23 DECEMBER 1854, Page 2



Moran us. Looms. Saturday, December 16. Enlistment of Foreigners; Duke of Newcastle's Bill reported.

Monday, December 18. Lord .Brougham's Speech on the War—Enlistment of Fo- reigners Bill read a third time and passed—Thanks to the Army and Nary; addi- tional Names.

Tuesday, December 19. Militia Bill read a first time—Bills of Exchange; Lord Brougham's Bill read a first time—General Thanksgiving ; Duke of Grafton's Ques- tion.

Thursday, December 21. Militia Bill read a second time, and reported—Battik.- lava Harbour; Lord Ilardwicke's Question.

Friday, December 22. Militia Bill read a third time and passed.

House or Commons. Monday, December 18.' Militia Bill ; Committee—Ex- change of vessels with Prussia ; Admiral Walcott's Question. Tuesday, December 19. Exemption from Taxes; Mr. Beresford's Motion—Militia -Bill read a third time and passed—Enlistment of Foreigners Bill read a second time, by 241 to 202.

Wednesday, December 20. Savings-banks ; Mr. Gladstone's Resolution—Enlist- ment of Foreigners Bill in Committee.

Thursday, December 21. Enlistment of Foreigners Bill in Committee. Friday, December 22. Duty on Tea; Mr. Gladstone's Announcement—Enlist- ment of Foreigners Bill read a third time, by 173 to 135, and passed.


The Lords.

Hour of Hour of

Meeting. Adjournment. Saturday 2h . 2h Om

Monday Oh . 8h 6ro

Tuesday bh Oh ka

Wednesday No sitting. Thursday 5h .... 10h 30ra

Priday 511 bh 33m

Sittings this 'Week, 5; Time, 345 40m — this Session. 9; — 64540m ENLISTMENT OP FOREIGNERS BELL.

In order to facilitate the progress of this measure, Ministers took the :unusual course of holding a sitting of the House of Lords on Saturday, to consider it in Committee. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGR, in pursuance of his continued opposition, made this step a matter of grave oomplaint, urging that Ministers well knewno Peers would attend except themselves. The objections he had previously put forth remained undiminished, not- withstanding the amendments; and he raised a new one,—namely, that 'the bill as it stood would impair the royal prerogative, because it gave the Crown Parliamentary authority for raising foreign troops, which, it had been stated, the Crown, by its prerogative already had the power to do. Then the Duke of Newcastle had offered to reduce the number from 15,000 to 10,900, but had not done so ; indeed there was no practical limit to the number of troops to be retained in this country, because power was taken to retain a reserve; so that if 20,000 or 30,900 foreign. era were employed abroad, from 12,000 to 13;000 might be maintained in this country as a reserve.

The LORD CHANCELLOR maintained that the bill in no respect tended to impair the prerogative. It only enabled the Sovereign to do something she could not do without Parliamentary sanetion—to keep and train foreigners in this country, subject to the qualification that they should -only be employed and trained as a reserve to feed a corps on foreign ser- vice.

This discussion was carried on for some time ; but in the end the BM was reported as amended, the words "ten thousand" being substituted for "fifteen thousand."

On Monday, when the order of the day for reading the bill a third time was read, the Earl of ELLENBOROUGH renewed his opposition. As Ministers seemed determined to send the bill down to-the'House of Com- -mons as it stood, it would be right to state that the only material altera- tion in it was the substitution of ten thousand for fifteen thousand fo- reigners,—a valuable concession, no doubt, but not creditable to Minis- terial forethought. It was remarkable, -that while the reserve of the

Sittings this Week, 6; Time, 5th Om

— thin Session.". 8; — 2611 65m

The Commons.

Hour of Hour of

Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday Oh 30in Tuesday 4h .(et) 46ni Wednesday Noon .. 6h 55m Thursday 411 .... 8h 8flm

Friday 45 .(m) 2h Om British regiments was to be stationed At Melts, that of the Germans wuj3 to be kept in England. Could not these Germans be trusted in the Me. diterranean ? • If they amid-not, how could they be secure that these troops weal net transfer their services to the enemy when they were sent against him in the Crimea ? It was said there were not bar- racks enough for the Militia : then these Germans, placed in those bar- racks, would prevent the embodiment of the Militia. Again, by clause 5, power is given to her Majesty -to make another set of articles of war : but that would create the greatest possible confusion. Repeating the asser- tion that no troops could equal British troops, he dwelt on the danger of an unequal line of battle ; comparing it to a cable made partly of wrought and partly of east iron ; which in the strain of the storm would. break where the links were weakest, and the ship would be lost. In the British army every man should he wrought iron. He asked, amid the cheers of the Opposition, " what consideration is to be given th the little German Princes for selling the blood of their subjects ?" what.difference is there between this traffic and the detestable practices of the King of Dahomey ? He could not see how if they repudiated the pree_ tice on the Congo, they could act upon it on the Elbe. If these little German Princes only take our money andl sell the -blood of their subjects, there is no real difference between their conduct and that of the lowest and most debased chief on the coast of Africa. Not underrating the abili- ties of Ministers to promote the development of the industrial arts and commerce, he boasted of having studied the greater subject—how to maintain the security of the country ; spoke bitterly of the abilities of the Government to carry on a war ; ridiculed Lord Palmerston'a phrase that the English " nation " was the reserve of the army ; and broadly insisting that the war had been conducted in violation of every military principle, he declared his intention of stating his view on the subject at the earliest period. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that the importance of the bill had been incredibly exaggerated by Lord Ellenborough ; whose apprehen- sions, the more they were looked into, the more unfounded and absurd did they become—they vanished into air, Illce artless accredited spectres. In his earlier speeches he rode the constitution horse, but now he rode it no longer because it had broken down with him. Out of doors persons felt a jealousy about the bill, because it had been misunderstood, and he respected.that jealousy ; but he could not say the mane for noble Lords, who ought to know better. There was no time of war, from Marlbo- rough to Wellington, in which brilliant successes had not been obtained by the means now deprecated. In money, credit, ships, in these sinews of war, we are more than.,the equal of Russia ; but in one thing we are not equal—in population ; and ought we not to have recourse to every means to meet numbers by numbers ? When asked by what means that could be obtained, he replied by all means and every means. At the battle of Minden, the British troops were inferior in number to the " mer- cenaries," as they are now called, who fought by their side. But did the Blues, the Scots Greys, the Ennillens, make their 'celebrated charge with less hope because they were associated with Germans, Rano- verians, and Hessians? Ministers, who appreciate the magnitude of the war quite as much as Lord Ellenborougb, desire to bring into the field every well-trained eoldier • but at the same time they see the expediency of annexing to the English force a body of men like that contemplated by the bill.

The Earl of DERBY made a speech in defence of Lord Ellenborough, and rated Lord Lansdowne for departing from that courtesy which usually characterizes him' in describing Lord Ellenborough'e arguments as posi- tively absurd. Nobody apprehended that ten thousand foreigners would destroy the constitutional liberty of the country : what was said was, that it is contrary to constitutional principles to place the guardianship of this country in the ,hands of foreign troops, "to the exclusion of the native troops of the country"; and if that be absurd, Lord Derby begged that he might take his full share of the absurdity. It was not said that the British army would be degraded by serving aide by side with these troops, but that it is a degradation and humiliation to the people of this country to be placed in a situation requiring foreign troops. But be it so. If we are to endure this humiliation, still there was no occasion for this bill to raise them. The necessity for the bill arises from this, that you are about -to levy from all quarters of the globe the refuse of all the world, to drill them in this country. He repeated the argument, that in former wars the foreign troops employed fought under the sanction of their sovereigns for a national cause ; but that these troops would be mercenaries, fighting only for pay. He suggested that we should look to India, where in a short time an almost unlimited number of trained soldiers might be raised, and to our North American Colonies, who would gladly raise three or four regiments to be incorporated in the British army.

