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Russia-India-China: Prospects for Trilateral Cooperation

Nivedita Das Kundu

Abstract 1. Introduction 2. Russia-China-India: Cooperation in the Twenty-First Century 3. India-China Relations in the post Cold War Phase 4. Sino-Russian Relations 5. Indo-Russian Relations 6. Russia-China-India: Tripartite Cooperation and the US factor 7. Globalisation: China-India-Russia Cooperation 8. The possibility for developing Russia-China-India triangle 9. Trend Analysis 10. End Notes/ References 11. Appendix I 11.1 Maps 11.2 Country Profile 12. Appendix II 12.1Treaty of Friendship & Cooperation China & Russia 13. Appendix III 13.1 Delhi Declaration Signed on 4th Dec.2002 between Russia and India

Page Number
3-4 5-7 7-11 11-15 15-20 20-24 24-25 25-26 26-28 28-29 30-33

34 35


41 41 42

13.2 Moscow Declaration Signed between India and Russia on 6th November 2001 13.3 Table I. Trade between India and Russia 14. Appendix-IV 14.1. Agreements/MOUs Signed between India and China 14.2 Agreement on maintainenance of peace and tranquility along L.A.C. on the Indo-China border 14.3. Table II: India China Trade in US $ million


48-50 51

Abstract The present paper on Russia-India-China: Prospects for Trilateral Cooperation seeks to focus in the post cold war era an ideological divide no longer dominates the world order. The bipolar world order has given way to a trend that can be characterised as cooperation among nations. It is a change from the earlier cold war mindset of a zero sum game to cooperation for the insurance of ones own national interests. The analysis made in the paper shows that the security of a nation today is not merely territorial integrity and sovereignty, the meaning of security has widened considerably. Today nations opt for cooperation mainly because the issues confronting present International politics are global in nature and such issues have to be confronted in a collective manner.

The paper explores that at present India, Russia and China faces the biggest challenge to their integrity from forces of religious extremism, separatism and terrorism. After 9/11 the fight against terrorism assumed global dimensions. India and China strongly condemned the outrageous act of 9/11. While, President Putin aptly summed up the world horror by describing it as a plague of the twenty-first-century. All the three countries have condemned this horrifying act by terrorists and have supported the global campaign against terrorism.

The paper seeks to highlight that at the border level India, Russia and China agrees that the world should be a multi-polar one. A multipolar world order is one that is fair, just and democratic in which all nations are equal and enjoys equal security. The argument in the paper shows how Russia-India-China has been vigorously championing the idea of multi-polar world as against the tendency of

unilateralism, as unilateral approach to international relations would lead to the unchallenged supremacy of the US and further such a tendency of unilateralism would lead to bypass the UN. The analysis in the paper indicates that a unipolar world could lead to instabilities and the utmost need at present is to have a balancing force. There is also an indication that China, Russia and India have attached importance to the centrality of the UN in the Multipolar world.

The paper while dealing with the relations between these three states argued that in the past lot of energy was spent in maintaining adversarial relations between Sino-Soviet, and Sino-Indian relations but at present given the changed paradigm of international relations where the dominate tendency is cooperation, it is possible for India, Russia and China to initiate such trilateral cooperation. Though mentioned that there are undoubtedly constrains in giving concrete shape to such cooperation and much depends on the state of bilateral relations among these countries, however, it is possible for India, Russia and China to initiate such trilateral cooperation in areas of common interest and concern.

Russia-India-China: Prospects for Trilateral Cooperation

1. Introduction
Russia-India-Chinas possible axis formation is an important political development in the postCold War period. President Yeltsin in 1993 and Prime Minister Primakov in 1996 advocated this idea. Indo-Russian, Sino-Russian and Sino-Indian relations have begun to unfold a new trend. If this trend continues a triangular relationship between these three countries will become a reality and if this happens, it will stimulate the process of multi-polarism, which will be of far reaching significance for the international relations.

The Russian Premier Yevgeny Primakov when first suggested a strategic triangle among Russia, India and China, stated that the union of Russia, China and India could be a viable opposition to American supremacy. This proposal fits in with Primakovs hypothesis that though there is one super power that is trying to assert itself; Countries like Russia-India-China1 need a multi-polar world in order to get their national interest across and have autonomy of decisionmaking.2To construct a multipolar world, the Russia-India-China triangle would be indispensable. Though there are some unresolved issues between these countries. Movement between these three states towards a better understanding is evident.3 Russia-India relations flourished during the cold war period, even after the end of cold war, the relationship was maintained as Russia proved to be a tested and trusted friend.4 Similarly China-India

relationship became smoother in the eighties during the regime of Rajiv Gandhi. After the 1993 accord, contentious issues like the border dispute were put aside and economic relations were taken forward. Since then, there are continuous efforts to maintain the relationship on both sides. Russia-China relations have also taken a new shape after the end of cold war.5 Russia, China and India have a number of converging interests that could add substance to axis talk. All three shared concerns of American dominance and were disturbed by the Iraq war. They still back the primacy of the United Nations in solving crises and support the principle of nonintervention in internal affairs of sovereign states. In the long term it is the mutual confidence, which will help these three powers to play a larger role in global politics.

These three countries are bound to find this axis very useful in the future. With Russia concerned about Chechnya, China concerned about Muslim separatists in Xinjiang province and separatist attitude in Taiwan and North Korea,6 and Indias concern about militants in Kashmir, the Russia-India-China Axis formation can help to solve these issues to great extent. The Axis can be used for negotiating a better position for them vis--vis the US.

While analyzing the prospects for the trilateral cooperation between Russia-India-China, the paper deals with questions like, what kind of Cooperation is possible between India, China and Russia? What are the likely areas of such cooperation and on what terms can such

cooperation come about? & What is the direction of future relations between the three States? In order to answer these queries the paper deals with seven interrelated subheadings these are Russia-China-India: Cooperation in the Twenty-First Century, India-China Relations in the post Cold War Phase, Sino-Russian Relations, Indo-Russian Relations, Russia-China-India: Tripartite Cooperation and the US factor, Globalisation: China-India-Russia Cooperation and The possibility and prospects for developing Russia-China-India triangle. By mentioning these

issues the paper argues about Russia-India-Chinas concerns to safeguard its own security in the region, Russias willingness to retain influence in South Asia and Russia-India-Chinas concern on increasing US dominance and their desire to strengthen the United Nations role as the most authoritative and universal international organization.

2. Russia-China-India: Cooperation in the twenty-first century

Prospects of relations between the three countries in the twenty-first century certainly imply coordinate actions taken in response to the challenges of the new century.7 There is a need to coordinate the actions. Because with the advent of the new century the international environment in which these three states play the part of sovereign actors has become more intricate and complicated.8 The commonality of the key national interests and the long-term friendly relations in the field of economy, culture, science and technology create a real possibility for cooperation between three great Eurasian powers.

There are many issues on which China, Russia and India can cooperate and coordinate. The three nations shares wide ranging interest on many major international issue, all of them are committed to build a just and fair, new international political and economic order. These issues include anti-unilateralism, advocating the principles of peaceful co-existence and respecting the right of development to change the unfair international trade and political regime.9 Human rights and counter-terrorism are two important areas where the three countries would like to cooperate and coordinate. And cooperation in areas of environmental protection, striking against drug trafficking, moneylaundering and other cross-border crimes are also important aspects of cooperation.

A three-nation cooperation between India, China and Russia has become necessary in the twenty first century. There are self-evident reasons for this, but the primary rationale is provided by the circumstances in which the three countries find themselves in a world, that has seen so many qualitative changes over the last decade or so.10 There are advantages of threenation cooperation despite the obvious asymmetries, given the fact that they are amongst the worlds largest continental-sized entities and civilization states. The agenda for future cooperation between china, India and Russia is large. Any discussion or reflection on the prospects and possibilities of cooperation between India, China and Russia began with clear understanding of the wider context in which such cooperation would be possible and would progress.

