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Berkeley Journal of Middle Eastern & Islamic Law

Volume 3

Article 3

December 2013

Persuasion and Authority in Islamic Law

Mamoud Munes Tomeh

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Persuasion and Authority in Islamic Law

Mahmoud Munes Tomeh*
"Whatever is considered good by the Muslims is good in the eyes of
God"' -The Prophet Muhammad

Conventional wisdom holds that Islamic law derives its authority

from divine sources: 2 the Qur'an and the Prophetic praxis, or Sunnah.
But are the Qur'an and the Sunnah really the only sources of authority in
Islamic law?
Qur'an 2:283, for example, states, "If you are on a journey and
cannot find a scribe [to record a debt], then let pledges be taken."3

* Associate, Knobbe, Martens, Olson & Bear LLP. B.A., University of

California, Berkeley (1995); M.S., Arizona State University (1997); J.D., University of
California, Berkeley, School of Law (2007). I would like to express my gratitude and
appreciation to the editors of JMEIL for their helpful feedback.
1. Miriam Hoexter, Qadi, Mufti and Ruler: Their Roles in the Development of
Islamic Law, in LAW, CUSTOM, AND STATUTE INTHE MUSLIM WORLD 67, 71 (Ron Shaham

ed., 2007) (noting use of this hadith by the jurists al-Sarakhsi and al-Haskafi in justifying
reliance on custom).
2. According to Islamic teaching, the Qur'an is the word of God and is divine in

ed. 2003); see also MAHMOUD M. AYOUB, THE QUR'AN AND ITS INTERPRETERS 1 (1984).

In contrast, the Sunnah, or practice of Prophet Muhammad, is considered divine insofar

as it is inspired by God, although not in the same sense that the Qur'an is divine. See
QUR'AN 53:2-5 (Thomas F. Cleary trans., 2004) ("[Y]our companion has not erred and
has not gone astray; nor does he speak from desire. It is just an inspiration with which he
is inspired: one strong in power taught him[.]"). Kamali defines the Sunnah as "all that is
all the reports which describe his physical attributes and character." KAMALI, supra note
2, at 58. Although Sunnah and hadith are similar in meaning, hadith is specifically a
narration, while Sunnah is the law that is deduced from it. Id. at 61.
3. See QUR'AN, supra note 2, at 2:283. The last clause of the verse (fa rihanun



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Apparently, this verse is concerned with the evidentiary problem posed

by a commercial contract undertaken in circumstances in which it would
be difficult to later prove that a debt existed. In an ancient world, this
was likely to occur far away from a major city or town, where no scribe
was available to produce a formal, notarized contract. If the creditor can
have in her possession property (collateral) that identifiably belongs to
the debtor, such possession could serve as evidence to bolster the
existence of the debt. She might be able to say in court, "Don't you
remember, I sold you X bushels of wheat for Y dirhams, and as you did
not have the money with you at the time, you gave me your ring. See,
here it is!" While this form of evidence tells us nothing of the terms of
the alleged contract, it does provide (a) circumstantial evidence that a
contract in fact did exist, and (b) property upon which a creditor could
rely in fulfilling the debtor's obligation in the event of default.
While this verse contemplates an evidentiary concern, numerous
rulings have been derived from it-rulings that extend beyond the
verse's specific teachings. For example, in the Maliki school, the "pledge
contract" takes on a life of its own, becoming a valid contract in its own
right and distinct from the contract for which it is intended to serve as
only an evidentiary purpose.4 Although the pledge contract is valid
regardless of actual possession, it becomes void if the creditor does not
take possession prior to the death, mortal illness, or bankruptcy of the
debtor.5 Moreover, in the bankruptcy context, if a creditor fails to take
possession of the collateral before the bankruptcy of the debtor, her only
recourse is a claim based on the original debt, and all of the debtor's
creditors will have an equal claim over the collateral. 6 On the other hand,
if she had taken possession prior to the bankruptcy of the debtor, her
claim over the collateral takes priority over the claims of other creditors.7
Questions of validity and priority of claims do not appear directly
within the contemplation of the above-quoted verse, which is concerned
with establishing an evidentiary basis for debt when a document cannot
easily be written to record it. From where did the rest of these rulings

maqbudah) literally means, "then held collaterals," i.e., then take hold of a physical
object that may serve as collateral. Id.
4. Mohammad Fadel, "Istihsan is Nine-tenths of the Law ": The Puzzling
Relationship of Usul to Furu' in the Maliki Madhhab, in STUDIES IN ISLAMIC LEGAL


161, 166 (Bernard G. Weiss ed., 2002).

Id. at 166-67.




come? Certainly, Islamic law entails more than a delineation of the direct
legal consequences of divine text. Indeed, Imam Malik reportedly said,
"istihsan [juristic preference] is nine-tenths of the law." 8
The important point is that although most Islamic law retains a
connection to the Qur'an and Sunnah, its legitimacy-or authoritycannot be derived solely from there because only a small fraction (or
precisely one-tenth, taking Imam Malik literally) of the holdings of
Islamic law are extrapolated from these divine sources. Indeed, Islamic
law explicitly recognizes this fact, as I discuss below. 9
This essay posits that Islamic law gains its legitimacy and authority
from its persuasiveness. Islamic law is not unique in this regard. Indeed,

every system of law gains its legitimacy from the persuasive force it
possesses within a community, society, or polity.' 0 There are, however,
Islamic aspects to what it means to be persuasive, just as one can posit
uniquely Western, Buddhist, or Confucian notions of persuasion.
I analyze the question of persuasion in Islamic law from an
Aristotelian rhetorical perspective. 1 Accordingly, for the purposes of
8. Id. at 176. As translated by Fadel, the quote is "Istihsan is nine-tenths of [legal]
knowledge" (al-istihsanu tis'atu a'shari al-'ilmi). Id. Although Fadel's translation is
perfectly correct, it is overly literal because the Arabic word for knowledge ('ilm) can
refer to knowledge in general, or, in this context, sacred knowledge and specifically
Islamic law. I prefer to translate knowledge as "the law," given that Malik was
commenting on a doctrine of Islamic law (istihsan). Istihsan is variously translated as
juristic preference, equity, a discretionary opinion in breach of strict analogy, or seeking
the most equitable solution. KAMALI, supra note 2, at 2; JOSEPH SCHACHT, AN

IN ISLAMIC JURISPRUDENCE 7 (1969); Umar Faruq Abd-Allah, Malik's Concept of 'Amal

in the Light of Maliki Legal Theory 21-22 (June 27, 1978) (unpublished Ph.D.
dissertation, University of Chicago) (on file with author). It is especially difficult to find
an equivalent translation for istihsan because the four Sunni legal schools have varied
their use of the term and often apply it as a catch-all for multiple and distinct legal
principles. For a comparison of istihsan in the Maliki and Hanafi schools, see id. at 24561.
9. For all of the dogmatism often associated with Islamic law, it is a legal system
profoundly aware of its own tenuous relationship with its foundational legal texts. See
infra pp. 163-64 for a discussion of qat'i and zhanni textual implications (dalalat).
10. For a general discussion of law as rhetoric, see James Boyd White, Law as
Rhetoric, Rhetoric as Law: The Arts of Culturaland Communal Life, 52 U. CHI. L. REV.
684 (1985). White does not approach rhetoric as persuasion, but rather as an art by which
community and culture is preserved. See id. I focus on rhetoric as persuasion precisely
because it involves authority. Nevertheless, rhetoric as it relates to the creation and
transformation of culture is relevant to authority.
I1. A natural extension of this Article is to explore how Islamic thinkers discuss
persuasion. For an overview of Islamic rhetoric, see Phillip Halld~n, What is Arab



Vol. 3:1

this Article, I analyze persuasion in Islamic law from the perspective of

ethos, pathos, and logos.12 Jurists formulating, stating, codifying, or
asserting Islamic law must have an ethical appeal. That is, they, as
individuals or as a collective body, must be seen in the relevant
community as an acceptable authority (ethos).13 The assertion must stir
the passions or awake the emotions of the audience (pathos).14 Adapting
the idea of pathos to the present context, an assertion regarding Islamic
law must speak to the concerns of its audience to be persuasive. In this
context, the audience is the Muslim community at large, or at least a
significant segment of it. Finally, an assertion must be demonstrated by
logical argument to be persuasive (logos).1 5 A logical argument means
the ruling itself must have some basis in the larger body of the Islamic
legal tradition and at least reasonably engage with the sources of Islamic
law, both textual and otherwise.
It is not my intention to outline a checklist of what makes an
assertion legitimate or authoritative within Islamic legal discourse.
Indeed, Aristotle envisioned ethos, pathos, and logos as modes or means
of persuasion. Rather, I intend to explore aspects of persuasiveness in
Islamic law-and therefore authority and legitimacy-through the lens
of Aristotle's ethos, pathos, and logos paradigm.
[I]t is often not at all the actual substance of an interpretation that
gains it acceptance but rather something additional that comes to it
from without.16
-Sherman Jackson
Ethos in Islamic law can be thought of as two conflicting modes or
expressions: the charismatic and the institutional.1 7 By charismatic, I
Islamic Rhetoric? Rethinking the History of Muslim Oratory Art and Homiletics, 37 INT'L
J. MIDDLE E. STUD. 19 (2005).


