Hindu nationalism

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Hindutva (meaning "Hinduness"), a term popularised by Hindu nationalist Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in 1923, is the predominant form of Hindu nationalism in India. Hindutva is championed by right-wing Hindu nationalist volunteer organisation Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), widely regarded as the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party's parent organisation, along with its affiliate organisations, notably the Vishva Hindu Parishad.


Gorkhali Hindu nationalism and practices 17th - 18th century

Hinduisation policy of Gorkhali monarch

Maharajadhiraja Prithvi Narayan Shah (1723-1775), King of Nepal, he propagated the ideals of Hindu text Dharmashastra as ruling ideology

Maharajadhiraja Prithvi Narayan Shah self proclaimed the newly unified Kingdom of Nepal as Asal Hindustan ("Real Land of Hindus") due to North India being ruled by the Islamic Mughal rulers. The self proclamation was done to enforce Hindu social code Dharmaśāstra over his reign and refer to his country as being inhabitable for Hindus. He also referred to the rest of Northern India as Mughlan (Country of Mughals) and called the region infiltrated by Muslim foreigners.[7] After the Gorkhali conquest of the Kathmandu valley, King Prithvi Narayan Shah expelled the Christian Capuchin missionaries from Patan and renamed Nepal as Asil Hindustan (pure land of Hindus).[8] The Tagadharis enjoyed a privileged status in the Nepalese capital and greater access to the authorities following these events.[9][10] Subsequently, Hinduisation became the main policy of the Kingdom of Nepal.[8] Prof. Harka Gurung speculates that the presence of Islamic Mughal rule and Christian British rule in India compelled the foundation of Brahmin Orthodoxy in Nepal for the purpose building a haven for Hindus in the Kingdom of Nepal.[8]

Ideals of Bharadari government

The policies of the old Bharadari governments of Gorkha Kingdom were derived from ancient Hindu texts as Dharmashastra and Manusmriti.[11] The King was considered as an incarnation of Lord Vishnu and was the chief authority over legislative, judiciary and executive functions.[11] The judiciary functions were decided on the principles of Hindu Dharma codes of conduct.[11] The king had full rights to expel any person who offended the country and also pardon the offenders and grant return to the country.[11] The government on practicality was not an absolute monarchy due to the dominance of Nepalese political clans making the Shah monarch a puppet ruler.[11] These basic Hindu templates provide the evidence that Nepal was administered as a Hindu state.

Hindu civil code and legal regulations

Jung Bahadur Kunwar Rana commissioned the first civil code Muluki Ain in 1854 A.D. based on traditional Hindu law and prioritized Tagadhari castes before Matwalis and Dalits

The Nepali civil code, Muluki Ain, was commissioned by Jung Bahadur Rana after his European tour and enacted in 1854. It was rooted in traditional Hindu Law and codified social practices for several centuries in Nepal.[12] The law also comprised Prāyaścitta (avoidance and removal of sin) and Ācāra (the customary law of different castes and communities). It was an attempt to include the entire Hindu as well as the non-Hindu population of Nepal of that time into a single hierarchic civic code from the perspective of the Khas rulers.[13][14] The Nepalese jati arrangement in terms of Hindu varna takes the Tagadhari to be the highest in the hierarchy.[15] The ethnolinguistic group of people of Tamang, Sherpa and Tharu origin were tagged under the title Matwali ("Liquor Drinkers"), while those of Khas, Newari and Terai origin were termed Tagadhari ("Wearers of the Sacred Thread").[15] The Tagadhari castes could not be enslaved following any criminal punishment unless they had been expelled from the caste.[16] The main broad caste categories in Nepal are Tagadharis (sacred thread bearers), Matwalis (liquor drinkers) and Dalits (or untouchables).[17][18][19]

Modern age and the Hindu Renaissance in the 19th Century

Many Hindu reform movements originated in the nineteenth century. These movements led to the fresh interpretations of the ancient scriptures of Upanishads and Vedanta and also emphasised on social reform.[5] The marked feature of these movements was that they countered the notion of western superiority and white supremacy propounded by the British colonizers as a justification for the UK's colonialism in India. This led to the upsurge of patriotic ideas that formed the cultural and an ideological basis for the independence movement in India.[3]

Brahmo Samaj


Arya Samaj

Maharishi Dayananda Saraswati, founder of the Arya Samaj, on a 1962 stamp of India.