All three countries have had a long history of interaction, exchange, cooperation and close relationships.11 In the post-world war II period, there have been phases of tremendous warmth and dizzying highs among them. There have also been periods of near-total breakdown and actual hostilities (the Sino-Soviet relations in the late sixties and Sino-India relations in the early sixties). It was only in the late seventies that a restructuring of these relationship (particularly Indo-China and Sino-Soviet relations) begun to be considered afresh.12 What has become clear to all three was that any such restructuring would be based on a qualitatively different strategic reality that would be shaped by and impinged upon by the weight of history and would in some respects have to virtually start from scratch. There was, for instance, no doubt that there could be no resurrection of any kind of alliance relationship clearly directed against or targeting any third country or any agreement offering unconditional support to the other.13 The post cold war scenario heightened the need for restructuring and readjustment and the process was accelerated even more in the mid-nineties in the relationship of all three.

Since all three countries support a just and rational new international order with democratization of international politics and multipolarisation, there are a number of areas possible for their political cooperation in the new century. This cooperation instead of affecting their independent foreign policies in negative way will strengthen their foreign policies.

Energy Security: One of the major areas of cooperation for the three countries is energy security.14 Russia is an energy surplus country. Whereas China and India are energy deficient. If these three states can work together, they can invest in joint projects that could facilitate the flow of oil and gas from Russia into China and India.15 The axis can improve the overall energy security scenario in Asia and the world.

ASEAN: All three nations indicated their cooperation with each other for joining ASEAN's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) at the regional security forum in Phnom Penh. By doing so Russia, India and China will thus become the first countries outside ASEAN to sign up to the pact in a coordinated demonstration of their desire to forge strategic partnership with ASEAN. They are also keen on strengthening the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF).16 China and Russia are also willing to conduct regular discussions on regional security and economic cooperation within the framework of the Asian-Pacific economic cooperation.17

UN: In the UN both China and Russia are permanent members of the UN Security Council. And India has been striving for the membership of the UN Security Council. China and Russia understand Indias aspiration very well. China is willing to see India play a bigger role in the UN. Russia-China-India subscribe to the principle emphasised in the millennium declaration that responsibilities for managing worldwide economic and social development, as well as threats to international peace and security must be shared among the nations of the world and should be exercised multilaterally.18 These

countries also share similar views that as the most universal and representative organisation in the world, the UN must play the central role.

President Putin in an interview with the Indian press directly addressed the Strategic Triangle" relations. He said that, Russia is concerned with the need for positive development of relations between Russia and India, Russia and China, and China and India. He told Press Trust of India during an interview that he feels all the parties within this triangle are interested in this development. 19

The Chinese Communist Party leader Hu Jintao, confirmed that joint relations would move forward with the new generation of Chinese leadership.20 China's official English journal, Beijing Review has put it in the way that Ancient China pursued a strategy of 'uniting those far away against those next door,' but today's China needs to pursue the policy of being partner to its neighbors.

Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov said that, Russia would work for trilateral interaction with India and China as a factor of global stability. Ivanov also said that Russia welcomes the intensification of dialogue between India and China and added that Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's visit to China on June 22-23, 2003 was an important event as it reflected the tendency towards the expansion of contacts among countries in this region.21

The three major states of Asia and the world have successfully resolved and have cleared away many of the problematic issues and perceptions of the past, making them better positioned to manage the challenges of the post-soviet world. It seems evident that this


process was driven by separate national perceptions of changing international realities and their responses to them.

A shared commonality of concern for the integrity and stability of all states in particular of multinational, multi-ethnic societies and above all the common perception that the security that is needed and the threats that face them do not emanate from other states but from newly released forces in society that are transnational. Some of which are the forms of religious fundamentalism, cross-border terrorism and demands for separation by sub-national ethnic groups, especially those that receive the support of outside powers. All three countries accept the new security concept that advocates mutual equal security based on mutual trust and disarmament. However, they are opposed to the expansion of NATO, as well as forming new military blocs. In order to enhance mutual understanding and trust each country would like to keep others posted about new developments in their bilateral relations or developments in their relations with other major powers.22 All three countries are multi-nationality countries due to historical reasons there has been ethnic estrangement to different degrees leading to separatist movements. With each others cooperation they can refrain from supporting these movements in each others country and can exchange their experience in solving ethnic problems and can cooperate in opposing terrorism and extremism.

3. India-China Relations in the post Cold War Phase

India-China relations in 1950s had a different flavour23 and now it is different. These relations are now developing in a zigzag manner, primarily because of the internal and external policies of both these countries, which are characterized by new shifts and turns.24 Since the December 1988 summit, India-China relations have entered a phase of confidence building. In spite of the unresolved problems that bedevil their relationship, this change in the bilateral dynamics is of


great significance to the two countries as well as to the rest of the world.25 India-China has increasingly begun to see each other and their relationship as crucial factors in their foreign policies. This in turn is also shaping the perception of other states towards these two states.

China and India established diplomatic relation in the fifties when Premier Zhou Enlai and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru (in 1954) co-sponsored the five principals of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-aggression, non-interference in each others internal affairs, mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence, which have gradually become the internationally acceptable norms of governing states-to-state relations. These principles have become important in establishing a constructive relationship of cooperation between china and India.26 Sino-Indian relations remained at a low level after 1962 conflict till Indira Gandhi took the first step to upgrade the diplomatic relations between the two countries. Rajiv Ghandhi's visit to Beijing in December 1988 marked a turning point in the evolution of the relations between the two countries. This was followed by Chinese Premier Li Pengs visit to India in 1991 and P.V. Narashimha Raos visit to China in 1993. President K.R. Narayanan's visit to China in June 2000 and the visit of Chinese President Jyiang Zemin to India for Instance are events of great significance.27 These visits brought in a large measure of political and military stability to a completely normalised pattern of India-China relationship. These visits also reflects how the two countries have put the past aside and are now constructing their relations for the mutual interest of both the nations.

Stable relations between India and the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) are of considerable importance to construct a peaceful post-cold war Asia. China and India are the largest Asian states among the continents; Together India and China has over a third of the worlds population and therefore their future prosperity, security and progress can critically alter the


fate of Asia. With cross border investments, trade and communication links spreading through the region and by creating an increasingly intricate structure of interdependence in which India and China are expected to play roles on which the future evolution of global capitalism would depend substantially is on the stability and economic growth of the two countries. Consequently, both these developing states have significant interest in expanding friendly and cooperative ties with each other and also in maintaining peace and cooperation.28 As Asia struggles to cope with the effects of the sudden and dramatic end of the cold war, a prerequisite of security and stability in the new era would depend on the stability and prosperity of its largest economies.

Stable and expanding China-India relations are therefore important both for the two billion people of the two countries and the rest of the region. The relations between the two countries entered a phase of detente, confidence building and widening cooperation in the post-Mao years. A series of confidence and security building measures, high level political and military exchanges, rising trade and investments and cooperation in science and technology and other wider international issues have begun to lay the basis for more stable and comprehensive relationship than in the past.

Over the past few years it has become increasingly clear that both India and China have enormous interest in the development of their burgeoning relationship. The rest of Asia and the world at large too have strong interests in the growth, prosperity and peaceful policies of the two major Asian Powers. India-China has a special role to play in constructing a peaceful and prosperous future.29 India and China feel that the future of their relations and co-operation has to breakout of the straitjacket of Pakistan fixations and predications. China by very visible steps


has to assuage Indias misgivings and sensitivities in the context of 1962 and subsequent events.

The various initiatives unleashed during the Indian former Prime Minister's visit to China in June 2003 are significant, especially for the opening of the Sikkim land route for two-way trade. More than the political significance, the future prospects are promising due to the following reasons:

Initially it may be only local trade between the contiguous regions of Sikkim and Tibet. However, this will set the base for enlarged trade eventually.

With Chinese projects of linking Lhasa with a railway line and improved road communications, trade is bound to increase through the land route.

If land route trade can be replicated by China and India on the Western borders, India gets an alternative route entry to China's Xinjiang and Central Asia, totally bypassing Pakistan. This would also provide options for new alignments of energy pipelines.