Lord LANSDOWNE explained, that he had applied the term "absurd" to the objections of persons not well-informed out of doors.

Lord Ileannvom explained, in reply to a remark by Lord Derby, that in the Peninsula no inconvenience resulted from the fact that the Portu- guese were under different articles of war. He also expressed great con- fidence in the Militia Bill of 1852. It will ultimately provide us with efficient soldiers : at the same time, it would not be right to reject a mo- tion which has for its object the immediate provieion of an efficient force.

Earl GREY suggested, that unless it could be shown that inconvenience would occur from subjecting foreign soldiers to the same articles of war as British soldiers, it would be better to omit clause 5. With regard to the bill itself, the objections to which it Was open have been greatly ex- aggerated. The constitutional objection originally raised is inconceiv- ably small. Noble Lords had allowed their passions to be excited, and had used language which would not have been used except under the in- fluence of exeitement, For instance, the noble Earl who began the debate elated that he could see no difference between the conduct of a German prince allowing his subjects to enlist under this act in the British army, and that of an African prince Belling his subjects for slaves.

Lord ELLBNBOROUGH explained, that belled alluded to the ease of a Ger- man prince taking money for such permission.

Lord GREY said, this did not alter the ease. Even if a consideration were taken, -would any man tell him that it was the same thing to take a con- sideration to give permission to your eubjects voluntarily to enlist in an army where they would be well treated—that that was for a moment to be jeom-


pared with the conduct of an African prince who kidnapped his s at+, took them by force in chains, and sold them to a foreign slaver to be c rried across the sea and to be notoriously worked to death in some four e . five

years in a plantation ? Would any one who wished calmly to address the reason. of their Lordships or of the country use language such as that ?

Lord Ellenborough had dwelt on the arduous struggle in which we are engaged: is not that a reason for obtaining assistance from any quarter ? Then it was said, that an earlier provision should have been made of "wrought iron" • and he himself thought that the regular army should have been in- creased at an earlier period. But were they, because a mistake might pos- sibly.have been made by Government, to refuse to adopt any means of in- creasing the army ? Under this bill Government would probably obtain very useful troops ; and he did say that, after such an application had been made to them by her Majesty's Government, knowing of what character this strug- gle was to be, that that House or the other House would indeed be taking upon itself a most fearful responsibility if it were to refuse to the Government at such a moment, and in such a crisis of the national interests, those means which they conceived necessary to carry out this struggle to the safety and glory of the country. (Cheers.)

Earl Gnasvitsa, apropos of the reference in a previous debate to Sir Robert Peel, read a passage from the Duke of Wellington's speech on the Militia Bill of 1852.

"Everything has its beginning, and this is a commencement of an or- ganization of a disciplined militia ; in the same way as if you are to have a corps of reserve, you must have a commencement, involving some months for disciplining them before you could have your corps of reserve ready. You must make a beginning here, and see that it will take some months be- fore you can form reserve regiments. The armies of England, who have served the country so well, are your Lordships so mistaken as to suppose that they were ever composed of more than one-third of real British subjects—of na- tives of this island ? No such thing. Look to all your great services. Look at the East Indies • not more than one-third of the soldiers there are such British soldiers. Look at the Peninsula ; not one-third of the men employed there were ever British soldiers. Yet I beg your Lordships to observe what services those soldiers performed. They fought great battles against the finest troops in the world ; they went prepared to face everything—ay, and to be successful against everything, or this country would not have borne with them. Not one-third of those armies were British troops ; but they were brave troops, and not merely brave—for I believe every man is brave— but well-organized troops. Take the battle of Waterloo; look at the number of British troops at that battle. I can tell your Lordships that in that battle there were sixteen battalions of Hanoverian Militia, just formed, under the command of a nobleman, late the Hanoverian Ambas- sador here, Count Melmansegge, who behaved most admirably ; and there were many other foreign troops who nobly aided us in that battle, avowedly the battle of giants; whose operations 'helped to bring about the victory which was followed by the peace of Europe, that has now lasted for thirty- two or thirty-four years. I say, my Lords, that however much I admire highly-disciplined troops, and most especially British disciplined troops, I tellyou you must not suppose that others cannot become so too." He hoped that was better evidence of what the Duke of Wellington would have thought upon this point than they had received from Lord Ellenborough as to the opinion of Sir Robert Peel.

The Earl of MALNIESBURY -described the proposed troops as " condot- tieri" ; and accused the Government of introducing the measure with the greatest mystery, without giving any reason for keeping the secret Had Parliament been called together a month earlier, the measure could have been calmly and fully discussed.

The bill was read a third time ; and the fifth clause having been omit- ted, it passed as amended.

On the same evening, the bill was introduced into the House of Com- mons, which had been some time waiting to receive it. The first reading was accompanied with an announcement from Mr. DISRAELI that he would offer an uncompromising opposition in the subsequent stages.

In moving the second reading of the bill, on Tuesday, Lord Jona RUSSELL went somewhat at large into the scope of the measure, and the general question because so much prejudice had been excited and so much exaggeration used to defeat it.

It would be necessary, he said, to call the attention of the House to the objects for which wars had been undertaken, and the mode in which they had been carried on, because during the long peace people seem to have for- gotten them. If we examine the history of this country, we shall see that whenever any power, by its preponderance, threatens the independence of smaller states, England has always used her influence, and then her force, to obtain an adjustment of the balance. Elizabeth and Cromwell formed alliances with the French and the Dutch to check the exorbitant preponder- ance of Spain. William the Third engaged every power with whom he

could form ties of connexion in one grand alliance to cheek the preponderance of Louis the Fourteenth' and after him, the Earl of Marlborough fought the

battle of Europe on the Continent. In so doing, he followed the obvious policy of the country. It would be untrue to say we are not a militaty na- tion; but we are not naturally a military power. In history and speech and song we boast that our power is chiefly founded on our naval means ; and therefore, when we carry on a Continental war, we have recourse to other nations to assist us in the field. Did Marlborough rely on English forces alone ? Sc far from it, that out of 40,000 men con- tributed by this country to the grand army, 18,328 were English troops, and 21,672 Danes, Prussians, and Hessians, were in English pay. Were there in those days any of these feelings that foreigners are not to fight side by side with Englishmen in the cause of Europe ? No such ideas en- tered the minds of the great men who swayed the destinies of England at that time. Other wars suoceeded, and foreigners were employed. He would not vindicate the employment of German troops in the American war ; but when we undertook the cause of Europe against France, we again had re- course to foreigners to fight, not our battles, but European battles in the front of which we were engaged.. In the debate on the act of 1804 only Mr. l'eter Moore and Sir Philip Francis took part in opposition. Mr. Fox spoke, but it was to blame Mr. Pitt for not having sent transports to bring over Hanoverian troops to take part in the war. In 1794, indeed, Mr. Fox found fault with the introduction of foreign troops into this country ; but the ground of his complaint was that they had been introduced without the consent of Parliament; that they might be increased to an unlimited extent, and thereby become dangerous to the liberty of the country. Well; what were the deeds of the German Legion ? The Duke of Wellington repeatedly ad- verted to them as deserving of the highest praise, at Albuera, Salamanca, and other places. Nobody in those days used such an argument as that they are foreigners and ought not to be allowed to fight your battles. Madame de Steel said that we were fighting the cause of Europe, and that the Tories of England were the Whigs of Europe. Indeed they were the European Opposition. Coming to the contest in which we are now engaged, he asked why we are to debar ourselves from our aneient policy and from the established practice that has always been successful ? Because Russia is the preponderating power with whioh we are at war, is that any reason why the same means adopted to check Frame or Spain should aot be adopted now.? But it is said, " Are we so soon exhausted at the beginning of the war ?" The fact is, that the greatest pressure exists at the commencement of a war. Let us look to facts. We have a very inconsiderable regular army, not amounting until last year to 120,000 men, spread over the face of the globe—now guarding twelve thousand miles of frontier in India, now suppressing a formidable insurrection in Canada ; again spread over a difficult country to contend with savages at the Cape of Good Hope. When you attempt suddenly, as at present, to increase those 120,000—when you have raised them on paper to 170,000, but in feet to 150,000 only—can you expect that they should furnish army after army without extraneous support ? Mr. Sidney Herbert had told the House that 53,000 men have been sent out, and the House thought that a considerable force ; but 53,000 was only equal to one of the seventeen or eighteen corps d'armee of the enemy. Consider the points we have to guard in Turkey—the Principalities, the force that menaced her from the Crimea, and her Asiatic frontiers. And if it be said, for the first time in the history of this country, that you will rely on British regiments alone, you run the greatest danger that you may be called upen to send out recruits before they are properly trained, thus exposing them to destruction. " I remember perfectly well having the honour to take a ride with the late Duke of Wellington some ten miles from his head-quarters to see a regiment that presented a splendid appearance—the Tenth Hussars— which had just come out to the Peninsula. They seemed to be exceedingly well appointed ; everything they did was performed with regularity and pre- cision ; and any civilian could not fail to be struck with the brilliancy of their movements. I, however, remember that afterwards, while at dinner, the Duke remarked, The regiment that we have seen today will after a year or so make a very good regiment ' : showing that, in that great cap- tain's opinion, a considerable training in the field was required, even after the training they had at home, in order to make a regiment fully fitted for its duty."