Kennedy trans., 2007).

13. See id. at 15 (defining ethos as "the projection of the character of the speaker as
14. Id. (defining pathos as "consideration of the emotions of people in the
15. Id. (defining logos as "inductive and deductive logical argument").
JURISPRUDENCE OF SHIHAB AL-DIN AL-QARAFI xxv (Ruud Peters & Bernard Weiss eds.,

17. One obvious conflict concerns ytihad and taqlid. Briefly, taqlid refers to the




mean an authority resulting from the knowledge, reputation, or character

of a single person. In contrast, the institutional refers to an authority that
emerges from some body greater than just one individual. This institution
need not be a formal one, but it must be the result of collective effort.
While I posit them as different here, I also discuss how they relate to
each other, as institutional authority often receives some measure of
authority from the charismatic authority of a single person or collection
of persons.
A. CharismaticAuthority
Islamic law has been described as a "jurists' law." 18 Although this
quaint trope might oversimplify things, it certainly speaks to the notion
that Islamic law developed not as a body of law emanating from a
political authority, but rather as a body of law emanating from
charismatics who held some form of moral authority-who possessed
ethos-within the Muslim community.
Charismatic authority in Islam, as in any scientific field, requires
possession of some level of qualification in terms of knowledge,

acceptance of the authority of qualified scholarship, whereas ijtihad concerns the issuing
of an expert legal opinion. NUH HA MIM KELLER, RELIANCE OF THE TRAVELLER: A

The idea behind taqlid is that one who is not capable of issuing an expert legal opinion
must follow (yuqalidu) one who is. Id. Alternatively, Schacht defines ijtihad as the "use
of individual reasoning" and taqlid as "reliance on the teaching of a master" or
"adopt[ion of] the doctrine of a school of law for a particular transaction." SCHACHT,
supra note 8, at 299, 303.
I do not intend to revisit the controversy over the fabled "closing of the gates of
Utihad." For a discussion of this topic, see generally Wael B. Hallaq, Was the Gate of
Ijtihad Closed?, 16 INT'L. J. MIDDLE E. STUD. 3 (1984). Rather, I simply note that
charismatic authority relates to ijtihad, whereas institutional authority relates to taqlid.
For example, the schools of Islamic law concern taqlid in the sense that the authoritative
positions of a school are seen as authoritative and hence to be followed. Historically,
institutions rarely performed itihad; it has commonly been called a "jurists' law" for this
very reason. See COULSON, supra note 8, at 3. However, this has begun to change with
the emergence of fiqh councils, which are assemblies of Muslim jurists that give advisory
opinions on various matters. See, e.g., The International Fiqh Academy, Main Page, (last visited April 20, 2010).
18. See COULSON, supra note 8, at 3.



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education, and experience. 19 Jurists earned the respect of society because

of the confidence in their expertise, which resulted from years of
professional training. 20 The nature of the training varied and evolved
over time. In earlier times, it entailed keeping the company of a
recognized master for a significant period of time. For example, we
know that Malik-eponym of the Maliki legal school-was initially
tutored by the well-known scholar Ibn Hurmuz as a youth on an informal
basis. 2 1 Malik undertook his formal education under the tutelage of
prominent Successors to the Companions of Prophet Muhammad,
including al-Zuhri, Rabi'a, and Yahya ibn Sa'id. 22 Indeed, these
illustrious Successors were among the "Seven Jurists" (al-fuqaha' alsab'a), a counsel of older Successors in Medina that dealt with legal
questions. 23 This semi-formal counsel included sons and grandsons of
prominent Companions of the Prophet. 24 There can be little doubt that
this intellectual lineage contributed considerably to Malik's own
prominence and to the authority of his legal opinions. His intellectual
connection to Prophet Muhammad is unquestionably close, and this lends
him significant ethos to this very day. 25
In later times, formal academies, colleges, and seminaries were
founded, and authority was vested in those graduating from one of these
institutions. These included the Sunni university al-Azhar or the Shiite
theological seminaries in Qom, which are still held in esteem. 26 Today,

19. The term "scientific" used here refers to science in its most general sense as a
systematic knowledge or practice. Muslims often refer to Islamic knowledge as
"sciences," perhaps evoking the Latin word scientia, which aptly correlates with the
Islamic use of the Arabic noun 'ilm. See KELLER, RELIANCE, supra note 17, at 13

(translating the Arabic phrase 'uurn shar'iyyaas "sacred sciences").




Abd-Allah, supra note 8, at 64.

Id. at 66-67.
See id. at 67-68.
For example, Medina, the city in which Prophet Muhammad lived and was
is also where Imam Malik lived and taught. This connection bolstered Malik's










THE 500


INFLUENTIAL MUSLIMS 36 (2009), http://www.risscjo/docs/IN-WithCovers(lowres).pdf

(calling al-Azhar University "the premier institution for Sunni Islamic scholarship");
ISLAMIC WORLD 168-171 (John L. Esposito ed., 1995). Regarding Qom's importance, see
WORLD 381-385 (John L. Esposito ed., 1995). For a historical overview of the




even with the founding of formal colleges, the charismatic side of

religious authority is not entirely absent. It is clear that the prestige of a
college is entwined with the prestige of its faculty. Many in American
academic circles are aware of the intense competition among universities
to secure acclaimed faculty. The Ph.D.-granting university is noted just
as often in the biography of professors today as the name of the mentor
or committee chair under whose tutelage the professor once studied. It is
doubtless the same in Islamic academic circles. 2 7
But there is more to authority in Islam than technical knowledge.
Charismatic authority can be understood through the Prophetic saying,
"The 'ulama' are the inheritors of the Prophets." 28 From this perspective,
charismatic authority in Islamic law vests primarily in God and His
Messenger. God possesses the ultimate ethical appeal, and the prophets,
in particular Prophet Muhammad as the last prophet, receive their ethical
appeal from God. 29 As inheritors of the prophets, the 'ulama' assume
charismatic authority (ethos) derivative of that of the Prophet. The
'ulama' thus have an ethical authority traced to God Himself, through the
intermediary of the Prophet.
It is not my intention to overstate the relationship between the
temporal, fallible, and contingent charismatic authority of the 'ulama'
and the absolute authority of God. To be sure, it is a postulate of Islamic
orthodoxy that there is no prophet-and hence no revelation-after the
death of Prophet Muhammad. Inheritors neither receive direct divine
guidance nor do they benefit from the divine grace of infallibility. 30

development of Islamic educational institutions, see GEORGE MAKDISI, THE RISE OF


27. THE ROYAL ISLAMIC STRATEGIC STUDIES CENTRE, supra note 26, at 34 (noting
that Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali Husseini Sistani studied under Grand Ayatollah Abu alQasim al-Khoei).




(S.M. Madni Abbasi trans., 1984). 1 leave the word 'ulama' untranslated to avoid the
anachronism that Prophet Muhammad was referring to a specific class of scholars that
arose later.


(describing Prophet Muhammad as "the final seal of prophethood").

30. Muhammad's infallibility is a standard tenet of Sunni faith. Id. ("[God] sent the
prophets out of His generosity, protecting them from everything unbecoming of them,
guarding them from both lesser sins and enormities both before their prophethood and
thereafter"). Prophetic infallibility is a God-given grace, not something inherent in a
person. In other words, Prophet Muhammad was not infallible due to something inherent
in his ontological reality, but rather because God chose, moment by moment, to divinely
protect him from error. The 'ulama',by contrast, are deficient in this regard. See id.