China and India are engaged in economic development30 and modernisation. China is keen to participate in various projects for development of infrastructure in India. Indian goods and services have entered the Chinese market and also Chinese goods are doing well in the Indian Market. Serious efforts are being made by both the countries to resolve the border disputes. This is confirmed by the fact that after reconfirming their perceptions of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) along a 345 km "middle sector" stretch, India and China are gearing up for a


similar exercise along their frontier in the Ladakh area (both sides have defined and mentioned it on Maps). However, they differ on the lay of LAC in some segments but efforts are being made to resolve all border disputes.31 If Sino-Indian border disputes are resolved, it will open new vistas of economic and political cooperation.

During the visit by former Indian Defence Minister George Fernandes to Beijing in the April 2003, brought into focus that in the new condition Sino-Indian relations has begun to reveal certain positive developments. Former Prime Minister A.B. Vajpayee's visit to Beijing in June 2003 was another milestone in improving Sino-Indian relations The two countries further reaffirmed their commitments to formulate additional confidence-building measures with a military focus and expressed their determination to enhance bilateral cooperation to combat terrorism. This is further confirmed by the fact that the 199332 and 1996 Sino-Indian agreements were recalled with approval on this occasion. This is how an attempt to impart dynamism in the relations between the two countries is being given. This shows that step-bystep strategy of India and China of normalising and improving relations with each other has begun to yield positive result.

4. Sino-Russian Relations
Russia and China have a military cooperation and converging interests on a range of international issues. Sino-Russian Relations have been improving steadily and have now taken a dramatic turn.33 The process of the solution of the border dispute between the two countries began at the end of 1980s when a joint border Commission was set up. In 1994, the two sides agreed on no first use of nuclear weapons against each other. The two Countries also detargeted the missiles directed against each other and an agreement to this effect was signed when Chinese President Jiang Zemin visited Russia in September 1994. Further, in April 1997


an accord on mutual reduction of forces was singed in Moscow by Russia & China. Moreover, the successful conclusion of the border agreement between the two sides, during May 1991 on the Eastern Sector and September 1994 on the Western Sector removed a major irritant. In December 1999, it was announced that the border dispute has been finally settled (though there are some residual issues, which will be settled in near future). Two leaders of Russia and China in Moscow signed the China-Russia good neighbourly treaty of friendship and cooperation in July 2001.34 Economic Cooperation between the two countries is also undergoing basic changes. In 1999, the trade volume between the both countries was $ 5.72 billion up 4.4 per cent from that in 1998. The trade volume of the first four months of 2001 was $ 2.5 billion, up 20.1 per cent from the same period of 2000. Russian imports from China have increased by 70 per cent, helping to balance bilateral trade. In 2000, China ranked the sixth among Russian trade patterns. Trade between the Russia and China is estimated to have reached $ 10 billion in 2001.

The purpose of President Putins visit to China in July 2001 was to make plans for the longterm development of bilateral relations. There is a convergence of views between the two countries for protecting their common turf. This is amply reflected in the 20-year treaty of friendship signed in Moscow by Chinese Presidents at the end of his visit to Russia in 2001. President Putin and President Jiang worked together to set up a new security forum towards the Islamist threats to the Central Asian Republics. For Moscow, Beijing has also emerged as a major arms destination. More than 60 percent of Russian military exports go to China. In monetary terms, it is equal to $ 2 billion and it is no small amount for a country engaged in reconstructing its economy. In the arms trade, China has purchased from Russia 50 Su-27 fighter jets, four Kilo-class diesel-electric submarines and two Sovremenny-class destroyers


armed with deadly sunburn anti-ship cruise missiles. In 1999 China signed a $2 billion contract to buy 30 to 60 advanced Su-30 fighter planes.

After the December 2002 Beijing visits of Russian President Vladimir Putin the relations between the two nations have taken a new turn. It created confidence in building a strong bilateral relationship in political, strategic, military and economic fields. Post Sept.11, President Putins visit consolidated the gains in bilateral ties achieved over the last years. This visit laid the bases to chalk out common strategies on issues of global concerns such as North Korea, Iraq and terrorism. Nuclear proliferation and disarmament were also discussed. The joint statement signed by Jiang Zemin and Putin provided the framework for increasing cooperation and constructing a mutually beneficial relationship. Over the past decade, the two nations have made significant progress towards building a relationship of strategic cooperation. This is based on the principle of building a cooperative bilateral relationship while maintaining an independent foreign policy.35 However, Russia, China have set up multilateral forum that is not dominated by the US such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) which discusses regional security and economic cooperation. China and Russia also have joint working group on terrorism and have agreed to exchange intelligence on these sensitive issues.

Chinese-Russian relations are at present on the upswing. Warm feeling and interest in each others life and culture and struggle for liberation always marked these relations since the 17th Century when relations between the two countries were first established. The greatest Russians including Pushkin, Belinsky, Chernyshevsky, Tolstoy and Gorky repeatedly voiced the feelings of warm sympathy for the Chinese people. Dimitri Mendeleyev, a great Russian Scientists who was ardent champion of close relations between the Russian and Chinese peoples, once wrote: Alliance between Russia and China appears to me to be if not the best,


then the surest and simple guarantee of the peaceful progress of not only these two countries but of the whole world. This is relevant today. Lenin made tremendous theoretical contribution to the Chinese revolution. His teaching on the national-colonial revolution, his theoretical and practical advice to the participants in democratic youth movements in the oppressed countries of the East was of greater significance.36 The Chinese Communists had great importance to the revolutionary movement in the East as a whole and China in particular.

The new model of Russian-Chinese relations has led to a gradual lowering of the level of military presents along the Russian-Chinese border. This has both regional and global significance. It also shows the way towards mutual advantageous agreements on conventional arms reductions. The current level of these two countries relations provides each side with certain advantages, enabling them to conduct a more flexible and maneuverable policy, while dealing with other partners including the western world. Russia and China have moved to establish the required international-legal base of bilateral relations, which encompasses a wide range of problems of interest to both sides, from borderline settlement and borderline military confidence-building measures to common environmental protection and nature conservation measures. Intensive work is currently proceeding apace to fill such documents with practical content. Both the countries seem to believe that their armies, border-control forces and lawenforcement agencies would continue to strengthen friendly and practical contacts.

The Chinese President during his visit to Russia in 2001, In the Lomonosov University address, elaborated somewhat more on the foundations of the friendship treaty. He identified four key points in Russian-Chinese cooperation, he said:


China will support Russia in its efforts to invigorate its national economy and safeguard its rights and interests. China will never do anything detrimental to the interests of Russia. He also said he was convinced that Russia would support China in its economic modernization drive and in its effort to enhance the cohesion of the nation.

He stated that by common economic development of Russia and China, both nations could make fuller use of their potentials, their geographic proximity, and complement each others economic systems. Russia-China will increase their cooperation not only in trade, but also in science and technology, energy, transport, aerospace, telecom, and information technology.

On cultural exchange he said, Russia's great minds like Pushkin are well read in China, as are China's great minds like Confucius in Russia. Both the states should widen the channels of Sino-Russian cultural exchanges, to make both Russian and Chinese civilizations learn from each other and achieve common progress.

He also said, Russia and China bear responsibility for the entire world, through their permanent seats on the United Nations Security Council and their role in international organizations, not least in the newly created Shanghai Cooperation Organization. He emphasized that the world needs peace, people wants cooperation, countries want development and societies want progress and this is the trend of Present time.

He said, the construction of a Tianwan nuclear power station in China and the projects to build Russia-China oil and gas pipelines have become the pivotal elements of joint economic and technological cooperation. 37

The two sides, on the basis of mutual benefits are developing cooperation in the spheres of trade and the economy, military-technological cooperation in the areas of science, energy, transportation and nuclear energy. Distinctive feature of the new-type of Russian-Chinese


relations in the current phase is the assumption that the Russias cooperation with its friends and allies will not to be such which might affect its interest. While China will not use its relations or ties with other countries to restrain Russia. Thus a new bases and new parameters have been created in building Russian-Chinese relations. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union this basis has been further consolidated. This implies that the present model of RussianChinese relations has its owned specific features, which are different from all the previous periods relations between the two countries.