It is proposed, then, to send out foreign troops, in preference, not to raising recruits in this country, but to sending out raw levies not sufficiently trained for the purposes of war. Can that be said to be degrading ? On that point he read the extract of the speech of the Duke of Wellington quoted by Lord Granville in the House of Lords. Was he to be told after that testimony that it is a disgrace to do what the Duke of Wellington did ? Taking the objections that have been offered to the bill, he would dispel the first by a simple statement of fact—Ministers had never intended to em- ploy foreign troops instead of the Militia. It was said send these troops to Corfu. But you could hardly expect troops obtained from Northern Europe to go off thence to Corfu to be trained. Besides, a greater insult to these troops could hardly be offered than to tell them you are offended by their presence. But he was told, and it was an argument greatly relied on, that these troops would not be fighting in their own cause, but would be merely mercenaries. (Cries of "Hear, hear ! " from the Opposition.) "Why, Sir, if you use this argument, you give up your whole cause of war ; if you use this argument you say, in effect, that you are engaged in a purely Bri- tish quarrel, and not, as we have maintained, in the cause of Europe. What we have always contended for in this House, and what I believe this House concurred in—as I am sure it is concurred in by the country—is, that we have embarked in a great European quarrel for the sake of the liberties of Europe. It is a quarrel in which France and England have had the man- liness to stand forward and proclaim that they will not be intimidated by the power of Russia; that neither will they be seduced by the eajoleries of Russia ; but that they will steadfastly fight this European battle. We have never said that there is any purely British interest, or any purely French interest, involved in this quarrel ; but we have said, it is a cause in which every German, every Swiss, and every other in- habitant of Europe, ought to take as great an interest as any Englishman." The present war is one in which every European can sympathize. "And though some of the Sovereigns of Europe—some of the Sovereigns, I regret to say, of the great states of Europe, and even of the great states of Ger- many, have each a stake in the momentous question at issue, and have nevertheless left to us the brunt of a battle which they ought to fight along with us, still that is no reason why the subjects of these and other princes should not take a part with us, and enter into the service of her Majesty, to uphold side by side with the English troops what I have terme&the general cause of European liberty, and which is not the cause of Eurspean liberty alone, but also of European civilization." It is said that this service is so degrading that officers will hardly enter into it. Yet some men employed this year to fight our battles, our own countrymen, have not disdained to take arms in the service of a foreign sovereign. Sir De Lacy Evans did not scruple to head, in Spain, what is now characterized as a band of mercenaries; and another eminent officer, Sir Charles Napier, once engaged in the service of the Queen of Portugal. Why is the measure necessary ? If the adult male population were ut- terly drained—if bounties of 30/. or 501. a head were offered, and every man that could be procured were, without training, sent out to fight our battles— a sufficient number of men might be raised to carry on the war. "But, Sir, I am looking to a protracted war—(Cheers and counter-cheers) —and in that case, if you had 150,000 or 180,000 British soldiers, there would be a great advantage in having 30,000 foreigners to aid your own army ; and it is a gross misrepresentation to say that you are relying solely upon foreign swords. We are a military nation, but not a military power. It would be unwise to change the policy sanctioned and approved by Cromwell, Chat-. ham, Marlborough, and Wellington. It would involve the country in greater difficulties in time of peace ; because popular feeling is opposed to large standing armies. Rely upon old principles and old maxims, and under gallant leaders your foreign troops will stand faithfully by your side end bravely fight your battles.

"Her Majesty's Ministers having recommended this as one of the means of carrying on the present war, of course they could not, with the ham of the confidence of this House, attempt to conduct the contest any further if this bill is rejected. This is one of the measures which, for no such reasons as have been assigned by others, but from a consideration of the amount of force which you will be able to raise at the present stage of the war, and in the beginning of the contest, we have thought to be necessary for carrying on the struggle vigorously and successfully. Its consideration is one of the purposes for which we advised her Majesty to call her Parliament to- gether. If the bill is adopted, I have no doubt it will be a most useful addition to your military force ; and I do wonder that any one should have imputed to the Ministry that they had any distrust of a British army. But, relying on a British army, we wish also to carry on this war most effectually ; and any legitimate means by which the power of the Emperor of Russia can be crippled, any means by which his advances can be checked, appears to me to be a measure which the House of Commons ought to adopt. There is many a man in our army ready to say with him whom tbe Spaniards regard as a great captain, who, when asked to retire from a post that he had taken, nobly replied, No, I would rather have the grave by stepping a foot for- ward, than safety with a foot backward.' There are many men in the British army who are inspired by that sentiment; indeed, I believe, that this is the spirit which animates every soldier in it. But give them every support that you can afford. That is the object which her Majesty's Ministers have in view; and they look thereby to a glorious termination of the war." (Cheers.) Sir EnwArin Lve-ros led the Opposition, in moving that the bill be read a second time that day six months.