Because of these shortcomings, no potential inheritor can, from the

perspective of ethos, assert anything with the same authority as that of
the Prophet or God.
Nor do I wish to understate the relationship between the fallible
charismatic authority of the 'ulama' and the infallible authority of
Prophet Muhammad, and hence, indirectly, the authority of God. From
the perspective of ethos, being the intellectuo-spiritual inheritor of an
individual requires the same genuine engagement as the original
individual. The endeavor of Prophet Muhammad-his Sunnah or Wayhas been traditionally understood to comprise legal (islam), doctrinal
(iman), and spiritual (ihsan) aspects.3 1 The inheritor must be recognized
as engaging with, and excelling in, these three aspects. He must embody,
in his life and thought, the Sunnah of Prophet Muhammad (as opposed to
the Way of someone else).
Indeed, piety does just as much to bolster the authority of an opinion
or fatwa of a jurist as superior technical knowledge in Islamic
foundational texts. A concern with piety, not just knowledge, is evident
in the rich tradition of Islamic hagiography, particularly in respect of the
founders of the famed schools. Biographers often note, for example, that
Imam Abu Hanifah would stand in prayer at night reciting the Qur'an in
its entirety. 32 Rarely does an account of Imam Malik fail to note his
humility and the willingness with which he would answer "I do not know
(la adri)."3 3 This anecdote also reflects a self-consciousness of the
tenuousness of the inheritor's claim to authority (e.g., how could a mere
mortal ever speak on behalf of God?). Unless the matter was fairly clear,
Imam Malik preferred to admit ignorance.
As noted by Sherman Jackson, the substance (logos) of an
interpretation alone is insufficient, as is mere knowledge. 34 Ethical
appeal has additional charismatic qualifications. Imam Malik states:

31. For an exposition of this tripartite division, see KELLER, RELIANCE, supra note
17, at 807-15. A tradition narrated by the traditionalist Muslim speaks of the archangel
Gabriel asking Prophet Muhammad before his Companions about islam, iman, and ihsan.
32. See id. at 1028. The argument that such accounts are stories created
posthumously to bolster the status of a legal school further proves my point about ethos.
It is not important that these stories be true; their existence proves the point.
33. See id. at 1069; Abd-Allah, supra note 8, at 90.
34. See JACKSON, supra note 16, at xxv. Viewed in context, Jackson's point probably
refers to political disparities as influencing the authority or enforceability of an
interpretation, not its ethos as I discuss it here.




This affair, that is hadith and the giving of fatwas, requires men
characterized by fear of God [taqi], piety [wara1, cautiousness
[siyanah], perfectionism ['itqan], knowledge, and understanding
[fahm], in order that they perceive what is coming out of their
heads and what the results of it will be tomorrow. But as for those
who lack this perfectionism ['itqan] and awareness [ma'rifa], no
benefit can be derived from them. They are not authoritative
sources of knowledge [hujjah], and one should not take knowledge
from them.35
In mentioning qualitative attributes such as piety, cautiousness, and
perfectionism, Imam Malik's lack of precision should not be attributed to
a lack of any standards for determining who has ethos in Islamic law.
Indeed, he said of himself that he did not take to giving legal opinions
(fatwas) until "seventy [jurists] testified that [he] was qualified to do
so." 36 This suggests that a system for evaluating and determining a
person's qualifications existed by the first century of Islam. Presumably,
these seventy jurists considered things like the number of prophetic
traditions he narrated as well as piety and moral rectitude. 37 In the words
of Timothy Winter,
Great religious figures transform society as much by who they are
as by what they say. And it would be idle to attribute [a great
religious figure's] influence simply to the brilliance and clarity of
the books that he left behind him. He was revered, it is very clear,
as somebody who lived the reality of Islam, as somebody who was

well on his way to being a saint. 3

B. InstitutionalAuthority

Ijma', or consensus, is one of the jurisprudential bases of Islamic

Because of the role of ijma' as a source of Islamic law, it relates to
logos, as I discuss below. It also relates to ethos in a sense distinct from
the technical or jurisprudential nature of ijma '.40 When a legal
law. 39


Abd-Allah, supra note 8, at 75.



Adornment of the Friends of God and the Biography-Layers of the Pure Ones] p. 316.
37. Imam Malik's statement did not provide any list of qualifications used by the
seventy jurists. See id.


relevant clip available at (emphasis added).

39. KAMALI, supra note 2, at 228. For an argument that ijma' is the most
fundamental authority upon which Islamic law is based, see COULSON, supra note 8, at
40. Indeed, this non-technical notion of consensus is precisely what gives rise to the



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proposition is reasonably supported by a group of scholars-a loose

(non-technical) consensus-its authority is bolstered precisely because it
is not the opinion of a single person but of many people.4 1 The ethos of
many is stronger than the ethos of one.
In his Falland Rise of the Islamic State, Noah Feldman reformulates
a body of academic work related to the role of the 'ulama' in Islamic
history. 42 Feldman argues that in pre-modem Islamic civilization, the
'ulama' played a constitutional role by checking executive power,
thereby reducing the risk or threat of authoritarianism and governmentbacked oppression. 43 The 'ulama', as an unincorporated body and
community, possessed enough authority to deny or grant political
authority to a ruler. 44
The recognition of an individual as an 'alim (jurist)-a learned
scholar who can speak authoritatively about religion-comes from
consensus formed by the laity, other members of the 'ulama', or both.
Once consensus gives a person the privilege of membership in the
'ulama' class, that person retains a level of authority by virtue of others
in the 'ulama' class even when he disagrees with them. For example, Ibn
Taymiyya was a pariah on certain divorce issues and remains

technical jurisprudential definition of ima' as a source of law. The rhetorical force and
authority of consensus or Uma' are so powerful as to make it a source of law that fills in
lacunae in the scriptural sources. This is further strengthened by the classical definition
of ijma, which required that "nothing less than a universal consensus of the scholars of
the Muslim community as a whole can be regarded as conclusive uma'." KAMAL1, supra
note 2, at 228. If all authorities (i.e., charismatics) held a particular legal position, even if
not derived from the Qur'an or Sunnah, how could it be wrong? The only way the Qur'an
and Sunnah are known is through consensus (universal in the case of the text of the
Qur'an or by preponderance in the case of the Sunnah). Hence, while ijma' does not
directly partake of a divine origin, ima' on a particular question becomes on par
epistemologically with the mechanism through which the actual words (text) of the
scriptural sources are known.
41. Because the technical definition of ijma' in Islamic jurisprudence is tricky,
consensus for the purpose of ethos is a looser sense of agreement among a particular
community (even if that agreement does not meet the strictures of a formal ijma'from the
point of view of jurisprudence.)


43. Id. at 30-33.

44. See id. at 30-33, 49-51.




controversial in matters of theology. 45 But he retains authority even

when he challenges widely accepted legal doctrine because his
opponents must admit that he earned his status as a jurist and
membership into the 'ulama' class. 46 Given that even an individual
member of the 'ulama' possesses authority, the authority of the 'ulama'
as a body is clearly stronger. The informal consensus of the 'ulama' class
is one manifestation of ethos in Islamic law.
There are other forms of institutional, consensus-derived authority,
such as the madhhab, or legal school.47 The institutional authority of the
madhhab, however, is related in important ways to other notions of
authority, such as charismatic authority. This can be gleaned from
debates surrounding what constitutes the official position of the Maliki
school. One way of categorizing the authority of a legal position within
the madhhab is either as rajih or mashhur.48 While interchangeable use
of these two terms is common, many jurists employ them in subtly
different ways. Most jurists agree that whenever a view is known to have
been Malik's final word, it is the rajih position. 49 This notion of rajih is
clearly connected to Malik's charismatic authority. However, if no final
word from Malik is discernable, the meaning of the term rajih is unclear.
According to some jurists, if a certain position has become practically
established ('amal) in a particular locality, then that view is rajih for that
locality but not necessarily elsewhere. 50 Such a notion of rajih is tied to a
narrower consensus marked by geographical boundaries. When referring
to an opinion not directly attributable to Malik, other jurists use rajih
when it accords best with Malik's methodology (usul) or finds strong

45. JACKSON, supra note 16, at 76 n.24; FELDMAN supra note 42, at 32. lbn
Taymiyya's opponents schemed to have him jailed for much of his life, particularly for
his theological beliefs, such as his literal interpretation of Qur'anic verses that refer to
God's "hand" or "face," i.e., asserting that God literally has a hand. For a brief sketch,
see, KELLER, RELIANCE, supra note 17, at 1059-60.
46. lbn Taymiyya is particularly influential among many modem Islamist thinkers
as well as followers of the so-called Wahhabi sect. See Ronald L. Nettler, Ibn Taymiyah,
165-66 (John L. Esposito ed., 1995). However, he also has a wider appeal in the Muslim
community and is often lauded with the title "Shaykh al-Islam," meaning "The Sheikh
(i.e., authority) of Islam." See SAYYED ABUL HASAN 'AL NADWI, SHAIKH-UL-ISLAM IBN
TAIMIYAH (2005).

JACKSON, supra note 16, at 79-83.