5. Indo-Russian Relations
The disintegration of the Soviet Union and the end of the cold war has brought about a fundamental transformation in the geopolitical map of the world.38 The most prominent among the successor states of the Soviet Union, Russia, in spite of inheriting the formidable military might of its predecessor, suddenly found it reduced to the position of a second ranking or regional power. It predicament was further compounded by economic chaos and political uncertainty at the domestic level. The new leaders of Russia besieged by domestic constraints, were not immediately in a position to clearly define the foreign policy goals of their state and ascertain its position in the emerging post cold war international order. It was clearly pulled between a declining nostalgia for past relations with countries like India and growing proclivity towards cultivating relations with the West.39 The first couple of years of Indias relations with post-Soviet Russia were marked by a good deal of uncertainty, inconsistency and lack of clarity.

India did take early steps, though without making any significant headway. The two-track approach that India adopted was on the one hand aimed at resurrecting the vital elements of its economic and military relations with Russia and on the other searching out alternatives in


the West. On both these counts, however, Indias efforts were rewarded to a limited extent. Indias difficulties were compounded both by the magnitude of its dependence on Russia and the political-economic uncertainty faced by the latter. It meant that it often had to wait and see what Russian would do and how this would effect the relationship of the two countries.40 However, Russia seems to have shredded its initial hesitation, inconsistency and unclarity. The contours of new Russian foreign policy have become clearer. It is now giving all the indications of its ability and intentions of redefining its foreign policy goals, priorities and international role. With India the objectives and character of its relations are being defined with a measure of clarity. The national goals of two countries are being looked upon in the light of new international realities. The two countries have once again begun to rediscover the mutual importance but with a qualitative difference, which commensurate with the realities of the post cold war era.

Indo-Russian cooperation in the area of defence supplies is gaining momentum. Indo-Russian defence supplies are in the range of 70 per cent of total defence imports of India. Agreements on scientific collaboration between India-Russia in the area of biotechnology have begun a new phase. Agreements have been signed for the Mig 29 K fighter, Kamov 31 helicopters, T 90S tanks and other defence equipment. Nearly $ 3 billion defence contracts have been finalized. Indian Navy has acquired two submarines and three frigates from Russia, which costs around $ 300 million each. The Navy is also acquiring three Krivak-class frigates or project 1135.6 from Russia. There are some indicators, which shows that Indo-Russian cooperation in the peaceful use of nuclear technology, related particularly to nuclear energy have already taken concrete shape. In the oil and gas sector, Gas Authority of India Ltd. and Russias Gazprom has signed a contract in the field of oil exploration.41 Indo-Russian politico-strategic defence cooperation is an important element of strategic partnership between the two countries.


In December 2002, India and Russia reaffirmed a long-standing friendship through the adoption of the Delhi Declaration. Since both the countries are struggling to define their relations with other major players on the global stage, in a situation where the rules of international politics are in a state of flux and where the term of the economic interaction between nations are being reset, this specific encounter between the Indian and Russian leaderships was of significance for the affirmation of continuity and mutual reassurance that it symbolized.42 What has substance to it is the reinforcement of the faith. There is a real convergence of perspectives on issues as wide-ranging as the phenomenon of terrorism, ensuring the security of nuclear weapons stockpiles in a world facing a new assortment of threats and challenges, the conservation and promotion of multi-polarity in global politics.

Between Vladimir Putin's first visit to India as president of Russian Federation in October 2000 and his second visit in December 2002, the framework for India-Russia relations was firmly set.43 This was a framework of another special relationship of "Strategic Partnership", expanding cooperation and multiplying contacts in various fields, some of them of critical importance to India-Russia both. What was different and special to this special relationship was that it was not born out of any cold war considerations nor was it either seemingly or even indirectly directed against any other country. It did not exclude the establishment of other special relationships provide they were not inimical to either of them. It reflected the changed and changing international situation and their mutual needs and requirements. Above all, it reflected the fact that not only there were no national irritants but that there was an obvious long-term complementarily of interests between the two countries.

Undoubtedly, both India and Russia are sovereign countries and would be looking after their own in the first instance. The understanding between Russia and India flowed from the


complimentarily of their interests both in historical, geopolitical and futuristic terms. Whether it was the question of terrorism or of the defence of Indian territorial integrity or that of Russia, whether it was a question of India's role in this region and the world and on most international issues of importance to the two countries, the Russian and Indian interests generally tended to coincide and there is a certain empathy for each other.44 There is therefore, an intrinsic value in the Indo-Russia ties. This does not exclude differences of approach on certain specific issues, but the general, overall parallelism of interests has been evident. The two sides so far have soft understanding of each other's concerns while retaining their autonomy of action and expanding their relations with diverse other countries.

Indo-Russian relations remained smooth and continuous though they have gone through distinct phases in their history and development.45 Interestingly, these phases relate to the national interests of these two countries as well as each of these phases has some relation to the global situation. One can classify these phases as 1947-1956, 1956-1971, 1971-1985, 1985-1996 & 1996 onwards. In each of these phases Indo-Russian relations have grown or declined depending on the perceptions and experiences that both the countries have had mainly with the Western powers. The rough period in Russian-Indian relations after 1985 clearly arose from the felt need of both to connect more seriously with the West. The restabilization of relations between the two after 1996 materialized again when both Russia and India experienced that the West, especially the United States did not live up to their expectations to deliver its promises to both these countries.

Each of these phases has some distinct characteristics in terms of trade and political relations. For instance, in phase 1956-1971 and 1971-1985 trade between the two was state dominated but this ended after phase 1985-1996. During phase 1996 onwards trade has dominated by


military hardware and joints military production between the two sides. There is a fundamental base line in the relation between these two countries that has built up over the years. This base involves Indias dependence on military hardware imports from Russia, political support on its position on Kashmir and other economic, cultural and political links as also no real antagonism on any major issues. Currently both countries find themselves on similar platform on issues ranging from terrorism, impact of globalisation, Iraq, etc. There is thus a common vision between the two countries that seems to be re-emerging as the test of bilateral ties lies in the commonality of approach to problems and conflicts.


United States is one of the major factors in the formation of Russia-India-China Axis. As each of the three countries is a major political actor of the world. Relation between Russian-ChineseIndian community and the United States is one of the most important aspects of the global policy.46 The turning point was the attack of 11th Sept., which has triggered the complications and dramatic changes in the whole plethora of international relations. After Sept.11, there was an intense need to consider the economic aspects of the international security, to formulate the new role of US and these states national interests, to struggle against the international terrorism. Russia-India-China has signaled to the US that its unilateralism is breeding serious concern among big international players. These are clear manifestation of new trends in Russia-India-China tripartite Cooperation and US factor. No doubt all three countries attach importance to their respective relations with US. All of them have indicated that developing relations with the US is not directed against other countries. These three States are opposed to the US hegemony and stressed the need for enhanced cooperation between China, Russia and India to ensure a multi-polar world and a new international political and economic order.


The growing US military and diplomatic influence in Central and South Asia is also not in Beijing's, New Delhis and Moscows interests.

US President George Bush clubbed the three powers together when he said that America was working with Russia and China and India, in ways that they have never done before, to achieve peace and prosperity. Bush also said that in the present moment of opportunity, a common danger is erasing gold rivalries.47 As the War in Iraq is further enhancing the image and global influence of America (the sole superpower), have focused the need for a Beijing-Moscow-New Delhi triangle, a potential alliance of three nuclear powers, which theoretically would be able to balance American power in the coming years.

7. Globalisation: China-India-Russia Cooperation

Comprehensive China-Russia-India cooperation is the suitable option in the present Global Scenario. It is true that at present development of the world economy is guided by western capitalism in contrast to the past. After 11 September, sustained economic development of China, Russia and India has become the engine of global economy. India and China have already entered WTO and Russia is pondering over this issue. There are many similarities in the socio-economic conditions of the three countries. Face to face with economic globalisation, the problems they are encountering also have commonalities. For example, the low-priced goods of transnational companies hit traditional agriculture and Industry. Developed countries are violating regulations and non-tariff barriers, draining science and technology personnel and homogenising traditional culture.