He was unwilling, he said, to confess, that at the very onset our military training and national spirit are unequal to the encounter. We rely on that

national spirit, now discouraged and damped by this bill. There is force in the argument that it requires time to drill men into soldiers; but there is also grave censure on the Government ; for since the war was foreseen, since the battle of the Alma, nay, durine* the period spent in preparing this deliberate bill, there was leisure to drill and send out double the number of

Englishmen. He severely censured the slovenly haste with which the bill was prepared, and declared that Ministers had shown themselves so blind to the unpopularity of the measure out of doors, that he doubted whether they would dare to use the power it conferred. The raising of Germans in 1804 is no parallel case. These foreign soldiers have seen nothing but holiday wars. "Let us have nations for our allies, and not the contraband levy and surplus forces of their petty princes." If, indeed, Ministers intended to raise a Polish legion, these would be more than soldiers—they would be allies : but unless Poland were reconstituted, what, at the end of the war, what would you do with a large band of armed malcontents ? In justice to Poland and social order, decide before you enlist Poles, whether one object of your war Is to plant your standard on the citadel of Warsaw. He described the mea-

sure—this gigantic effort, this grand surprise, not even mentioned in the Speech from the Throne—as "a begging petition to petty potentates for ten

thousand soldiers." Depreciating the quality of foreign troops—maintain- ing that there is nothing to justify their employment—Sir Edward bestowed a rhetorical eulogy upon the material of which the British soldier is composed, and told Ministers they had tried it and should keep it. British recruits have already gone through a more precious discipline than three years of lifeless ceremonials can give to the soldiers of despotic conscription. "They

have gone from their cradles through the discipline of hardy habits, of pa- tient endurance, of indomitable conviction in the strength of their own right arms : that is the discipline with which armies soon learn to be invincible, and without which men may be faultless in the drill, but valueless in the field." (Loud cheers.) Mr. MILNES pointed out that Sir Edward Lytton had omitted all men- tion of the French army, which at Inkerman was the salvation of our

own. It is because we are not alone in this war that the present mea- sure is justifiable. It is an European war; we are fighting in the Crimea for the independence of Germany as well as Turkey. And as the Militia Bill calls upon the volunteers of England, so this bill calls upon the vo- lunteers of Europe. The Ministry was right in staling its existence on the measure, as a test of confidence.

Mr. ADDE]LLEY argued, that before we preferred to use foreign merce- naries, we should exhaust our available resources ; and he pointed to the

Colonies as ready to afford assistance. Mr. Wsasosr felt bound as an Englishman to support the Government without regard to party distinc- tions. He showed at some length, based on his experience in the last war, that time is required to turn strong and brave recruits into good sol- diers; and that as our young men cannot be sent at once, ten thousand foreign troops, already trained, would be an immense accession to our strength. In the last war the Chasseurs Britanniques were good soldiers, but much given to desertion, because they were recruited from deserters and prisoners. Mr. E. BALL spoke against the bill, and against the Coa- lition Government.

Mr. MILNER GIBSON remarking that Ministers had announced that they should resign if defeated, said that such a course was not fair upon

a measure of this character. Did they not last session meet defeat, and yet consider that they could honourably continue to administer the affairs of the country ?

For himself, he should vote upon the merits of the bill ; which involved a principle he valued even more than the existence of a Government. (Opposition cheering.) That principle was, that the private subjects of a state should not make war with a country when their own government is at peace with that country. If that were done, those governments forfeited their neutrality, and the bill is not needed. If it were done without the knowledge of those neutral governments, the Parliament of England ought not to sanction such a course. It would be dangerous to lay down the prin- ciple that some foreign power might allow this country to enlist its subjects, and yet maintain its neutrality ; for if Russia were to hire privateers from the United States' should we not be told that the British Parliament bad deliberately laid down the principle that a country might "let out" its forces without forfeiting its neutrality ? (Loud cheers from the Opposition.) There had been no sufficient reason given for the necessity of the bill,—no reason except that mysterious one which could not be explained ; and, con- sistently with his duty and his opinions, he must vote against the second reading of the bill, and use every Parliamentary means in his power to prevent its passing into law. (Mach cheering from the Opposition.) Mr. J. G. PAILLIMORE spoke against the bill, as others bad done. No reason had been assigned why German recruits should be better drilled than English recruits. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT followed. He began by replying to the com- plaint of Mr. Gibson that Ministers had assumed an unjustifiable tone in endeavouring to influence the opinions of Members by a threat of re- signation. Mr- Herbert said he held at its highest value the right of individual Members to hold and act upon their own opinions; and he had such confidence in the n-easure before them that be asked, nay chal-

lenged every Member to decide according to his convictions. But there should be no exception; and Ministers should not be compelled to forego a measure of vital importance because other Members entertained dif- ferent convictions. He would not impute factious motives to any gen- tleman, but he would in all fairness discuss the measure, and bring for- ward conclusive reasons in support of the bill.

It was said that in the former war the quarrel affected German interests, and therefore there was some reason for employing German troops. But was

there ever a more German cause than that in which we are now engaged ? "Take the English and the French interests—(" Hear, hear !" from Mr. Briyht)—I know what the honourable Member means by that cheer : he means to say, why are you going to meddle in a quarrel in which you are not concerned ?"

Mr. BRIGHT —" Let them fight their battles with their own soldiers." Mr. HERBERT—" But has England no interest in this quarrel, she being one of the principal members of the human family ?" Was the rule to be

laid down that if the law of nations were broken, England and France were

to stand idly by and see those Powers who commit injustice acquire such strength by doing so, that at last even England and France will be unable

to resist if an act of injustice be committed on themselves ? A warm sym- pathy with the cause exists throughout Germany ; and is not that to bear any fruit? In 1813 we were not so chary of alliances. Then an act was

passed to enable his Majesty to "add three battalions to the Sixtieth Regi- ment, to be commanded by foreign officers ; who carried letters of service, telling them to obtain recruits in Hanover, in Prussia, even in Russia, and if they could not obtain sufficient number, to obtain them where they could. " If, therefore, you want a precedent, you have a precedent." For his part, he thought that though precedents are of value in civil affairs, in time of war we ought not to stand on precedent, but exercise common sense. Ate, Phillimore had asked why foreign instead of English recruits are taken. " The English recruit makes the best soldier in the world ; such is in thorough conviction, and late experience has shown how much more readily a recruit can be converted into a soldier than was formerly supposed. It was formerly supposed that it took about five months to drill and train an Eng- lish recruit, but recent experience has shown that it may be done in three months. (Loud cheers from the Opposition.) Honourable gentlemen oppo- site cheer : I repeat the statement, that you can make a soldier in three months; but the real question is, can you convert a boy into a man in three mouths ? I would refer those persons who have studied this subject, and every one ought to do so before expressing an opinion, to a letter written by the greatest military commander that, in my opinion, the world has ever seen ; I mean Napoleon. In a letter by that great master of organization, writing for reinforcements, he said, 'Pick me out from the soldiers the older men ; do not send me boys, who consume my rations, impede my march, and encumber my hospitals? I think that I shall be fairly stating the facts of the case if I admit that we have committed an error in the reinforcements we have sent out. The House will see that in operations of this description errors will always be committed. The great difficulty to overcome is the general age of those who recruit. The lowest age for entering the service is fixed at eighteen ; and not only do not the great majority exceed that age, but many even assert themselves to be eighteen years of age, when, in fact, they are considerably younger. It is no doubt true, that m the higher and middle classes. young men of the age of eighteen, who have been well fed and well cared for, are more advanced in strength than raw lade taken from the plough who have been poorly fed ; but it is from the latter class that recruits are taken ; and how can they be expected to stand the fatigues of a cam- paign ? Recruits have no doubt, on the defensive, behaved in the most creditable manner ; and, well fed and well lodged, so long as he is kept in the same position, the recruit will be as good a, soldier as any one else ; but when called upon to undergo fatigue and constant exposure to the effects of climate at a period when his constitution is not settled, then rations are con- sumed, marches are impeded, and hospitals encumbered. The whole ques- tion then comes to this—that although you may in three months convert a recruit into a soldier, you cannot in three months convert a boy into a man. I have been asked, what are the peculiar influences by which a German is excepted from these conditions. I think I can explain that. In Germany all the peasantry are subject to a military conscription, or to military service in some shape. (A Blember—" In Prussia.") Yes, in other countries be- sides Prussia. This military service expires, generally speaking—I am not now speaking of any one state in particular—it expires at a time when the peasant has reached the age of twenty-six or twenty-seven. Their Govern- ments will not give permission to the German peasant to emigrate until he has completed his military service, and therefore the peasant does not leave his country until he is twenty-six or twenty-seven years old. Every year there pass through England German emigrants to the United States, to Ca- nada, and to Australia, to the number of thirty thousand souls, who proceed generally to Liverpool for embarkation Then, again, recollect that the German States give to these peasants a passport, a permission to emi- grate, so soon as they have completed their term of military service. That permission is, in addition, an act of denaturalization. In this country we have no process of denaturalization, and the English citizen does not become denaturalized by foreign residence—he cannot get rid of his nationality. That, however, is not the case in Germany ; a German can, and does get iid of his nationality."