48. Id. at 83.

49. Id. at 85.
50. Id.



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scriptural support.5 ' This notion is decidedly charismatic, since it

requires the juristic exertion of a particular jurist in whose estimation a
particular view accords best with Malik's methodology or scripture.
Given that few of these conclusions are self-evident, the persuasiveness
of these conclusions necessarily rests upon charismatic authority.
The authority of a madhhab as a corporate body is also evident in
the concept of the mashhur. Like rajih, the term mashhur has varied
meanings depending on whether it refers to a view of Malik or whether it
addresses a novel issue of law. Consequently, many jurists, but not all,
hold that an opinion of Malik is mashhur only if it is narrated by Ibn alQasim. 52 When mashhur describes the authority of a position not
attributed to Malik, some jurists, but again not all, hold it refers to the
opinion favored by the greatest number of jurists (ma kathura qa'iluh).53
Under this view, if no answer to a legal question can be found among the
responsa (fatawa) of Malik himself, the position held by most Maliki
jurists is the mashhur position. This interesting majority-of-jurists rule is
precisely the sort of informal consensus I suggest is the kernel of
institutional authority.
Pathos is probably the least developed mode of persuasion in
scholarly treatments of Islamic law. This is because Islamic law is
generally conceived as deriving its authority from God as conveyed in
the sacred texts of the Qur'an and Sunnah-what could mere mortals
have to do with legal authority? After all, "[i]n accordance with the real
nature of things it is the human that must conform to the Divine and not
the Divine to the human." 54 Nevertheless, recognizing pathos as a mode
of authority simply acknowledges a tension that already exists in Islamic
law-the tension between revelation and interpretation. Interpretation is
clearly a human project. In attempting to conform to the Divine, the
faithful bring to the table their beliefs, thoughts, emotions, and moral
values-all of which entail pathos. And while the idea of conforming to
the Divine suggests that preconceived notions and beliefs should be
rejected, pathos recognizes that this is rarely realized because of the
imperfections of all that is human. Hence, human perceptions and
5 1. Id.

Id. at 86.
Id. at 87.






concerns will affect the propositions that the audience finds persuasive.
But pathos can also be understood to entail the spiritual struggle of the
individual in sincerely asking himself or herself, "What does God want
from me?" This question is a profoundly personal one, and is ultimately
left to the moral conscious of the individual. Hence, pathos can be
understood to include both worldly and spiritual aspects.
For Aristotle, the emotions stirred in an audience-along with the
authority created thereby-facilitate some desired outcome such as a
favored legal judgment. 55 The recent development of the "Islamic"
finance industry illustrates both this interplay as well as the tensions
posed by ethos and logos, especially as regards the debates centered on
interest-based loans. This is most clearly evident in the emotions of fear,
shame, and emulation that pathos elicits. Before considering these
emotions, however, it is useful to first discuss the Islamic legal doctrines
surrounding the prohibition of interest or riba.
Although Islamic law prohibits riba, the topic generates much
debate. For example, the Egyptian jurist Yusuf Qaradawi has argued that
borrowers are not sinful for taking an interest-bearing loan in cases of
pressing financial need. 56 A more cynical view adopted by economist
Mahmoud El-Gamal holds that much of what is claimed to be "Islamic"
finance essentially repackages conventional financing with an Islamic
veneer and simply adds transaction costs without promoting the social
justice concerns that ostensibly underlie the appeal of Islamic finance. 57
Nevertheless, the Islamic finance industry continues to grow and
flourish. One answer to this puzzle, I suggest, is pathos.
Indeed, although no precise figures are available, the Islamic finance
industry is estimated to be valued at $1 trillion and projected to grow up

55. ARISTOTLE, supra note 12, at 112-14. Although pathos can be used by Muslim
scholars and institutions to gain acceptance of their legal positions, I use pathos to refer
to the influence that communal concerns wield in determining what is authoritative. A
case in point is the tension experienced by a Muslim institutional authority such as alAzhar, which must walk a tight rope between provoking state onslaught and discrediting
itself in popular eyes through subservience to the state. Reid, supra note 26, at 171.



(Kamal El-Helbawy, M. Moinuddin Siddiqui, & Syed Shukry trans.) (stating that a
pressing need is something basic for life, like food, clothing, and medical treatment).
57. See, e.g., Mahmoud El-Gamal, Contemporary Islamic Law and Finance: The
Tradeoff Between Brand-Name Distinctiveness and Convergence, 1 BERKELEY J. MIDDLE
E. & ISLAMic L. 193, 194 (2008).



Vol. 3:1

to $2.8 trillion by 2015.58 A more humble assessment by Oliver Agha

places Shari'a-compliant assets at $500 billion in 2007, representing a
30% growth from 2006.59 Assuming the Qur'anic term riba does not
easily equate with interest, as El-Gamal has argued, 60 and "Islamic"
financial vehicles are essentially equivalent to conventional financial
transactions, why does the industry continue to grow? Why does this
industry strike a chord with the Muslim community? Why does it tap into
Muslim pathos?

In answering these questions, it is useful to understand the

prohibition of riba, of which there are two kinds: riba prohibited in the
Qur'an and riba prohibited based on numerous reports from Prophet
Muhammad. The "riba of the Qur'an" derives its prohibition from
multiple verses in the Qur'an that condemn those who practice riba.
However, there is significant exegetical support that this refers to an expost practice where, upon the maturity of a debt, the creditor asks his
debtor "Shall you pay me or shall you 'increase' (i.e., pay riba)." If the
debtor is unable to pay immediately, the creditor defers the maturity date
and increases the debt. 62 This practice is related to both debts from loans
as well as goods sold on credit. 63 In contrast, the Qur'an counsels
generosity and the deferral of debts gratis until the debtor becomes

58. Mohammad H. Fadel, Riba, Efficiency, and PrudentialRegulation: Preliminary

Thoughts, 25 Wis. INT'L L.J. 655, 655 n.l (2007-2008).
59. Oliver Agha, Islamic Finance in the Gulf A Practitioner's Perspective, I
BERKELEY J. MIDDLE E. & ISLAMIC L. 179, 179 (2008).

60. See El-Gamal, supra note 57, at 198-99.

61. For prohibitions on riba in the Qur'an, see QUR'AN, supra note 2, at 2:275-278,
3:130, 30:39. Note that Cleary's translation of 30:39 does not give the impression that it
relates to interest. Indeed, it is arguable that this verse should not be interpreted as a
prohibition of riba (as other verses sufficiently establish that), but that the word riba is
used in its purely literal meaning-"increase" or profit. See also ABDULLAH YUSUF ALI,

(2002) (translating 30:39 as "That which ye lay out for increase through the property of
(other) people, will have no increase with Allah. But that which ye lay out for charity,
multiplied."). For the view that 30:39 suggests prohibition of riba because it will have no
increase with God, see Fadel, supra note 58, at 658. In any case, it is hard to imagine the
verse refers to anything other than the idea that worldly profits do not matter in the sight
of God, but charity does.
62. Fadel, supra note 58, at 658.
63. Wahba Al Zuhayli, The Juridical Meaning of Riba (Iman Abdul Rahim &
26, 27 (Abdulkader Thomas ed., 2006).




solvent or forgiveness of the debt.' It seems, then, that what is so wrong

with this practice is that the increase in the amount comes after the
maturity date, which tends to put the debtor in a weaker bargaining
position. Now, if a rate for the value of the credit is priced ex-ante,
presumably both the debtor and creditor are on an equal footing, and
therefore ex-ante agreements are presumptively permissible. Indeed, one
giant of early authority in Islamic law, Ibn 'Abbas, the cousin of Prophet
Muhammad, held this view. 65
However, this position was overwhelmed by the opposing opinion
adopted by an informal consensus (ethos) of 'ulama' from the early days
of Islam. To fully understand why invites an examination of the second
type of riba-ribaprohibited based on Prophetic reports. This second
type can be further divided into spot and credit forms of riba. For
example, regarding spot sales, it is reported that Prophet Muhammad
prohibit[ed] the sale of gold for gold, silver for silver, wheat for
wheat, barley for barley, dates for dates, salt for salt, unless it is
the same [quantity] for the same [quantity] or the thing [itself] for
the thing [itself], and that whosoever gives an increase or receives
an increase, has committed riba. 66
Spot riba in Islamic law is called the "riba of excess" (in Arabic,
riba al-fad). 67 The idea is that one pound of dates, when monetized in

terms of dates, has a legally, not contractually, set price of one pound of
dates. This is so even if the quality of the dates differs. Indeed, the
Prophet is reported to have instructed his companion Bilal to enter into
two trades in order to acquire a smaller quantity of high-quality dates in
exchange for a larger quantity of low-quality dates. The Prophet
instructed Bilal to sell the low-quality dates for something else and then
use the proceeds to buy the higher-quality dates. 68 This is akin to a
regulation requiring a bank to exchange a tattered dollar bill for a new
one. A dollar bill is worth one dollar, no matter its condition, just as a
pound of dates is worth a pound of dates, no matter the quality. One
interesting interpretation of this injunction is that it is a mechanism of
"mark to market," that is, a mechanism for discovering a fair market

64. Fadel, supra note 58, at 658-59.

65. See id. at 683 (noting that Ibn 'Abbas believed that the only prohibited riba was
the riba of pre-Islamic days prohibited in the Qur'an).