Formation of a Russia-India-China shows that behind the cooperation there is a great motivation of interest. First, to reduce the damages caused by unreasonable regulations.


Second, is to provide an alternative for economic development and third, is to look for a buffer zone in order to avoid economic crisis.48 All these can become great impetus for trilateral cooperation. Indeed, the goal of trilateral cooperation is for the mutual benefit and most likely will conform to the interest of each country. The prospects of cooperation in product composition, technology, energy, raw material etc. are extremely broad.

Due to Globalisation all the three countries experience an attack of low-grade western culture over their traditional cultures.49 The tripartite cooperation could put a barrier against the decay of their original culture by surrogates of western pseudo-culture. Important aspect of the tripartite cooperation is that, its success is also subject to the social orientation and care about the well being of the people. The population of each country should recognize the benefits of Russian-Chinese-Indian cooperation so that it could gain a massive support and could be deepened and widened further. Globalisation offers new opportunities and brings new challenges to China, India and Russia, in order to realize the opportunities and to respond to challenges, there is a need of permanent mechanism for exchange of views and coordination of actions, which has to be taken along the positive direction in future.

8. The possibility for developing Russia-China-India triangle

Russia-India-China has a great importance in terms of geopolitics. The population of these three countries together amounts to around 2.4 billion, 40 percent of the worlds total population. They cover a total area of 29.96 million square kilometers, which is 22.5 per cent of the total area in the world.50 Undoubtedly, the three countries have great human resources, huge potential of market and rich endowment of natural resources. The most profound changes in the world after the end of the cold war the end of rivalry between two super powers the United States and the earst while Soviet Union and confrontation between the East and the


West blocks, NATO and the Warsaw pact. In the world where there is no confrontation between blocks, the intensity of confrontation between states is also decreasing.

All the three countries, Russia, India and China are faced with the tasks of developing their economy. Of the three countries of China, Russia and India, China has common borders with both Russia and India. Except for three small islands, China has demarcated its borders with Russia. The two countries have also reached agreements on strengthening military confidence and mutual reduction of military forces in border areas to ensure peace and stability of the border between the two countries. Though the question of the Sino-Indian boundary has still remained unresolved. Leaders of the two countries have maintained that the boundary issues should be solved through peaceful negotiations and consultations and not with force or threat of using force.

All three countries advocate non-alliance and non-confrontation.51 This shows that the three countries not only set great store by the relationship among themselves but also their relations with other countries. The relationship among the three countries affects the basic principles of Asian security. It will definitely have a positive impact on Asian security if their ties could be further improved and more countries are persuaded to observe these principles. Great potentialities for cooperation exist among China, Russia and India. The possibility for the formation of Russia, India and China triangle are indeed very bright.

Relationship of China-Russia-India has made headway in the past years since the first trilateral meeting in Moscow in September 2001 took place. Bilateral relationship between China and India has steadily improved. All round cooperation between Russia and India has been further expanded and ChinaRussia strategic partnership of cooperation has been deepening further.


Development of the bilateral relationship has provided a sound basis for the trilateral cooperation between the three nations. Trilateral cooperation has gained a strong momentum and as long as patience and perseverance is maintained, cooperation of the three countries will develop further. One has also to be aware of some problems in the trilateral cooperation, which mainly exists between China and India such as the boundary questions and the Pakistan factor in Chinas relation with India. However, since the two sides take a forward-looking approach, their bilateral relations would continue to develop.

9. Trend Analysis
The three countries Russia-India-China have commonality of interests in fighting global terrorism and strengthening politico-economic cooperation in the new historic conditions. Convergence of political and economic interests of these three countries is bringing them closer to each other. If this triangular relationship continues to grow and deepen, it will become a decisive factor in this part of the planet. Russia-China and India during the last decade not only faced the threat of terrorism but also suffered from it. In this way, the three countries are natural geopolitical allies in the struggle against international terrorism and by forming a triangle they can deal better with terrorism. Development of the trilateral relationship is not going to affect their respective relationship with US, rather strengthen their position to deal with US. In the long term it is confidence between these three powers that will allow them to play a larger role in world politics and in the process build more balanced world order. Russia, India and China have very close views on most key issues, such as on the U.N. Charter, international law, commitment on resolving international problems through political dialogue and establishment of a multilateral and just world order. This trilateral


interaction is important for global stability by formulating this triangle Moscow, Delhi, and Beijing will indeed construct a new geometry of relations. In terms of their role in total world economic output, Russia, China and India if taken together have a weight comparable to that of the European Union. All three nations face great economic and security challenges, which they can solve by cooperating with each other. There is an experience and practice of bilateral cooperation but there is no truly significant trilateral cooperation mechanism yet. At the economic level there is potential for India, Russia and China to cooperate with each other in areas such as high technology, machinery, energy, pharmaceuticals, telecommunications, chemicals etc. Joint ventures could be set up in any of the abovementioned areas. By coordinating their policies on global economic issues India, Russia and China could drive benefit in the long run. At the exploratory stage of trilateral cooperation, it would be worthwhile to identify areas of common interests. Russia-India-China could participate jointly in constructing transport corridors (one envisaged rail connection from Bangladesh to Kazakhstan) or building of oil pipelines, improving banking facilities etc. Cooperation at various multilateral fora could strengthen their bargaining positions. It would be an exaggeration to believe that the establishment of tripartite Russia-ChinaIndia Cooperation and their successful breakthrough into the future will be flawless and smooth in the present scenario. A lot of difficulties and obstacles are in store for them, which could be overcome as far as the cooperation is defined by objective circumstances and by positive initiation of the leaders of these three countries. ---------------------------------------------------


10. End Notes/References:

1 2

See Appendix I, 11.1 &11.2 Moskovsky Komsomolets, at July 10, 2001. The paper published the views of

Yevgeny Primakov of Russia.Also See the text in Beijing Review, May12-18, 1997, pp.7-8. 3. Eminent Specialist on Russia, Prof Anuradha M. Chenoy, advanced the argument on Indo-Russian Relations in her well-documented article on India-Russia Future Strategic Trends in New Trends in Indo-Russian Relations, Eds. V.D. Chopra, pp 101-103. 4. Sa Benwang, Preliminary Analysis of Main Features of Chinas New Security Concepts, Foreign Affairs Journal, Beijing, No.665, September, 2002.p.35 5 Vinod C. Kanna, Strengthening the Role of UN and China-India-Russia Cooperation in UN Related Issues, China Report 39:3,203, New Delhi,pp385-386.

Sino-Indian borders have remained more or less peaceful and no major border conflict took place.

Well Known Scholar R.L.Bhatia has argued on the Triangle formation in his article on Indo-Russia, Sino-Russia, Sino-India Triangle in India-Russia Future Strategic Trends, Eds. V.D. Chopra, pp 29-35.

Prof. Nirmala Joshi, argued well on the aspects of Axis issues in her article on Possibility for India-Russia-

Chinas Trilateral Cooperation, in India-Russia Future Strategic Trends, Eds. V.D. Chopra, pp 187-195.

Leonid Ivashov, Russian General Comments on Topical Geo-Political Issues, No.7, Daily Review, Moscow,

January 2000.

New York Times, 23 November 2000, Indian Express, 27 November 2002.The Hindu, 22 September 2002. See text in Asian Age, 7 November 2001 See Xu Jian and Guo Zhenyuan, Major Threats and Dangers facing China, FBIS-CHI-2003-0730, See text of the joint statement by India-Russia issued in Moscow on 6 February 2003, in Dawn, 7February 2003.




Also mentioned in the Report on Bilateral Relations Between India and Russian Federation, Ministry of External affairs, Central and East European Division, 28 November 2002, Also See V.D. Chopra, India-Russia-China: Changing Equation, in India-Russia Future Strategic Trends, Eds. V.D. Chopra, pp 187-195.