It is said that Government know not where these troops are to come from : and nothing is more true. They may have reasons for thinking what will be the result, but they cannot tell how many Germans will present them- selves. Sir Edward Lytton had said there is no limit to the number Go- vernment may raise : there is a limit—the limit that will be found in the Estimates voted, but no other. Although recruits are now obtained faster than they can be formed into regiments, yet, knowing their extreme youth— knowing that if exposed they would be laid up with fever—Government would be deeply culpable if it neglected the means of providing an auxiliary force while these recruits are fitted for service. But it was said, thew Ger- mans are mercenaries: is, then, the sympathy felt for our cause in Germany to bear no fruit? do we mean to assert for Englishmen a monopoly of pub- lic virtue? "Why supersede British soldiers by the employment of fo- reigners ?" If they could show him an army of well-seasoned British soldiers that could be safely sent abroad, there would be something in the argument ; but they could not. Enlisting at the rate we do, in three or four years we might get up a large army ; but we want to operate immediately. It is said that we do not need these foreign troops because France is our ally. France is a great military power, but not the greatest in Christendom: she musters 400,000 bayonets, yet she maintains a foreign legion. It is unwise to use insulting expressions regarding German troops. The present is a German question : we may be first in the field, but depend upon it the Germane must come in too.

At the close of his speech, Mr. Herbert declared that any Government which consented to continue in office only to follow the behests of Members of that House would forfeit its right to public confidence. "We think this bill is necessary. It may fail ; but, if it do fail, we cannot reproach our- selves with having neglected means which might have been applied to attain the object in view. On the other hand, if it succeed, this measure will be of incalculable assistance to us; and, believing that, we urge it upon the ac- ceptance of the House as a measure which is essentially necessary for the public interest." (Loud cheers.) Lord STANLEY professed great reluctance to vote against Ministers ; but he said they prevented unanimity, and provoked universal opposition, by the measure they had brought forward,—a measure not mentioned in the Queen's Speech. With a country enthusiastic for war, Ministers had neglected timely preparations ; and now they asked the aid of foreigners, whose military qualities he questioned.

The threat of resignation if this bill were not carried was neither patriotic nor public-spirited. The political party now at the head of affairs, when they obtained power, laid it down as a rule, that any saorificea on the part individuals, ndividuals, even to the verge of political character, are necessary if called for by the consideration of public honour. If they were sincere and honest in that principle, now was the time to act upon it. They might be wrong ; many of their supporters said they were, in private ; and their organ among the newspapers also said they were. Let them persevere, and raise a feeling fatal to their tenure of power, and dangerous to the community ; let them admit for once that they were wrong, and in the frankness and honesty of the atonement the country would forget the folly of the design. (Cheering.) [After Sir Jourr Frrzoansin had said a few words in favour of the measure, Mr. Drummond and Lord Palmerston rose together, and the 0 position called for Mr. Drummond ; but the Home Secretary obtain precedence.] Lord PeLstnnsTost made a spirited and substantial speech in a gene reply to the Opposition. He declared himself disappointed and astonished at the course they had taken ; admitting the necessity of the war ; ic. preaching the Government for not carrying it on with sufficient vigour ; and then, when, for the first time, Government asks the House to remove the legal difficulties that prevent them from applying one means of vigour, itshen, forsooth, we are met with disquisitions on constitutional policy, with the reproduction of antiquated arguments belonging to ages gone by, and are refused the means of employing an instrument which we think, with reason and justice, will be conducive to carry on the war with vigour and success."

If the measure were unheard of, he could understand that objections might be raised. But so far from being a novelty, it has been employed by all former Governments, and almost every nation engaged in a great and right- eous contest. It is notorious tbat in the last war there were German Le- gions, Hanoverians, Brunswickers, Swiss, Greeks, Corsican Rangers, a Sici- lian Regiment, Chasseurs Britanniques, Chasseurs d'Italie, "and I know not how many more were fighting on our side." The armies of Napoleon, who had all the great resources of the French nation devoted to his cause, were full of foreigners; and did those French legions think themselves degraded by this companionship ? Foreign Governments differ from us in two import- ant points,—they keep up large military establishments in time of peace, while we reduce ours to the lowest point ; and they have the power of conscription, so that they make large augmentations to their armies in the shortest possible time. We, wisely and advantageously, because it makes ours an army of infinitely better stuff than an army formed in a different manner, trust to voluntary enlistment. But this ad- vantage is obtained at the sacrifice of time. We go into the labour-market and compete against industry. And if, as it is said, we have an adult male population of six or seven millions capable of bearing arms, of an age and condition fit for military service, they are employed in the various branches of the industry of the country, and every single man must be taken out of the labour-market. The practice of employing foreign troops is a practice consecrated by the example of all former Governments. "Then, we are told, this may be a very good thing, but we should keep it for the end of the war. Now, if ever there was an instance of putting the cart before the horse, this is one. It is at the beginning of a war, when we start with a peace establishment, that this should be done."

It is a misrepresentation of the measure to say that only ten thousand men are asked for. What is asked for is the power of introducing foreign troops into this country. But, by extraordinary confusion of mind, gentle- men opposite say, that "because it is contrary to the constitution that foreign troops should be introduced into this kingdom without the consent of Parliament, therefore it is evidently unconstitutional that they should be introduced with the consent of Parliament. Consequently, according to their argument, this bill, which is a deference to the constitution, is in it- self a violation of the constitution."

Ministers had been asked why the army went to Sebastopol ?—Because it is the heart of the Russian power in that quarter and if we had waited a year longer, the object in view would have been . efeated. If the blow is to be struck, it must be struck effectually ; there must be no inefficient results. There must be continued efforts made at home to send continual reinforce- ments from that national reserve the British Militia, in sufficient number and condition to be useful. But every sort of method must be used which will increase our means. "I should be sorry indeed," he continued, "in the position in which we are now placed, if the Government shrank from proposing, on their responsibility, such means as they thought would enable them to infuse additional vigour in the operations of the war. But, Sir, sorry as I should be to belong to a Government which attempted to evade such a duty, I should be still more sorry to be one of the majonty in a British Par- liament which had refused, under those circumstances, to adopt such a course." (Cheering.) Mr. Disrtazia made a speech of considerable extent, less against the bill than the whole policy of Ministers. Ile described Lord Palmerston as beginning his reply to Lord Stanley with "that airy self-complacency" which "he assumes when he has a very bad cause," and as attempting to carry the bill by "that sort of goodnatured bluster he knows so well how to retail." He said, and reiterated, that the question was not whe- ther the war should be carried on with vigour, but whether the measure proposed by the Government was adequate to the emergency. Lord John Russell had said that England was not a military power, and that her efforts must be chiefly devoted to achievements on the ocean—of course he alluded to the campaign of the Baltic fleet. [Laughter, in which, it is said, Sir Charles Napier, who sat in the Speaker's gallery, joined.] After more taunts of this description, Mr. Disraeli entered into a stu- died argument to show the difference between allies and mercenaries; to show that Englishmen do not object to allies—as "that warlike ally whom we love and esteem,." France, for instance—but that what they object to is " condottien." To show that all great commanders have not approved the expedient of Ministers, be quoted garbled passages from Wellington's despatches ; extracts telling how fourteen of the Brunswick Legion deserted in January 1811, when eleven were caught and two shot ; how in April, writing to Sir Thomas Graham, the Duke attributes the disposition of all foreign troops to desert to the strict- ness of British discipline—desertion being inconvenient "as affording the enemy the only information he can acquire," and how under these cir- cumstances the Duke "was not desirous of increasing the number of foreign troops serving with this army" ; how since the siege of Badajoz commenced 52 of the Chasseurs Britanniques had deserted, and 681 who were suspected had been left at Lisbon ; how all general officers who have foreign troops under their command have the same cause to complain of desertion ; and how he had 6000 or 7000 men who deserted whenever they could. Such were those condottieri, those free lances, engaged in the cheapest market, without political convictions, bought by the highest bidder. Why, it was a member of the Foreign Legion, at least so said the semi-official Constitutionnel, who gave the information which enabled the Russians to surprise the Allies at Inkerman. Would the House now take foreign legions at Lord Palmerston's valuation ? . Mr. Disraeli magnified the generous support which his own party had given to the Government : yet Ministers, under these circumstances," brought forward a paltry measure like this. To say that men could not be had, is, he would not say to consummate the catastrophe, but "to pre- pare events that will fill the country with anxiety." He denied that the House of Commons had resolved to maintain a peace establishment. When, in 1852, even a weak Government, beset by vexatious combina- tion said intrigue, made a serious proposition, was it refused ? The Secretary at War had never had the generosity to admit that "we in- creased the number of our army and the number of our seamen; that we created the Channel fleet, and put our artillery in an efficient state." Great, then, was the responsibility of Ministers who neglected to make preparations when they knew the Emperor of Russia had proposed to