66. Id. at 661.



68. Abdulkader Thomas, What is Riba?, in INTEREST IN ISLAMIC ECONOMICS:

UNDERSTANDING RiBA 125, 129 (Abdulkader Thomas ed., 2006).



Vol. 3:1

value for the dates. 69 In any case, it is important to note that, in spot
transactions, sales across genera do not have a legally set price, and so
these prices are set contractually. 70 One may, therefore, sell one pound of
dates for ten pounds of wheat or for a few grams of silver if the sale is
The other type of riba that emerges from prophetic reports is creditbased, or the "riba of delay" (in Arabic, riba al-nasa '). As narrated in
one hadith, "[trading] gold for gold is riba unless [delivery is] hand-tohand; [trading] wheat for wheat is riba unless [delivery is] hand-to-hand;
[trading] dates for dates is riba unless [delivery is] hand-to-hand;
[trading] barley for barley is riba unless [delivery is] hand-to-hand." 7 1
This has been understood to mean that the doctrine of credit riba
prohibits credit (versus immediate) sales within genera altogether, even if
the counter-value is equivalent. 7 2 The schools differ greatly regarding the
expansion of prophetically enumerated genera in both spot and credit
riba.73 For example, in the Maliki school, all deferred trades involving
counter-values that were of the same genera (such as foodstuffs, e.g.,
wheat-for-wheat) are prohibited by the doctrine of credit riba.74
Similarly, regarding the genera of gold and silver, the Maliki and the
Shafi'i schools agree that the reason ('illa in the language of qiyas) for
prohibition is that gold and silver serve as prices for private contracting
(al-thamaniyya).75 Although this reasoning could be expanded to
prohibit similar exchanges of other commodities that serve as "prices for
private contracting" (e.g., fiat currency), a strict, formalistic reading of
the prophetically defined genera of gold and silver might arguably not
apply to fiat currency.
But while riba of the Qur'an is a prohibition designed to protect
debtors from ex-post changes to contractual obligations, even classical
Islamic jurists had difficulty rationalizing both spot and credit-based riba
prohibitions. Indeed, the influential (ethos) 'Izz ibn 'Abd al-Salam
reportedly discerned no purpose justifying the rules of spot and credit69. Mahmoud A. EI-Gamal, An Attempt to Understand the Economic Wisdom
(hikma) in the Prohibitionof Riba, in INTEREST IN ISLAMIC ECONOMICS: UNDERSTANDING
RIBA 112, 118 (Abdulkader Thomas ed., 2006).
70. Fadel, supra note 58, at 662.
71. Id at 663.
72. Id. at 664.
73. See id. at 660-67.
74. Id. at 663.
75. Id. at 663-64.




based riba as they historically evolved. 76 This makes it all the more
difficult to apply these prohibitions to modem financial dealings.
To further complicate matters, one irony of Islamic law is that, given
the rules on riba discussed above, a simple non-interest bearing loan, a
qard-I give you ten units of gold today, and you return ten units of gold
tomorrow-would presumptively be prohibited as the credit riba
condemned by the Prophet in the tradition quoted above (i.e., a "sale" of
gold for gold that is not delivered "hand-to-hand"). 77 However, qard was
excluded from the rules of riba because of its explicitly charitable
nature.78 Under both Hanafi and Shafi'i doctrine, no date for repayment
is enforceable, which partly explains the difference between a prohibited
deferred sale and a legal charitable loan. 79 But Malikis enforce
repayment terms where specified, and so, 80 for Malikis, it is unclear what
makes a loan charitable and a deferred sale uncharitable because the
counter-values would have to be equal in value due to the doctrine of
riba of excess.8 1
These doctrines suggest that conventional interest-based finance is
problematic. One Maliki authority notes that qard loans must be solely
for the benefit of the debtor, not the creditor, because otherwise "it would
be considered riba which all agree is prohibited." 82 Indeed,
contemporary Islamic scholars broadly believe that lending money on
interest is prohibited.8 3 But many modem financial transactions are not
purely the lending of money for money, as would be the case in a cash
advance through a credit card. In the case of a cash advance, one receives
cash, spends or otherwise uses it, and then owes the creditor that same
amount plus interest. It is probably uncontroversial-putting aside the
complication of fiat currency-to assert that this would fall under both


Id. at 660 n.25.

Id. at 666.
Id. at 666-67.
See id.
See id.


AL-IMAM MALIK 97 (n.d.).

83. See Fadel, supra note 58, at 679 n.124 (quoting Wahba Al Zuhayli, a modem
jurist, as forcefully asserting that modern monies, including paper currency, are subject to
the rules of riba); Haider Ala Hamoudi, Baghdad Booksellers, Basra Carpet Merchants,
Experience, I BERKELEY J. MIDDLE E. & ISLAMIC L. 83, 95 (2008).



Vol. 3:1

riba of excess and delay because the excess interest imposed removes
this financial transaction from the charitable qard exception. But many
modem financial transactions do not work this way.
In a conventional mortgage, 84 for example, the borrower typically
never sees the money used to purchase the house. Rather, the lender pays
the purchase price to the title company which then transfers the money to
the seller (or lender).85 The loan is tied to some tangible asset, such as a
home or a car. From the perspective of the mortgagor, he never sees the
money he "borrowed." 86 The mortgagor gets a house (not cash), for
which he pays a monthly payment and, at the end of a term, owns the
house outright-much like the mortgages many scholars have deemed
"Islamic." Critics like El-Gamal note that since the mortgagor never
actually sees the money used to buy the house in a conventional
mortgage, the distinctions between a conventional mortgage and many
ostensibly "Islamic" finance solutions are illusory. 87
Moreover, other contemporary scholars have raised questions about
whether interest-bearing loans are accurately characterized as entailing
riba. For starters, there is an argument, even if only a purely formal one,
that the prohibitions of riba do not apply to fiat currency. Recall that the
Prophet's utterances discussed above listed specific genera-wheat,
dates, barley, gold, and so on. While the various schools differed on how
they expanded upon the prophetically enumerated genera, they
recognized some goods for which the rules of riba do not apply. The
enumerated genera of gold and silver easily could be expanded to include
fiat currency because the ratio legis for prohibitions to gold-that they
serve as prices for private contracting 89-applies to fiat currency as well.
Indeed, that appears to be the dominant position of most modem Muslim
jurists. 90 However, strictly speaking, the classical positions of both the
Shafi'i and Maliki schools support a formalistic argument excluding fiat
currency, rendering the rules of riba inapplicable. 91 In fact, one respected

84. For the purposes of the argument here, I refer only to a conventional, fixed-rate
mortgage, and not other kinds such as adjustable rate or negative amortization mortgages.
85. See El-Gamal, supra note 57, at 194.
86. See id. at 195.
87. See id. at 194-96.
88. See Fadel, supra note 58, at 663-64 (noting the position of the Maliki, Shafi'i
and Hanafi schools in relation to deferred trades).
89. Id. at 664.
90. Id. at 679 n.124.
91. See id. at 664 n.42, 679 n.124.




modem authority, Shaykh 'Ali Goma'a, the official mufti of Egypt,

recently opined that bank interest is permissible, in part because
Egyptian currency has no relationship to gold or silver, and because
banks and their depositors do not engage in lending as understood by
Islamic law. 92
Another difficulty in the question of interest-bearing loans is the rich
precedents in classical Islamic law that allowed devices designed to
avoid the rules against riba. For example, in Ottoman times, a creditor
would lend a sum to a borrower (e.g., $900) and then sell the borrower a
handkerchief (or any other low-priced good) on credit at a price that was
well in excess of its market value (e.g., $100), thereby giving the creditor
the desired return on the loan. 93 These were viewed as two separate sales,
and it is possible that nothing legally prevented the borrower from taking
the loan and then refusing to later buy the handkerchief, effectively
locking in a 0% interest rate. But there is evidence to the contrary.
Ottoman court records suggest that interest on loans may have been
enforceable in an Ottoman court.9 4 Instead of banning the practice,
Ottoman practice limited the chargeable interest rate, 9 5 although this may
have varied from time to time and city to city. 96
Be that as it may, why has the Islamic finance industry been so
successful, to the tune of $0.5 to 1 trillion a year? Why is it that,
according to El-Gamal, essentially conventional financial products gain
the sanction of Muslim jurists simply by relabeling the transaction in
terms of ancient Islamic contracts?
The answer, in part, lies in pathos, as the emotions of fear, shame,
and emulation reveal. In the context of Islamic finance, fear of God and
God's displeasure is closely linked with the prohibition of riba in
scripture. The Qur'an, for instance, states that God wages war upon those

92. Id. at 679 n.124. For a brief biography of 'Ali Goma'a, see THE ROYAL ISLAMIC
STRATEGIC STUDIES CENTRE, supra note 26, at 40 (listing Ali Goma'a as the tenth most

influential Muslim in 2009).