Russian National Security Doctrine, January 10,2000,CDSP Vol.52, NO.4, pp.19-20 The Military Balance 2000-2001,p.298-299, See Russian Foreign Minister Promotes Strategic Triangle, South


Asian Tribune, Issue No.21. Dec 16-22, 2002. Also available at

See Peoples Daily Novsoti, in Dec 2, 2002, See Dr. Xiaoxiong Yi, article

in colyiccoll.asp Saturday July 19,2003



See Rainer Apel and Paul Gallagher in Executive Intelligence Review, July 27, 2001. Also See Christain

Science Moniter, December 6, 2002.


US are also member of Asian-Pacific Economic Cooperation. See CDI Russian Weekly, # 234 Contents. PTI Reported on 4th December 2002 Yang Chengxu, The Possiblity and Prospects for Developing Russia-India-China Relations, in China Report




38:1 2002, Sage Publications, New Delhi, Thousand Oaks, London, pp95-100, Also see Xia Yishan, ChinaRussia-India Relationship and its Prospects, in China Report 39: 3, 2003, Sage Publications, New Delhi, Thousand Oaks, London, pp 358-360.

See, V.S. Myasnikov, Russia-China-India: Cooperation in the Twenty First

Century in China Report 39:3 2003, Sage Publications, New Delhi, pp353-357.

Ji Zhiye, Russia: Now and the Way Ahead, Contemporary International Relations, China Institute of

Contemporary International Relations, October 1998,8(10), pp.1-9. See for instance Inside China Today, October 12, 2000. Alexander G. Yakovlev, The Triangle of Russia-China-India: Pros and Contras in China Report 38:1 2002, Thousand Oaks, London, pp101-103, Distinguished Diplomat Sudarshan Bhutranis book A Clash of Political Cultures, Sino-Indian Relations Published by Lotus Collection, Roli Books, Haryana, 2004, given enriching analysis and information on IndiaChina Relations from 1957-62.
24 23

See Taipei Times, July 2001 at http://www, Also See. Yang Hui, Current

International Terrorism and Struggle Against it, International Strategic Studies, Beijing, 2002, 1sr issue, p.11.

Beijing Review, September 23-29, 1991. P.13. Also cited in Ziegler, No.5, P.82 Michael Pillsbury, China Debates the Future Security Environment at See Appendix IV, 14.1, 162202/opinion axis.html.Also See for instance



Xinhua, Februray22, 2001.


Reports from China Desk, Ministry of External Affairs, New Delhi, India. Rand Research Brief, A New US strategy for a changing Asia, at http://www. Leading China Analyst Sujit Dutta provided very useful analysis and argument on Indo-China Relations in his


article on India-China Relations in India-Russia Future Strategic Trends, Eds. V.D. Chopra, pp 151-155.

See Appendix IV.14.3. Boundary and Security Bulletin, Autumn 1999, 7 (1), p. 41.


See Appendix IV 14.2 Lowell Dittmer, The Sino-Russian Strategic Partnership. Journal of Contemporary China, 2001, 28 (10), p. 399.




Iwasita, Moskva-Pekin: Strategicheskoe Partnerstvo I Progranichnie Peregovory, Mirovaya Ekionomika I

Mezdunarodnie Otnosheniya, November 2000, (11) p.92.


See Appendix II, Mitsuo Mii, Russian-Chinese Relations and Arms Exports. In Gennady Chufrin, Ed. Russia

and Asia-Pacific Security, 1999, OUP, SIPRI, Stockholm, p. 125.


Well known Russian Scholar and Specialist T.L. Shaumian advanced her argument on Geopolitical Changes in

Central Asia and Position of Russia, China and India in her paper on the same topic in China Report 39: 3, 2003, Sage Publications, New Delhi, Thousand Oaks, London, pp 360-363. Also see Hagerty Devin, China and Pakistan: Strains in the Relationship, Current History, September 2002, 10 (656), 286.

Cited in Survey of World Broadcasts, Part I, September 5, 1997. Robert O. Keohane, The Public Delegitimation

of Terrorism and Coalition Politics, in Ken Booth and Tim Dunne, Eds. Worlds in Collision Terror and the Future, London, 2002, p.145.

See News from Russia, Aug.2001. Jyotsna Bakshi, advanced her argument on Russias Post-Pokhran Dilemma, Strategic Analysis, August 1998. Roy Medvedev, Vladimir Putin, New Accents in Russias Foreign Policy, Rossiskaya Gazeta, August




Michael Mandelbaum, Ed., The New Russian Foreign Policy, A Council of Foreign Relations Book, Brookings

Institute, New York, 1998,pp13-14.


See Working Paper of Nivedita Das Kundu, on Indo-Russian Relations: An Overview, available at, Also See Jasjit Singh, Trends in Defence Expenditure, Asian Strategic Review 1998-99,p 40-47.

News From Russia, Weekly News Bulletin Edited and Published by the Information Department of the Russian

Embassy in India, Issue No. 39, dated 27th Sept. 2002.


See Appendix III, 13.1 & 13.2. See Ria Novosti, May 31, 2002. See The Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press, February 4, 1998, 50 (1), pp. 1-2. Lounev, Russia and India Political Cooperation in the sphere of Global regional and Bilateral Relations, China



Report 381, 2002,pp109-111.


See Russia: Summit Seen as Further Move towards Multipolar World, Rossiskiye Vesti, Moscow, November 11,


See News from Russia, April 6, 2001, 4(14), p.20.



Yakshina Galina, Russia-China-India: Prospects for Trilateral Cooperation, Far Eastern Affairs, and 2003, 31(1)


Mikhail Titarenko, A Mutually Beneficial Partnership Oriented into the 21st Century, Far Eastern Affairs, No.

3,1997, p 66.

Raja Mohan, Strategic Triangle in Focus during Putins Visit, The Hindu, December 3, 2002. Also See The

Current Digest of Post Soviet Press, August 15, 2001, 53 (29), p2.

Ibid. Mikhail Titarenko.


11. Appendix I 11.1 Maps

Map of Russia

Map of India

Map of China

Source:, Source:, Source:


11.2. Country Profile

Country China Major language Mandarin Chinese Major religions Buddhism, Christianity, Islam, Taoism Life expectancy 69 years (men), 73 years (women) (UN) Monetary unit 1 Renminbi (yuan) (Y) = 10 jiao = 100 fen Main exports Manufacture d goods, including textiles, garments, electronics, arms Agricultural products, textile goods, gems and jewellery, software services and technology, engineering goods, chemicals, leather products Oil and oil products, natural gas, wood and wood products, metals, chemicals, weapons and military equipment GNI per capita US $960 (World Bank, 2002) Population 1.3 billion (UN, 2003) Head of state President Hu Jintao


Hindi, English and 17 other official languages

Hinduism, Islam, Christianity, Sikhism, Buddhism, Jainism


1 Indian Rupee = 100 paise

US $470 (World Bank, 2002)

1 billion (UN, 2003)

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh



Christianity, Islam


1 rouble = 100 kopecks

US $2,130 (World Bank, 2002)

$143.2 million (UN, 2003)

President, Vladimir Putin

Source: BBC Country Profile, CIA Country Profile, Russia Fact files.


12. Appendix II 12.1 Treaty of Friendship & Cooperation China & Russia
(Signed on July 16, 2001)

The good-neighborly treaty of friendship and cooperation which the Chinese president Jiang Zemin and Russian president Vladimir Putin signed on July 16, is intended to function as a legal document guiding the steady development of Sino-Russian relations in the new century. It is likely to have a deep and far-reaching impact on the long-term steady development of bilateral ties between the two countries. The details of this comprehensive treaty are given below:

China and Russia will develop the strategic cooperative partnership based on goodneighborliness, friendship, cooperation and peace, in accordance with the principles of mutual respect of each others territorial integrity, non-aggression, non-interference in each others internal affairs, mutual benefit and peaceful co-existence.

Disputes between the two countries will be settled in line with stipulations in the UN charter and other international principles by peaceful means. The two parties reaffirm that neither side will be the first to use nuclear weapons against the other, nor will it aim its strategic nuclear weapons at the other.

The two parties respect the path of political, economic, social and cultural development of the other, to ensure the long-term steady development of bilateral relations. The two sides support each others policy to maintain national unity and territorial integrity.