partition Turkey—to take measures which would have prevented " great national calamities, and would have prevented the necessity of calling Parliament together to propose this bill." Ile sneered at Ministers, " those men of superior minds, with the advantage of exclusive informa- tion," yet who averred that the reason why the army went to Sebastopol was because the public insisted that it should ! If that be the state of affairs, why do Ministers exist ? Why are they Ministers ? Why do they, because public opinion calls on them, undertake to achieve that which is rash and to accomplish what is impossible ? But he would not be drawn into a discussion on the conduct of the war.

" I feel persuaded that the time will come when this House will expect that upon the policy of the Government there shall be a full and complete discussion. The country knows now that one of the greatest expeditions ever sent out by the energies of this nation was ordered by her Majesty's Ministers to invade the Crimea and besiege Sebastopol. Since the expedition against Sicily by the Athenians, I do not know that there ever was an expedition from which so much was expected or upon which so much was staked. There is, unhappily, in the commencement of both these expeditions, too much similarity. The schemers were arrogant, boastful, and over-sanguine. There were too many generals in the Sicilian expedition, there was too little ca- valry ; there was a winter campaign, and there was no reserve. When gen- tlemen go into the country in a few days—I understand we are to be absent a month—there may be moments when the battue is exhausted and when there may be a frost. I recommend gentlemen to refresh their memory by turning to the pages of Thucydides. I recommend them to read the de- spatch of Nicias to the Athenian assembly, when he says—' Men of Athens, I know that you do not like to hear the truth ; but understand this—you sent me out to be a besieger, but, lo ! I am besieged.' Now, Sir, we know what was the end of the Sicilian expedition. May that Divine Providence that has watched over the inviolate island of the sage and the free save U8 from a similar conclusion ! But, at least, let us do now what the Athenians did even in their proud despair. They sacrificed to the gods, and appealed to the energies of their countrymen. We are at a moment not, I believe, of equal danger—we are in a situation which I pray may end in triumph, hut still a situation of doubt, of terrible anxiety, even of anguish : we bring in a bill in order to enlist foreign mercenaries to vindicate the fortunes of Englund." (Loud dicers.) Mr. MUNTZ vigorously opposed the bill. He wanted to know why the bounty was not raised; and why application had not been made to the Emperor of the French for men ? He knew that if Members voted as they thought and talked in private, there would not be a majority in fa- vour of the measure. Mr. DEEDES also spoke against the bill.

Lord Josue RUSSELL said that Government did not wish to throw the responsibility of the expedition to the Crimea upon public opinion. But the responsibility of the present measure would not rest upon the Exe- cutive alone. What is the state of affairs ? The House has voted a large number of men, but the men have not been obtained—not less than 20,000 have fallen short of the vote. Many of these recruits are pro- perly called boys ; Lord Raglan has complained that the draughts sent to join the army were too young, and that soon after landing they were obliged to be sent to the hospital, and were not in a fit state for active service. The standard has been lowered and the bounty raised ; but even if the age of enlistment were extended to thirty-five, he doubted whether many men would be added. Had there been ten thousand Germans at Inkerman, so much blood would not have been shed.

Lord John referred to the passages quoted by Mr. Disraeli from the Duke of Wellington's despatches, and showed that he had omitted sen- tences,—one for instance telling how the men of the Brunswick Legion had joined the army only two days previously ; another, saying that the desertion of British troops was unaccountable—" I am not astonished," said the Duke, " that the foreigners desert, because they have for the most part been taken from the prisons." In one place he said, " I wish for three thousand cavalry, either British or German." With respect to the French, the Emperor had said that whatever troops he had ready to go he would send to the Crimea ; they only waited for shipping. But should we therefore make no efforts ? Lord John summed up the advantages gained in the campaign, and asked whether the Emperor of Russia is in a triumphant or a humiliating position. "Sir, the right honourable gentleman gloats over the prospect of disaster ; and he falls to the pages of his Thucydides for the calamities that happened to the Athenian army. I do not envy him his satisfaction. I still trust that the British army will remain to be victorious; that the flags of England and France will float in triumph in the Crimea, and that these two great na- tions, fighting in the cause of the liberties of Europe and of European civiliza- tion, will still triumph over every obstacle that numbers and barbarism can boast."

Colonel Sunionr interposed to pronounce the measure mean, low, cowardly, dirty, unworthy of the Government ; and with the exception of Lord Palmerston, who had the sentiments of an Englishman, "may the Lord have mercy on them !"

The House divided—For Sir Edward Lytton's amendment, 202; against it, 241 ; majority for Ministers, 39.

The bill was read a second time ; and ordered to be committed next day.

On Wednesday, the motion that the Speaker should leave the chair was contested by speeches, until the Speaker rose, according to the rules, at six o'clock. The Members who took part in this talk against time were, Mr. H. T. LIDDELL, Mr. DRUMMOND, Mr. °TWAY, Mr. WarrEsin; Sir WILLIAM VERNER, Mr. NAPIER, Mr. CORDER, Lord CLAAJDE HAMIL- TON, Mr. DA.NBY SEYMOUR, and Admiral WArcorr. On the side of the Government were Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT, Lord JOHN linsse.m., and Mr. Plumes. Mr. Rim, while supporting the bill, made great complaint that all the Members of the Cabinet engaged in the conduct of the war belonged to the same party, [meaning "the Peelites,"] while the brunt of the opposition was borne by Lord Lansdowne in the House of Peers and Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston in the House of Commons. Mr. DRUMMOND described the bill in Newmarket language, as a "dark horse" ; suspected that there was some ulterior purpose concealed in the mystery ; ridiculed the fidelity of troops purchased at a shilling a day; and attacked the Duke of Newcastle for incapacity in providing for the wants of the army. Mr. COBDEN characterized the policy of the Go- vernment as a mendicant policy ; and laughed at the idea of recruiting German emigrants on the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway. The ex- pedition to the Crimea is one of the rashest in our annals ; but as we have sent troops there, we should support them. Not, however, by cut- throats taken from the back slums of Germany and fighting without a moral motive. He explained his "much-abused" threat of "crumpling up" Russia in the sense that he had applied it only to the Bunion navy !

