set of parameters. He has been lucky that Tony Blair became part of the equation at a crucial time.

He has been fortunate, too, to be a leader at a time of rapid change and the collapse of the Conservative Party.

But politics is only partly about luck. To fortune, Paddy can add fantastic energy, a natural feel for his party and a clear sense of direction. History, I predict, will be kind.

Alan Leaman worked for Paddy Ashdown from 1988-93 and was director of strategy and planning for the Liberal Democrats 1995-7. He now works for the PR firm Hill and Knowlton.