Russia declares that there is only one China in the world, the government of the Peoples Republic of China is the sole legal government to represent the whole China and that Taiwan is an inalienable part of China. Russia is opposed to any form of independence of Taiwan.

The two sides are determined to build the boundary between the two countries into one of permanent peace and lasting friendship. The two parties will adhere to international principles concerned and strictly observe the boundary between the two countries.

In accordance with existing agreements, the two countries will build up confidence in the military field and mutually reduce troops in the border areas. They will take more confidencebuilding measures in the military area to enhance their respective security and consolidate regional and international stability. Military cooperation between the two countries is not targeted at any third party.

Neither party will join any alliance or group that harms the others sovereignty, security and territorial integrity. Neither of them will conclude such treaties with any third party or allow a third country to use its territory to harm the others sovereignty, security and territorial integrity.

The two parties will have immediate contact and consultations, should any of the two parties perceive circumstances that may threaten and undermine peace or its security interests.

The two parties to the treaty will utilize and perfect the mechanisms of regular meetings of officials at different levels, to exchange opinions and coordinate positions on bilateral issues, issues of mutual concern and on important and pressing international issues, so as to strengthen the strategic cooperative partnership based on equality and trust.

The two sides will strictly adhere to the established principles and norms of international law and will oppose the interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign country by force or under


various excuses. They are willing to make great efforts to reinforce international peace, stability, development and cooperation.

The two parties are opposed to any acts that may threaten international stability, security and peace, and will coordinate and cooperate in preventing international conflicts and finding political solutions to such conflicts.

The two parties are jointly committed to maintaining global strategic balance and stability, and will endeavor to promote the adherence of fundamental agreements concerning the safeguarding and maintenance of strategic stability. The two sides will push forward the process of nuclear disarmament and the reduction of chemical weapons and will take measures to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, means of delivery and related technologies.

The two parties will strengthen coordination in the United Nations, the UN Security Council and its special organizations. Both sides will strive to enhance the key role of the United Nations as the most authoritative and most universal international body of sovereign states, in handling international affairs, particularly in the fields of peace and development.

The two parties will vigorously promote and strengthen the stability in the neighboring areas of the two countries, create an atmosphere of mutual understanding, trust and cooperation, and push forward efforts that aim to set up a multilateral security and cooperation mechanism in the said areas in line with their actual situations.

The two parties will deal with their debts and rights of credit in accordance with relevant agreements and other documents signed between the governments of the two countries.


The two sides will conduct cooperation, on the basis of mutual benefit, in the fields of economy and trade, military technology, science and technology, energy, transport, nuclear energy, finance, aeronautics and space, information technology and other fields of mutual interests, and facilitate economic and trade cooperation in the border areas and between the localities of the two countries.

The two sides will greatly boost exchanges and cooperation in culture, education, health, information, tourism and sports and law, and will protect intellectual property rights, in accordance with their respective domestic laws and international treaties they have joined.

The two sides will cooperate in international financial institutions, economic organizations and forums, and in accordance with stipulations of such bodies, to facilitate the accession of one party to such bodies in which the other has already been a member.

The two parties will cooperate in promoting the realization of human rights and basic freedoms. They will take effective measures to protect the legitimate rights and interests of the legal persons and natural persons of one country in the territory of the other, in accordance with their respective international obligations and domestic laws.

The relevant departments of the two parties will investigate and settle problems and disputes arising from cooperation and business operations of legal persons and natural persons of one country in the territory of the other, in accordance with relevant laws.

The two parties will cooperate in protecting environment, preventing cross-border pollution, and in utilising water in the border areas and the biological resources in the northern Pacific Ocean and cross-border rivers. The two sides will make joint efforts to protect the rare species of plants and animals and the ecosystems in the border areas.


The two parties will, in accordance with their domestic laws and respective international obligations, conduct active cooperation in fighting terrorism, separatism and extremism, in combating organised crime and illegal trafficking of drugs and weapons. They will also cooperate in fighting illegal immigration.

Both parties attach importance to the exchange and cooperation between the central (federal) legislatures and the law-enforcing agencies of the two countries. They will energetically promote the exchange and cooperation between the two countries judicial organisations.

The present treaty will not affect the rights and obligations of either party as a member of other international treaties, nor is it targeted at any third country.

The treaty has a validity period of 20 years, and will be automatically extended if neither party notifies the other its intention to terminate the treaty one year before its expiry.


13. Appendix III 13.1 Delhi Declaration Between Russia and India (Signed on 4th Dec.2002)
Rely on long standing tradition of friendship and good neighborliness Recall the treaty of friendship and cooperation Strategic partnership is founded on the national interest and geopolitical priorities Elevate the strategic partnership to a higher and qualitatively new level Respect for national sovereignty, territorial integrity, plurality, diversity and tolerance Recognize the unique role and responsibility as multi-ethnic and pluralistic states. Determine to counter new challenges and threats to security Implement UN Security Council resolutions on the fight against terrorism Establish holding of annual meetings at summit level, ministerial and working level. Enhance bilateral cooperation to combat terrorism Improve relation with common neighborhood Central Asia and Afghanistan Moscow.

13.2 Moscow Declaration between India and Russia

(Signed on 6 November 2001) Reaffirmed the commitment to co-operate bilaterally Expressed support in preventing existing arms control and disarmament agreements, including the ABM treaty Support efforts to reduce nuclear weapons globally Regular consultation on Strategic Issues. Supported the adaptation of International law. Decisive measures taken against all states, individuals entities which render support harbour, finance, train, promote terrorism


Cooperate in the struggle against new challenges in International terrorism including, nuclear, chemical, biological, space, cybernetics and other spheres Effective interaction on Afghanistan to prevent further extension of terrorism. Reaffirmed Central role of UN.

13.3 Table I : Trade Between India and Russia(Rs. billions, in brackets in US$
billion) Year Indian Exports Indian Imports Turnover % Change in Rs. Figures 1998-99 1999-00 2000-01 2001-02 29.85 (0.71) 41.22 (0.95) 40.54 (0.88) 37.87 (0.79) 22.95 (0.55) 26.76 (0.62) 23.44 (0.51) 25.58 (0.54) 52.80 (1.26) 67.98 (1.57) 63.98 (1.39) 63.45 (1.33) (-) 9.45% (+) 28.75% (-) (-) 5.88% 4.31%

Source: DGCI&S trade figures

Principal Indian exports to Russia is drugs and pharmaceuticals, tea, coffee, rice, leather and leather products, food products, processed minerals, cotton yarn fabric, etc.

Principal Indian imports from Russia are fertilisers, newsprint and paper products, iron and steel, non-ferrous metals, organic chemicals, etc.



1954: Agreement between the Republic of India and the Peoples Republic of China on Trade and Intercourse between the Tibet region of China and India. (Note: The Agreement was valid for eight years and lapsed in 1962)

1954: Trade Agreement between the Republic of India and the Peoples Republic of China. (Note: The Agreement was valid for two years, with the provision that it could be extended. It lapsed in 1962)

1984: Trade Agreement between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the Peoples Republic of China.

1988: Protocol between the Republic of India and the Peoples Republic of China on Resumption of Border Trade between the Tibet region of China and India.

1991: Memorandum of Understanding between the Ministry of Aero-Space Industry of the Peoples Republic of China and the Department of Space of the Republic of India on Cooperation in the Peaceful Application of Outer Space Sciences and Technology.

1991: Memorandum between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the Peoples Republic of China on Resumption of Border Trade.


1991: Trade Protocol between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the Peoples Republic of China for the Calendar Year 1992.

1991: Consular Convention between the Republic of India and the Peoples Republic of China.

1992: Protocol between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the Peoples Republic of China on Custom Regulation, Banking Arrangements and Related matters for Border Trade.

1992: Protocol between The Ministry of Human Resource Development Department of Education, Government of India and The State Education Commission of the Peoples Republic of China on Co-Operation in the Field of Education for 1992-1993.

1992: Memorandum of Understanding on co-operation in the field of Civil Services, Personnel Management and Public Administration between the Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions of the Government of the Republic of India and the Ministry of Personnel of the Peoples Republic of China.