—and had not the Russian navy disappeared ? In no country except the United States is it so difficult to occupy territory permanently as in Rus- sia. He promised to speak on the general conduct and prospects of the war upon the report. Mr. Cotwery continued the debate on Thursday, by a speech in op- peeition to the bill ; stating in strong terms arguments previously em- ployed, Mr. Commie said, he voted for the bill with great reluctance ; but the question was, is it necessary?

The Government, on the one side asserts that it is necessary, and the Opposition, on the other, declares that it is not : he, as an independent Member, thought that the Government must be the best informed on the .miblect, and he could well understand that there might exist cooed reasons, Independent of considerations of loss or retention of office, to induce the Go- vernment to withhold, at present, the information they possess. The Com- mander-in-chief has supported the Government in the House of Lords ; Lord Raglan wrote for this kind of assistance ; and the army would prefer present assistance to promises of support. Whether would toasting of our inex- haustible resources, or two hundred thousand bayonets, damage the Em- peror of Russia most ? When Mr. NEWDEGATE and Mr. Munnouon bad spoken on the Oppo- sition side, Mr DISRAELI said he desired that no mistake should prevail as to the conduct of his side of the House. Every facility had been given to the transaction of public business. He supposed Lord John Russell did not think the measure had been unreasonably discussed, as he had not deprecated discussion. But the House might as well go into Committee then, and take further discussion on the third reading. In this view Lord .Taux Resseax said he concurred ; and the House ac- cordingly went into Committee. The whole of the subsequent discussion arose on the first clause of the bill; and a great variety of questions were put to Ministers, often answered, and often repeated, and answered again by Lord Sone RUSSELL and Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT. These answers were mainly—that there is no provision as to the choice of officers whether they are to be exclusively English or German; that the quar- tering of the troops must be left to the Executive, care being taken to place them where they will excite the least ill-will ; and that they will not he billeted. Mr. HENLEY raised an important question. The German emigrants, having letters of denaturalization, their wives and families will follow them to this country : are they to be maintained out of the national funds, or thrown as chance paupers upon the poor-rates ? Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said that the Government would select men who had

no wives and children ; and where some individual married men are so eligible for enlistment as to be desirable, their families might proceed to the Colonies. Government would consider the question. This answer did not seem satisfactory, for the question was repeated;. and complaints were made that Government to important inquiries only answered, "I don't know."

At length the long talk came to an end, and business proceeded. The House was cleared for a division against clause 1; but no division took place. The other clauses were also agreed to without amendment, and the House resumed.

THE Musrle BILL.

The House qf Commons went into Committee on this bill on Monday. On clause 1, enacting that it should be lawful for her Majesty to accept the services and employ such part of the Militia as it should be deemed advitable to eeapley,,Mr. Besusts moved the addition of the words "net exteediug in an one place three-fourths of the number actually serving in any regrment, battalion, or corps, of any such Militia," By this pro- virtion, public interests would be guarded by keeping at home an effective reserve ; and private feelings would be consulted, became many persons, officers and privates, who could not be spared to go abroad, might remain at home. Lord Persuasive acceded, to the amendment, as it was pro- posed in a spirit of fairness. But he suggested, that Mr. Bankes, in es- timating the three-fourths, should take the establishment of the regiment. This was agreed to, and the clause so amended passed. On clause 2, containing the oath to serve during the war and for six months after the restoration of peace, Lord RA.LMERSTON proposed to sub- stitute, "five years" for the words "during the war."—Agreed. to. In clause 4, words were inserted, on the motion of Mr. FITZROY) to the effect that it should be lawful for her Majesty to accept the services of one field-officer of any regiment of Militia in which three hundred pri- vate men, "or any smaller number, not being less than three-fourths," of the number of private men actually serving MI such regiment,. shall -offer to extend their services under this act.

Colonel Sun-soar moved the omission of clause 7, which enacts that no Militia officer shall rank higher than a Lieutenant-Colonel. Lord PALMERSTON said it would be very inconvenient in garrisons if Militia. regiments were commanded by full Colonels while regiments of the Line are commanded by Lieutenant-Colonels. "What position then am I to occupy ? " asked Colonel Surrumee. Lord PALMEESTON said, that the gallant Colonel would no doubt distinguish himself in the field ; but he must be conscious that the exercise of his influence in his own circle at home would be attended with greater public advantages than any efforts he might make abroad. "Then I shall give notice to move that the ea- lanes of the noble Lord and his colleagues be reduced," retorted the Colonel. The amendment was negatived ; and the clause was agreed to.

Clauses 10 and 16 were omitted. On the motion of Mr. Frrzeov a clause was inserted making subalteres of the Militia, of five years' stand- lag, eligible to the rank of Captain without property qualification. The preamble was agreed to; and the report received.

The Duke of NEWCASTLE moved the second reading on Thursday ; -and entered into full explanations, not materially differing from those previously made. With a view to operations in the spring, it is desirable that the regiments now in garrison in the Mediterranean should be sent on to the Crimea, and their places taken by the Militia regiments which would be sent out under the bill. There is no difficulty in getting regiments to volunteer for this service ; the offers have been more nume- rous than the necessities of the public service require. No regiment will be taken out unless by its own consent, and every regiment will volunteer for particular garrisons. The Duke described the steps taken to en- courage recruiting,—as the remission of the repayment of the enrolment- fee to the Militia volunteers, and the payment to them of ten shillings and subsequently of one pound bounty, on a transfer of services to the re- gular army. A demand of 25 per cent has been made upon the embodied regiments, now sixty-three in number; of which, however, only eighteen had been embodied previously to November 25; nine Irish regiments are

now embodied, and the whole of the Militia which will be ripe for em- bodiment will be called out without material delay. The standard has been reduced to five feet four inches; the bounty has been increased ; the age up to which recruits can be received has been extended. to thirty years; and soldiers who have obtained their discharge by purchase may reenter the service up to thirty-five years. The effect of these measures cannot be exactly stated. The source whence the most material increase to the regular army has been obtained has been the Militia, from whom 25 per cent was demanded. Last session the House of Commons voted 40,000 men ; but the number of recruits necessary to fill up casualties would increase it to 60,000 men. That number has not been obtained. Whatever numbers be obtained by recruiting from the Militia, they will not be adequate to the demand, and will be no substitute for enlistments from the population ; to which he hoped their Lordships and the public at large will give every encouragement

Opposition to the measure was offered by the Earl of DERBY, Earl GREY, and the Earl of ELLENBOROUGH. The argument pressed by each was, that the Militia is a force intended for home defence ; that many officers and privates entered the regiments believing they would not be sent out of the country ; that many of them would be ruined if they were sent ; and that it is unfair to place upon them the moral screw of this bill. It was also argued,. that practically the bill does not limit the power of sending these regiments to the garrisons, but that if the regiment consents to go to the Crimea, in can be sent. The hill is not the best means of reinforcing the Army : the best means would be, to embody the whole of the Militia, and then to give every facility for recruiting. Be- sides, it changes the whole character of the Militia service : all men who cannot adopt military life as a profession will be driven out of it; and the officers who remain will be inferior to those required on active service.

These arguments were met by Earl GRANVILLE and the Duke of ARGYLE; after which the House went into Committee.

The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH proposed amendments—on clause 1, to limit the number sent abroad to three-fourths actually serving; on clause 5, to provide that the whole number should in no case exceed. 15,000: both of which were negatived. All the clauses being agreed to, the report was received.