93. Fadel, supra note 58, at 680.
94. Timur Kuran, The Logic of Financial Westernization in the Middle East, 56 J.
ECON. BEHAV. & ORG. 593, 598 (2005) [hereinafter Kuran, Logic]. It is unclear, however,
whether these "loans" were directly loans based on interest, or made through legal
95. Fadel, supra note 58, at 681. In the sixteenth century, the Ottomans limited the
interest rate to 11.5%, although only transactions using stratagems (thus satisfying the
letter of the ban on riba) were legal. Kuran, Logic, supra note 94, at 598.
96. Kuran, Logic, supra note 94, at 598 (citing studies that show a customary annual
interest rate of 20% in Kayseri and 10% in Bursa).



Vol. 3:1

who engage in riba.9 ' Although, as noted, there are arguments allowing
some forms of interest, the strength and unequivocal nature of the
Qur'an's condemnation of riba gives many Muslims pause and counsels
a conservative approach. Accordingly, despite criticism that modem
"Islamic" financial transactions are virtually identical in all material
respects to conventional financing, the pronouncements of scholars
validating the practices of Islamic finance serve to assure conservative
Muslims that they are not practicing the riba condemned in the Qur'an or
prohibited by the Prophet.
Fear of God's displeasure is a deeply personal and spiritual aspect of
pathos. As narrated in one hadith, "Consult your heart. Righteousness is
breast even though people again and again have given you their legal
opinion [in its favour]." 98 Ultimately, what beliefs and legal propositions
a believer will accept as authoritative are left to the ethical and moral
conscious of the individual. The hearts of many in the Muslim
community are simply not at ease with interest-based transactions.
In light of the Islamic world's colonial history, shame can also
motivate Muslims to favor Islamic finance. For example, Fazlur Rahman
has criticized as intellectually defeatist those Muslim states that have
replaced Islamic law with purely secular and western-inspired codes.
Rahman's sentiment, shared by many within circles of Islamic learning,
can be summed up as "we too have an intellectual tradition." It is a
feeling that perhaps stems from a sense that there is a certain shame in
failing to recognize one's own indigenous Islamic tradition and blindly
turning to outside western alternatives.
Relatedly, the rise of Islamic finance can be viewed as a
manifestation in the business and finance worlds of the very same
impulse within the Islamic world that has led to the rise of "Islamist"
political parties. 0 0 In other words, the same social forces that result in

97. QUR'AN, supra note 2, at 2:278-79 ("0 you who believe, be conscious of God,
and disperse what remains of usurious interest, if you are believers. And if you do not,
then take heed of war from God and God's messenger. But if you repent, you may have
your capital; do not be unfair, and you will not be treated unfairly.").
98. IMAM AN-NAWAWI, AN-NAWAWI's FORTY HADITH 90 (Ezzeddin Ibrahim &
Denys Jonson-Davies trans., 1981).







OLIVIER Roy, THE FAILURE OF POLITICAL ISLAM 36 (Carol Volk trans., 1994)




the call for an "Islamic" solution to legal and political problems are
behind the call for an "Islamic" solution to business problems. It would
be ludicrous-perhaps even scandalous-for someone in the recently
postcolonial Muslim world to seriously assert that the "Islamic" solution
to raising the capital needed to fund a major real estate development deal
in Dubai would be to simply plug into Western financial institutions
operating under rules outside of Islamic law.
To be sure, I do not intend to reduce the debates about riba in the
Muslim world to a blind anti-western sentiment arising out of shame.
That would be far too simplistic. For one thing, many western
institutions have begun offering Shari'a-compliant financing.' 0'
Ironically, this has not resulted in any palpable outcry from Muslim
scholars. Indeed, western institutions have hired some of these same
scholars to supervise their financial products.1 02 Emotions such as shame
can be incredibly complex, especially in a postcolonial context rife with
competing claims to identity and the "Islamic" solutions such claims put
A final emotion to consider, rooted in admiration, is emulation.103
This has a clear link to ethos, as a person with ethical appeal inspires or
instills in others a desire to emulate or follow. Indeed, emulation has a
scriptural basis. The Qur'an admonishes believers to "obey God, and
obey the messenger, and those with authority among you. And if you
dispute over anything, refer. it to God and the messenger, if you believe
in God and the last day."' 04
Prophetic traditions contain similar admonitions. For example, one
narration states, "You are to follow my Sunnah and the Sunnah of the
Rightly-Guided Caliphs."' Another narration relays a similar meaning:

(stating that one principle of "Islamism" is society must be Islamic in its foundation and
structure). While many "Islamists" advocate violent revolutions, see id., I do not intend to
suggest that advocates of Islamic finance share this view.
101. See, e.g., Barclays Fund Arm Launches Shariah-Compliant ETFs, REUTERS,
Dec. 10, 2007, (announcing
launch of a new Shari'a-compliant exchange-traded funds by Barclays).
102. Id. (stating that Barclays's panel comprises such scholars as Dr. Mohammed
Elgari, Sheikh Nizam Yacuby, and Dr. Abu Ghuddah).
103. ARISTOTLE, supra note 12, at 147.

QUR'AN, supra note 2, at 4:59.


KAMALI, supra

note 2, at 60.




on to them: the Book of God and my Sunnah."1 06 In addition to referring

to the "Way" of the Prophet, the term Sunnah can also include both the
practice of the community and precedent of the Companions.1 07 Thus,
the pathos of emulation is not restricted to the actions of the Prophet but
can be expanded to include Muslim practices. Indeed, the Prophet
reportedly said, "Whatever is considered good by the Muslims is good in
the eyes of God."' 0 8
Although various legal devices historically have been used to permit
interest-like transactions, one essential difference between such practices
and the workings of a modem bank is that the former have been viewed
as Muslim practices. In contrast, interest has been decried as a western
institution and tool of exploitation and imperialism.1 09 Again, these
perceptions are extremely powerful in a postcolonial context. 10 Together
with shame, the pathos of emulation asks, "which way do we follow, our
own tradition or that of others?"
Pathos, as a mode of persuasion (and therefore authority) in Islamic
law refers to an audience. Pathos implies an audience with both worldly
and spiritual aspirations, hopes, and values. On a spiritual level, pathos
asserts the existence of a community striving to conform to principles
derived from divine scripture. To many, interest-based lending simply
does not conform to the tenets of revelation. On a more mundane level,
pathos asserts the existence of a context, a set of common experiences
and perceptions. When Muslim jurists speak, they speak to each other, to
other Muslims, and, ultimately, to the world. Simply accepting a global
financial system that in the perception of these jurists contravenes
Islamic law is akin to saying that Islamic teachings no longer matter. It
would be to say that Islam has no vision for social relations and
economic justice other than the one that historically played out among
Christians in Europe.


See Hoexter, supra note 1, at 71.
ISLAMIC WORLD 205, 206 (John L. Esposito ed., 1995) (noting that Sayyid Abu al-A'la
Mawdudi, a modern Muslim thinker of the Indian subcontinent, depicted interest as a tool
of Western dominance and a source of Muslim decadence). See also Kuran, Logic, supra
note 94, at 594.
110. According to Aristotle, hatred (enmity) is directed toward types of people, for
"everyone hates the thief and the sycophant." ARISTOTLE, supra note 12, at 127. In view
of the colonial experiences of many Muslim peoples, the equation of interest with
Western imperialism resonates well in some circles.