1992: Memorandum of Consultation in the field of Social Welfare.

1992: Protocol between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the Peoples Republic of China on Entry and Exit Procedures for Border Trade.


1992: Memorandum of Understanding between The Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General, Republic Of India and The Audit Administration, Peoples Republic of China.

1992: Memorandum of Understanding on co-operation in Agriculture between the Ministry of Agriculture of the Republic of India and the Ministry of Agriculture of The Peoples Republic of China.

1993: Protocol between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the Peoples Republic of China for Extension of Border Trade across Shipki La Pass.

1993: Agreement between the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting of the Republic of India and the Ministry of Radio, Film, Television of the Peoples Republic of China on Radio and Television co-operation.

1993: Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Republic of India and The Government of the Peoples Republic of China on co-operation in the Field of Geology and Mineral Resources.

1993: Agreement on the Maintenance of Peace and Tranquility along the Line of Actual Control in the India-China Border areas signed in Beijing on September 7, 1993.

1993: Agreement on Environment Co-operation.

1994: Memorandum of Understanding on simplifying the Visa Procedures between the Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the Peoples Republic of China.


1995: Memorandum of Understanding between Ministry of Metallurgical Industry of the Government of the Peoples Republic of China and the Ministry of Steel of the Government of the Republic of India.

1996:Agreement between the Government of The Republic of India and the Government of the Peoples Republic of China on Confidence Building Measures in the Military Field along the Line of Actual Control in the India-China Border Areas.

1996: Agreement between The Government of the Republic Of India and The Government of the Peoples Republic of China concerning the Maintenance of the Consulate General of the Republic of India in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the Peoples Republic of China.

1996: Agreement on co-operation for combating illicit trafficking in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances and other crimes between The Government of the Republic of India and The Government of the Peoples Republic of China.

1996: Agreement on Maritime Transport between the Government of the Republic of India and The Government of the Peoples Republic of China.

1997: Protocol on co-operation between the Ministry of External Affairs of the Republic of India and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Peoples Republic of China.


2000: Memorandum of Understanding signed during the 6th Joint Economic Group Meeting in Beijing on February 21-22, 2000 on co-operation in the field of steel between India and China.

2000: Memorandum of Understanding on co-operation in the field of Information Technology. (July)

2000: Memorandum of Understanding on co-operation in the field of Labour (Employment services, vocational training and social security). (September)

2002: MOU on the Application of Phytosanitary Measures between the Ministry of Agriculture of the Republic of India and the State General Administration of the Peoples Republic of China for Quality Supervision and Inspection and Quarantine (AQSIQ). (January)

2002: MOU between ISRO and the China National Space Administration on Cooperation in the Peaceful Use of Outer Space. (January)

2002: MOU between Department of Science and Technology of the Republic of India and the State Administration of Foreign Experts Affairs of Peoples Republic of China on Exchange of Personnel between India and China. (January)

2002: MOU between Department of Science and Technology of the Republic of India and the Chinese Academy of Sciences of the Peoples Republic of China on Cooperation in Science and Technology. (January)


2002: Agreement between India and China on Cooperation in the field of Tourism. (January)

2002: MOU between the Ministry of Water Resources of India and Ministry of Water Resources of China upon provision of hydrological information of the Yaluzangbu / Brahmaputra river in flood season by China to India

14.2 Agreement on maintainenance of peace and tranquility along L.A.C. on the Indo-China border (on September 7, 1993, Beijing)

The Government of the Republic of India and the Government of the People's Republic of China (hereinafter referred to as the two sides), have entered into the present Agreement in accordance with the Five Principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence and with a view to maintaining peace and tranquility in areas along the line of actual control in the India-China border areas.

1. The two sides are of the view that the India-China boundary question shall be resolved through peaceful and friendly consultations. Neither side shall use or threaten to use force against the other by any means. Pending an ultimate solution to the boundary question between the two countries, the two sides shall strictly respect and observe the line of actual control between the two sides. No activities of either side shall overstep the line of actual control. In case personnel of one side cross the line of actual control, upon being cautioned by the other side, they shall immediately pull back to their own side of the line of actual control.


When necessary, the two sides shall jointly check and determine the segments of the line of actual control where they have different views as to its alignment.

2. Each side will keep its military forces in the areas along the line of actual control to a minimum level compatible with the friendly and good neighborly relations between the two countries. The two sides agree to reduce their military forces along the line of actual control in conformity with the requirements of the principle of mutual and equal security to ceilings to be mutually agreed. The extent, depth, timing, and nature of reduction of military forces along the line of actual control shall be determined through mutual consultations between the two countries. The reduction of military forces shall be carried out by stages in mutually agreed geographical locations sector-wise within the areas along the line of actual control.

3. Both sides shall work out through consultations effective confidence building measures in the areas along the line of actual control. Neither side will undertake specified levels of military exercises in mutually identified zones. Each side shall give the other prior notification of military exercises of specified levels near the line of actual control permitted under this Agreement.

4. In case of contingencies or other problems arising in the areas along the line of actual control, the two sides shall deal with them through meetings and friendly consultations between border personnel of the two countries. The form of such meetings and channels of communications between the border personnel shall be mutually agreed upon by the two sides.

5. The two sides agree to take adequate measures to ensure that air intrusions across the line of actual control do not take place and shall undertake mutual consultations should intrusions occur. Both sides shall also consult on possible restrictions on air exercises in areas to be mutually agreed near the line of actual control.


6. The two sides agree that references to the line of actual control in this Agreement do not prejudice their respective positions on the boundary question.

7. The two sides shall agree through consultations on the form, method, scale and content of effective verification measures and supervision required for the reduction of military forces and the maintenance of peace and tranquility in the areas along the line of actual control under this Agreement.

8. Each side of the India-China Joint Working Group on the boundary question shall appoint diplomatic and military experts to formulate, through mutual consultations, implementation measures for the present Agreement. The experts shall advise the Joint Working Group on the resolution of differences between the two sides on the alignment of the line of actual control and address issues relating to redeployment with a view to reduction of military forces in the areas along the line of actual control. The experts shall also assist the Joint Working Group in supervision of the implementation of the Agreement, and settlement of differences that may arise in that process, based on the principle of good faith and mutual confidence.

9. The present Agreement shall come into effect as of the date of signature and is subject to amendment and addition by agreement of the two sides. Signed in duplicate at Beijing on the Seventh day of September 1993 in the Hindi, Chinese and English languages, and all three texts having equal validity.

SignedbyR.L.BhatiaMinisterofStateforExternalAffairsRepublicofIndia.TangJiaxuanVice-ForeignMinisterPeople's Republic of China


14.3. Table II: India China Trade in US $ million

Period Indian Imports 1995 Growth 1996 Growth 1997 Growth 1998 Growth 1999 Growth 2000 Growth 2001 Growth 765.0 34% 689.5 (-)10.1% 933.1 36% 1,016.6 8.9% 1161.9 14.3 1569.46 34.3% 1896.3 21.5 398.0 24% 719.2 80.9% 897.3 24.7% 905.7 0.9% 825.8 (-) 8.8 1350.41 63.9% 1699.9 25.6 (-) 196.4 (-) 219.05 (-) 336.1 (-) 110.9 (-)35.8 +29.6 Indian Exports Trade balance -367.0 1,162.0 29.9% 1,406.0 20.9% 1,830.3 30.2% 1,922.3 5% 1,993.7 3.4% 2,914.22 46.6% 3596.2 23.4 Trade volume

Source: China Desk, Ministry of External Affairs, New Delhi, India.



About Author

Dr. Nivedita das Kundu is an Associate Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis, New Delhi, India. She was a recipient of CIMO fellowship in the year 2002-2003. She is PhD in Area Studies, from Jawaharlal Nehru University, School of International Studies, New Delhi. Her area of research is Russia and former Soviet Union Countries. She has presented number of Conference papers in various National and International Conferences and delivered lectures in various eminent Universities and Institutes. She has written extensively on her area of study in national and international Journals.

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