On presenting a petition to the House of Peers, before the debate of Monday evening began, Lord Baouenesi took occasion to deliver a short but impressive speech on the war, to the fallowing.effect

"I hope pin Lordships will suffer ma on this °melon to express my re- gret at having been unavoidably absent at the opening of the session : not that there was any reason to apprehend a struggle in.Parliansent upon the great matters which caused its assembly, unless it were the struggle who should render most effectual assistance to the Government in carrying on the war, there being in every quarter an entire abnegation of all factious views and feelings: nor that it was necessary to. join, my voice with more eloquent tongues in the chorus chanted to the immortal glories, of the Allied arms, or to mingle my tears with those which, unhappily, bedewed their laurels. It is indeed a bitter cup of. which we. have now ta taste, when at the close of. a long, life, devoted, *wording to the measure of miehumble means, to the cause of peace, the furtherance of improvement in knowledge and in freedom, in all.tlaat constitutes civility and refinement, I find.the world plunged in. war such as_has never before been waged—the war of enlightened government against. beni,giited despotism—of civilisation itself against bar- barism--barbaxism_ arraed with the weapens.which. civilization puts into its hands, and with the superadded, the unhallowedforce, that it derives from a.sa- vage nature's execrable resources, to which its humaner antagonists would blush and shudder to resort. That in this conflict the right may prevail and ourarms be crowned with victory., all good men, all rational men, must pray- and. the happy union. which_ tines the Western Powers together is the beg earnest of it. But would fain be permitted to remark the unrefteeting in- jwitice with which, in our anxious desire of success, we are apt to regard another, great power, Austria; forgetting how very different is her position and ours in relation to the common enemy. She touches an his territory, is in part surrounded by it, while we have all Europe between. Yet let me add, that the combat ia now raging at our cost for her even, more than, for ourselves ; that the contest is not more for the Ottoman than for the Aus- trian empire • that if it end unfavourably, our Ottoman ally will'be less injured than our Austrian by the reverse of fortune. To is-ard off so fatal a result from her by all means, is the most imperative duty which- Austria owes to her own states.: and let me further say, she is grievously, most grievously deceived, if she imagines that any effort sh e.may make to insure the Buenas of the Allied arms, can possibly increase the hatred of her felt by Russia, or quicken the desire of vengeance for what Austria.bas already done. With her aid, or without it, we_ may look for a successful_ result of the preseet operations : and then let us hope that he who broke the blessed peace of thirty-nine years with which Providence had crowned- the efforts of the Allies in twenty years of war—he who had once earned- so high a character, probably for moderation, possibly for self-denial; certainly as the enemy of anarchy and the defender of order—a character of later time, I will not say forfeited but in abeyance, not confiscated but sequestered—may be disposed to regain the possession of it, as he easily may, for the honour of his arms, in .a military view, is untarnished; and he. may came the past to be for- gotten by once more listening to counsels of justice and moderation, and allowing the peace of the world, which he broke,,to be restored."


During the debate on the Militia Bill, Lord DERBY made some state- ments and put some questions with regain:Ito the strictneas of the blockade in the Baltic and the Black Sea. Earl GRANVILLE explained, that some of the Northern Russian ports, as Archangel, had not been blockaded, because almost all the goods about to be exported belonged to French and British merchants. In the Black Sea, after much consultation, the Admirals agreed to a plan for watching the entrance to the Beephon= ; but that was found to be an infringement of international law, and new arrangements had to be made. This took time-, and then came the ex- pedition to the Crimes, during which the Admiral's had not the material means of enforcing a strict blockade. But two months ago they were ordered to enforce the blockade with the greatest possible strictness, and to harass the enemy in every way. He could not tell whether ammunition and two Russian Princes had been sent from Odessa by sea to the Crimea ; but it would seem to be perfectly impossible, as- lbw or five ships have been constantly cruising in.front of Odessa.

BALAMLAVA Hennome The Earl of HAR.DIVICHR, in asking who is the responsible officer. a Balaclava, described the state of that harbour fromthe newspapers, end declared that if the regulations of the port hadbeen what they ought .to have. been,. even the Prince might have beep saved. Order al4ratra*-% tiey ought to be secured. The Duke of NEWCASTLE explained, that up to the 17th October Sir Felinund.Lyons was the responsible officer, and sub- sequently Captain Dacres and Captain Drummond. Admiral Boxer has been ordered from the Bosphorus to undertake the duties at Balaklava ; and Admiral Stopford will succeed him in the Bosphorus. According to the statement made in the newspapers, there appears to be a want of or- ganization at the port of Balaklava; and Lord Raglan will be called upon to make inquiry into this alleged gross neglect.

In reply to Lord ELLENBOBOUGH, the Duke of NawessTrm said that every ship carries assorted stores ; that the Prince was an instance of this, as she carried a regiment, ammunition, warm clothing, and medical stores. Th whole of the warm clothing was not carried by the Prince : various ships have since arrived with warm clothing; and every ship leaving the country carries some. The medical stores were unfortunately placed at the bottom of the Prince's hold; but if these enormous ships do not load at one port,, there is great difficulty in arranging the cargo.


Mr. BERESPORD moved for leave to bring in a bill to exempt the pro- perty of officers who have fallen or may fall in the present campaign from the payment of Succession-duty and Legacy-duty. Mr. GLADSTONR re- sisted the motion : because it is the prerogative of the Crown to devise rewards for the army ; and the boon if granted would work with gross inequality as regards the men. Motion withdrawn.


In both Houses, on Monday, an omission of three names was supplied, —those of Major-General Estcourt, Major-General Airey, and Rear-Ad- miral Stopford.


In reply to the Duke of Gaarros, the Earl of ABERDEEN said that he did not think he was at this moment called upon to advise her Majesty to order a special form of grayer and thanksgiving for the Divine protection accorded to our armies, as there is one already provided in the Liturgy of the Church.


Admiral WaLcorr inquired on what ground an exchange had been ef- fected with the King of Prussia of her Majesty's frigate Thetis for two Prussian gun-boats ?

Sir Jesnea Gitewast stated the facts. In June last, the Prussian Go- vernment proposed to exchange two gun-boats, built by Mr. Scott Rus- sell, for two old corvettes. Me. Russell went to Dantzic and inspected the gun-boats and reported favourably ; and Government intimated that they had no objection to the exchange. But it was not till September that the Prussian Government acceded to a proposal to take an old frigate instead of two corvettes. In September there was no great anxiety to effect the exchange, because the vessels would not be applicable for Baltic service during this year;. but the Prussian Govern- ment intimated that they thought the honour of the British Government was pledged to the exchange ; and it was not thought desirable on our part to involve the question in a difficuky of- thatkind. If, therefore, the two gun- boats were sent from the Prussian Government before the close of the pre- sent year, the change would be effected.

Putting a- similar question, in the House of Lords, and receiving a similar reply, the Earl of HARDWICKB said, the Thetis is not an "old" ship, but a superior frigate, launched in 184d; and he suggested that Sir James Graham-shonld pay the difference between its worth, and that of the gun-boats.


On the order of the day for going into Committee on the Consoli- dated Fund Acts, Mr. HENLEY objected to bringing forward the question of savings-banks at such a time. Mr. GiansTorre said it was necessary as a matter of formto pass a-resolution in Committee, as he wished to,bring in a bill, in order that Memberamight have the opportunity of consider- ing it during the recess. In Committee, he explained that the object of the bill was one of regulation,--namely, to place the contract between the State and the savings-bank depositors on the same footing as that of bankers ; so that every man might know what he had given and what he had a right to—in. fact, to place him in the state of a depositor with the public. An advantage will be gained by the substitution of a simple charge on the Consolidated Fund for the great mass of stook and public securities. The resolution was adopted.

Birts or Exams:eon.

Lord Bliotreetam presented a bill for assimilating the laws of England and Scotland relating to bills of exchange ; a measure similar to one which last session, passed the House of Lords. It was now read a first time.