Muslim jurists generally assert that loaning with interest is unjust

and a form of exploitation of the poor by the rich."' In contrast to
interest-based lending, most Muslim jurists propose profit-loss sharing
modes of finance. 112 While the preferred mode of financing put forth by
most Muslim jurists, mudaraba, could be criticized for failing to be a
truly profit-loss sharing contract, their perception remains that interestbased lending is unfair, exploitative, and, thus for good reason, illegal.13
Many Muslims today feel that interest-based transactions benefit some at
the expense of others and that economic activity should benefit all. For
many, Islamic finance provides a more equitable alternative.
Most of the literature on Islamic law engages its logos. Typically
conceived, Islamic law is a doctrine of textual interpretation and the
application of this doctrine to legal questions (resulting in positive rules).
In speaking of logos in the context of authority in Islamic law, however,
it makes sense to ask what distinguishes any reasoned argument from an
Islamic reasoned argument.
One answer is that an Islamic reasoned argument is an argument
derived from the sacred texts, the Qur'an and the Sunnah. 114 But for all
the dogmatism associated with Islamic law, it is a scholarly enterprise
profoundly aware of its own tenuous relationship with its foundational
texts. Indeed, the doctrine of qat'i (definitive) and zhanni (often
translated as "speculative," but I prefer "probable") textual implications
(dalalat)clearly point to this awareness.1 15
Islamic law recognizes that some Qur'anic rulings are definitive and,
therefore, not open to multiple meanings. 116 Qur'anic verses that fall
under the definitive textual implication include the verses on inheritance,
where various relatives are given specific shares (one-half, one-fourth,

111. See Fadel, supra note 58, at 691 n.181.

112. Id.at691.
113. In a mudaraba, the entrepreneur is not entitled to any returns until all the
investor's capital has been returned, and so, in the event of a loss of capital, the
entrepreneur's labor is valued at zero. See id. at 691-92.
114. See KAMALI, supra note 2, at 117 (discussing the rules of interpretation of the
Qur'an and Sunnah).
115. Seeid.at27.
116. Id.at27-28.



Vol. 3:1

and so on)." 7 The argument goes like this: one-half means one-half; not
0.501, but 0.50. There is no imprecision in the amount of the share. Onehalf is not open to multiple meanings. However, Islamic law is also
aware that the vast majority of Qur'anic verses and precedents in the
Sunnah comprise only probable textual implications."t 8 This is because
speech is, for the most part, susceptible to multiple meanings,
indications, and interpretations. Divine speech is no different. Indeed, a
single verse may be definitive in relation to one implication but probable
regarding another. For example, 2:228 states, "And divorced women
shall wait on their own account for three menstrual periods [quru]."l9
This verse is definitive in that the waiting period ('iddah) is three quru',
not two or four. However, this verse alone is not definitive on the
meaning of the word quru', and the diversity of opinion on the matter
clearly suggests that the word allows multiple linguistic possibilities. The
Shafi'i school holds that the waiting period is three non-bleeding cycles
between menstrual cycles.12 0 The Hanafi school, on the other hand, holds
that the word refers to three menstrual cycles. 12 1
Since definitive texts even within the Qur'an and Sunnah are few,
what are the limits of Islamic logos? Because any legal argument must
have certain characteristics in order to constitute a legal argument, I
focus on the minimum characteristics of an Islamic legal argument. In
other words, what principles determine a legal argument to be Islamic as
opposed to, say, a Western legal argument?
A fairly minimal standard for trying to understand divine command
is that the argument cannot contradict a divine injunction that is directly
on point. Only 350 Qur'anic verses relate to legal injunctions, many of
which refer to issues of ritual worship, so this leaves a fairly broad range
for interpretation.122 As the Qur'an is not the only textual basis for
Islamic law, the minimum standard should also include not contradicting
Prophetic traditions that are directly on point. Because Prophetic
traditions include injunctions not found in the text of the Qur'an,12 3 their
inclusion would narrow the field of possible interpretation considerably.
117. Id. at 28.
118. See id. at 27-31.
119. See QUR'AN, supra note 2, at 2:228.


MAJOR SCHOOLs 520 (1997).


KAMALI, supra note 2, at 26.

123. Id. at 69.




However, most jurists generally agree that the only narrations from
Prophet Muhammad that have the same level of authority as the Qur'an
2 4 Continuous narrations are
are those that are "continuous" (mutawatir).1
validated by multiple independent narrators in such a way as to preclude
the possibility that the narrators would conspire to perpetuate a lie. 125
This body of narrations is relatively small and many address issues of
ritual and worship. 126 Narrations that do not rise to this level of
authenticity could always be argued as not having been accurately
narrated from the Prophet himself, even if orthodoxy accepts such
narrations as authentic. However, orthodoxy also accepts in principle
that a tradition may be incorrectly attributed to the Prophet unless it is
one of these "continuous" narrations.127
The issue is, of course, more complicated. Continuous narrations are
divided into two kinds: that which is continuous in its meaning (ma'na)
and that which is continuous in its precise text (lafzh).12 8 There are only
ten traditions that are continuous in their precise text. 129 In other words,
only ten narrations where the Prophet reportedly said X have come down
through so many channels simultaneously that it is inconceivable that the
narrators could all have conspired to fabricate the identical text X
But the continuous narrations that are continuous in meaning are far
more numerous. These are narrations that, although not identical as to
their precise text, are similar in meaning, and the number of
simultaneous, corroborated reports leads Islamic scholars to conclude
that these narrations are authentically attributed to the Prophet.130 They
generally relate to uncontested issues, such as the five daily prayers,
pilgrimage to Mecca, obligation to pay alms (zakah), and the like, and
establish broad principles against which few would argue, even today. 13 1
124. Id. at 94.
125. Id. at 93-94.
126. One wrinkle is that there are two types of continuous narrations: (1) those that
are identical in wording and (2) those that are not (i.e., concurring in their purport, but
differing in wording). Continuous narrations that are identical in wording are on the order
of ten or so. See id. at 95. While the number of traditions that are not identical in wording
is much greater than those that are, these traditions are but a subset of all narrations. See
id. (comparing continuous narrations with well-known narrations).
127. See id. (according to the majority of scholars, "well-known" narrations-as
distinguished from continuous narrations-engender speculative knowledge only).
128. Id.
129. Id.

130. Id. at 94-95.





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"Did the Prophet really say this?" Unless it is continuous, as

discussed above, one could always answer in the negative. At a
minimum, therefore, logos in Islamic law requires that a position not
contradict a legal injunction of the Qur'an or the most rigorously
authenticated narrations of Prophet Muhammad. The most rigorously
authenticated narrations, in this context, should be limited to the
continuous narrations, both continuous in text and in meaning. This
definition of a minimally Islamic legal argument probably would not be
very controversial. What is more controversial is whether further
constraints are necessary.
In addition to the Qur'an and Sunnah, Islamic law is derived from
consensus (ijma) and analogy (qiyas).132 In defining a minimally
Islamic legal argument, it is imprudent to ignore the role of these two
other sources. This is particularly true of consensus because, as discussed
above, it is through consensus that the actual texts of the Qur'an and
"rigorously authenticated" Sunnah are known. Hence, if one accepts the
consensus regarding the actual text of the Qur'an, on what basis would
one reject consensus on other questions?
The term "consensus" is sometimes used informally in Islamic law,
but the consensus that is technically binding as a source requires
complete agreement-a single dissenting voice is sufficient to dethrone
it. 133 If technical consensus on a matter was established in the past,
future generations are bound by it. 134 However, only a limited number of
legal questions have reached consensus. As the discussion on riba above
suggests, no consensus exists concerning the doctrines of riba derived
from prophetic narrations because Ibn 'Abbas has held the only
prohibited riba is the one condemned in the Qur'an, i.e., the ex post
increase for deferment of a payment. 135 All other legal pronouncements
regarding riba of excess or delay are not governed by technical
consensus, although perhaps there is an informal, non-technical
consensus in the sense that a large majority of scholars deem these sorts
of riba prohibited. Setting aside the admittedly difficult issue of whose
consensus should matter, logos in Islamic law imposes the limitation that
a position cannot be considered "Islamic" if a narrated, technical
consensus directly contradicts it.

132. SCHACHT, supra note 8, at 60.


KAMALI, supra note 2, at 228.

134. See id. at 232 (stating that ijma' is decisive and infallible).
135. See Fadel, supra note 58, at 683.




Although consensus is in no way understood to be divine, it is

essentially a rational proof.136 Its logical strength (logos) comes from the
ethical appeal (ethos) of the agreement of many individuals on a single
position. More problematic, however, especially from the perspective of
defining a minimally Islamic argument, is analogy (qiyas).
As traditionally understood, analogy requires some similarity ('illa)
between the fact pattern of a known ruling (the "original ruling") and the
fact pattern of a novel question that justifies application of the original
ruling.137 Where one sees similarity, however, another might see
difference. Qiyas introduces subjectivity, and might even open a
Pandora's Box of sorts.
Qiyas, however, is critical because it provides a text with relevance.
For example,. it is well-known that the Qur'an forbids the drinking of
wine (khamr).138 However, from a purely linguistic point of view, the
Arabic term khamr could be held to refer only to the wine of dates and
grapes.1 39 Those seeking a limited role for qiyas can argue that alcoholic
drinks brewed from grains, not grapes and dates, are permissible, even if
such drinks result in inebriation. Similarly, with riba, one could argue it
is limited to peculiar pre-Islamic transactions and is therefore
inapplicable as a doctrine today.140 Any underlying social and economic
interests riba was intended to protect would simply be lost.
The workings of qiyas and qiyas-like arguments are akin to the
expansion of the U.S. constitutional protections represented in the
"penumbras" of the Bill of Rights in Griswold v. Connecticut.14 1
Although the penumbra-based analysis in Griswold is not identical to
qiyas-for example, it does not use the same analytical categories of
origin (asl), branch (far'), effective cause ('illa), and rationale (hukm)-

the doctrines of qiyas and penumbras share a concern that literalist

136. KAMALI, supra note 2, at 228.
137. Id. at 265.
138. Regarding the Qur'anic prohibition of wine, see id. at 20-21.
Dawudi, ed. 2002). AI-Asfahani even cites a Prophetic saying that "khamr is from these
two trees: the date palm and the grape." Id.
140. See Fadel, supra note 58, at 683. However, this assertion is significantly limited
by Sunnah-derived riba doctrine.
141. It is certainly debatable that decisions like Griswold represent expansions. In any
case, I use the word "expansion" because I think all would agree that the Constitution is
not explicit on such issues as freedom of association, the right to educate a child in a
school of the parents' choice, or the right to study a foreign language. See Griswold v.
Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 482 (1965).



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renderings might leave the text a dead letter.142 Beyond the textually
delineated guarantees of the Constitution are "emanations from those
guarantees that help give them life and substance."1 43 Qiyas is Islamic
law's functional equivalent.
However, unbridled subjective extensions of the Qur'an and the
Sunnah pose a serious threat to the objective basis of the law. This
problem of subjectivity can be tamed, to a degree, by the distinction
Islamic law draws between compelling and non-compelling qiyas.144 A
compelling qiyas recognizes that in many situations there will be
considerable agreement (an informal consensus) as to whether an
analogy is compelling, narrowing the multitude of possible analogies that
may arise from the textual implications of the Qur'an or Sunnah. Such a
confluence of subjectivities can transform a subjective analogy to
something more objective.
For example, the Qur'an proclaims that "[fjor those who unjustly
consume the property of orphans only ingest fire; and they will be
exposed to a blaze."l 4 5 While the outward purport of this verse is a
warning against those who misappropriate the property of an orphan, a
compelling analogy (qiyas jali) extends this prohibition to the waste and
destruction of an orphan's property.146 Few would argue against the
proposition that if it is wrong to steal the property of an orphan, then it is
equally wrong to culpably let it go to waste. This is because the effective
cause ('illa), or ratio legis, of the prohibition of theft of an orphan's
property is the protection and preservation of property.14 7 This reasoning
clearly extends to waste as well.148 As can be seen from this example,
triaging analogies into those that are compelling and non-compelling
serves to set a more objective standard for defining the minimally

142. See id. at 483-84. See also KAMALI, supra note 2, at 268. However, one could
easily adjust the penumbra argument to fit these elements.
143. Griswold,381 U.S. at 484 (emphasis added).
144. "Compelling" qiyas, as I use the term, refers to what Muslim jurists call qiyas
jali. Kamali distinguishes between qiyasjaliand qiyas khafi, or a hidden analogy, stating
that qiyas jali is a straightforward qiyas that is easily intelligible to the mind. KAMALI,
supra note 2, at 333.

QUR'AN, supra note 2, at 4:10; KAMALI, supra note 2, at 171-72.


KAMALI, supra note 2, at 171-72.

147. Id.
148. Id. One issue Kamali does not address is what level of culpability would be
required for the prohibited "waste."




Islamic legal argument than the wholesale inclusion of qiyas otherwise

At minimum, therefore, an Islamic legal argument does not
contradict (a) a clear text of the Qur'an or the continuous Prophetic
narrations, whether continuous in text or meaning, (b) a narrated,
technical consensus, or (c) a compelling qiyas or analogy to the Qur'an
or the continuous Prophetic narrations. It is controversial whether ijma'
can form a valid basis for qiyas.149 In view of my attempt to define a de
minimus standard for Islamic logos, the minimally Islamic legal
argument should not be bound to extensions of ijma' because the
extension of ijma' is reasonably controversial.
In classical Islamic jurisprudential doctrines related to judgments
there is support for a definition of a minimally Islamic legal argument. In
the Maliki school, for instance, the judgment or ruling of a capable and
morally upright judge cannot be overturned or reversed unless it
"contradicts a definitive [proofj (qat'i) or a compelling qiyas (jaliyyu
qiyas)."150 The medieval jurist al-Dardir comments that "definitive
proof' refers to "the clear text of the [Quran] or of the Sunnah or a
consensus."15 1 One example of a reversible ruling Dardir gives is a judge
who denies an intestate successor his fair share of the inheritance by
ruling that all the proceeds must go to the brother of the deceased and
none to the grandfather. 152 This violates technical consensus and is
therefore reversible. 153
However, my expansive definition of a minimally Islamic argument
differs from the above in one key respect. According to the Maliki view,
149. Id. at 268.
AL-SHARH AL-KABIR 153 (Muhammad 'Ulaysh ed., n.d.) (quoting MUKHTASAR KHALIL).
Dusuqi's work is a multilayered commentary (hashiya) that elucidates another
commentary by Ahmad Dardir as well as the underlying work, MUKHTASAR KHALIL,
which both commentaries discuss. MUKHTASAR KHALIL is a famous medieval
abridgement of Islamic law. See Mohammad Fadel, The Social Logic of Taqlid and the
Rise of the Mukhatasar,3 ISLAMIC L. & Soc. 193, 225 (1996).
151. AL-DusuQi, supra note 150, at 153. Dardir's commentary continues on to say
"or [basic] legal principles." Hence, in addition to the Qur'an, the Sunnah, and ijma', a
ruling must not contradict known legal principles to be legitimate and nonreversible.
Dardir provides the example of the Islamic legal principle of giving precedence to
evidence tending to negate a fact over evidence tending to establish it, such as preferring
evidence negating, as opposed to proving, the existence of a contract. Id. Dardir appears
to presume that the two kinds of evidence are equally credible.
152. Id.
153. Id.



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a judgment should be reversed if it contradicts the clear text of a

Prophetic narration, even where the narration is not continuous. 154 This
difference can be understood by considering the enterprise in which
jurists see themselves engaged, which, as opposed to setting out a
minimally Islamic argument, is striving to reach what they truly believe
is the correct or best interpretation of the Qur'an and Sunnah.' 5 5 Islamic
jurists are engaged in an exercise in probabilities.156 However, in trying
to define an Islamic logos as expansively as possible, I restrict myself to
matters on which consensus exists, rather than probabilities.
In sum, a legal position in Islamic law has a minimal amount of
persuasiveness, and therefore authority, provided it does not violate the
principles outlined above. Although these limitations set boundaries, the
logos of Islamic law can engage the sources and legal tradition in
different, creative ways within these boundaries.

The maxim that Islamic law derives its authority from the Qur'an
and Sunnah, while true, is incomplete. Islamic law is a human project,
although it maintains a relationship with God and is aimed at striving to
discover and implement God's command. Viewed through the lenses of
ethos, pathos, and logos, authority in Islamic law varies in its relation to
God. From the perspective of ethos, the speaker must be in a position
with respect to God for the speaker's pronouncements to have ethical
appeal. The audience, presumably the Muslim community, must be
moved to adopt the speaker's view. To do so, the view must speak to the
audience. Inasmuch as Islamic values inform the audience's passions and
moral conscious, pathos suggests a relationship between the audience
and God. Finally, from the perspective of logos, an Islamic legal position
cannot be authoritative if it directly violates an explicit scriptural text, a
technical scholarly consensus, or a compelling analogy. Logos, as
exposited here, thus imposes some limits on the substance of Islamic
law, and these limits are related to scripture, its interpretive extension, or

154. Id. This is the Maliki position despite Dusuqi's observation that the phrase
"definitive proof' suggests that a judge's ruling that contradicts a non-continuous
prophetic narration is valid (i.e., should not be reversed).
155. See KAMALI, supra note 2, at 469.
156. Id. (defining ijtihad as "the total expenditure of effort made by a jurist in order to
infer, with a degree of probability, the rules of the Shari'ah from their detailed evidence
in the sources").




the consensus of the Muslim community. The stronger the relationship

that ethos, pathos, and logos respectively have with God, the more
persuasive the argument, and the more authority the argument can claim.