Arya Samaj is considered one of the overarching Hindu renaissance movements of the late nineteenth century. Swami Dayananda, the founder of Arya Samaj, rejected idolatry, caste restriction and untouchability, child marriage and advocated equal status and opportunities for women. He opposed "Brahmanism" (which he believed had led to the corruption of the knowledge of Vedas) as much as he opposed Christianity and Islam.[5] Although Arya Samaj was often considered as a social movement, many revolutionaries and political leaders of the Indian Independence movement like Ramprasad Bismil,[22] Bhagat Singh, Shyamji Krishnavarma, Bhai Paramanand and Lala Lajpat Rai were to be inspired by it.[23]

Swami Vivekananda

Another 19th-century Hindu reformer was Swami Vivekananda. Vivekananda as a student was educated in contemporary Western thought.[3] He joined Brahmo Samaj briefly before meeting Ramakrishna, who was a priest in the temple of the goddess Kali in Calcutta and who was to become his guru.[3] Under the influence of Orientalism, Perennialism and Universalism, Vivekananda re-interpreted Advaita Vedanta, presenting it as the essence of Hindu spirituality, and the development of human's religiosity.[24] This project started with Ram Mohan Roy of Brahmo Samaj, who collaborated with the Unitarian Church, and propagated a strict monotheism.[24] This reinterpretation produced neo-Vedanta, in which Advaita Vedanta was combined with disciplines such as yoga and the concept of social service[24] to attain perfection from the ascetic traditions in what Vivekananda called the "practical Vedanta". The practical side essentially included participation in social reform.[3]

He made Hindu spirituality, intellectually available to the Westernized audience. His famous speech at the Parliament of the World's Religions at Chicago on 11 September 1893, followed huge reception of his thought in the West and made him a well-known figure in the West and subsequently in India too.[3] His influence can still be recognised in popular western spirituality, such as nondualism, New Age and the veneration of Ramana Maharshi.

A major element of Vivekananda's message was nationalist. He saw his effort very much in terms of a revitalisation of the Hindu nation, which carried Hindu spirituality and which could counter Western materialism. The notions of white supremacy and Western superiority, strongly believed by the British colonizers, were to be questioned based on Hindu spirituality. This kind of spiritual Hinduism was later carried forward by Mahatma Gandhi and Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan. It also became a main inspiration for Hindu nationalism today.[3] One of the most revered leaders of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Babasaheb Apte's lifelong pet sentence was "Vivekananda is like Gita for the RSS." Some historians have observed that this helped the nascent Independence movement with a distinct national identity and kept it from being the simple derivative function of European nationalisms.[2]

Shaping of Hindu Polity & Nationalism in the 20th century

Sri Aurobindo


Sri Aurobindo was a nationalist and one of the first to embrace the idea of complete political independence for India. He was inspired by the writings of Swami Vivekananda and the novels of Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay.[25] He “based his claim for freedom for India on the inherent right to freedom, not on any charge of misgovernment or oppression”. He believed that the primary requisite for national progress, national reform, is the free habit of free and healthy national thought and action and that it was impossible in a state of servitude.[26] He was part of the revolutionary group Anushilan Samiti and was involved in armed struggle against the British.[27] In his brief political career spanning only four years, he led a delegation from Bengal to the Indian National Congress session of 1907[26] and contributed to the revolutionary newspaper Bande Mataram.





In 1910, he withdrew from political life and spent his remaining life doing spiritual exercises and writing.[25] But his works kept inspiring revolutionaries and struggles for independence, including the famous Chittagong Uprising.[28] Both Swami Vivekananda and Sri Aurobindo are credited with having founded the basis for a vision of freedom and glory for India in the spirituality and heritage of Hinduism.

Independence movement


Revolutionary movements

Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar

Anushilan Samiti was one of the prominent revolutionary movements in India in the early part of the twentieth century. It was started as a cultural society in 1902, by Aurobindo and the followers of Bankim Chandra to propagate the teachings of the Bhagavad Gita. But soon the Samiti had its goal to overthrow the British rule in India.[4] Various branches of the Samiti sprung across India in the guise of suburban fitness clubs but secretly imparted arms training to its members with the implicit aim of using them against the British administration.[29]


In 1910, when, Aurobindo withdrew from political life and decided to live a life of renounciate,[25] the Anushilan Samiti declined. One of the revolutionaries, Bagha Jatin, who managed to escape the trial started a group which would be called Jugantar. Jugantar continued with its armed struggle with the British, but the arrests of its key members and subsequent trials weakened its influence. Many of its members were imprisoned for life in the notorious Andaman Cellular jail.[30]

India House

A revolutionary movement was started by Shyamji Krishnavarma, a Sanskritist and an Arya Samajist, in London, under the name of India House in 1905. The brain behind this movement was said to be V D Savarkar. Krishnaverma also published a monthly "Indian Sociologist", where the idea of an armed struggle against the British was openly espoused.[31] The movement had become well known for its activities in the Indian expatriates in London. When Gandhi visited London in 1909, he shared a platform with the revolutionaries where both the parties politely agreed to disagree, on the question of violent struggle against British and whether Ramayana justified such violence. Gandhi, while admiring the "patriotism" of the young revolutionaries, had "dissented vociferously" from their "violent blueprints" for social change. In turn, the revolutionaries disliked his adherence to constitutionalism and his close contacts with moderate leaders of Indian National Congress. Moreover, they considered his method of "passive resistance" effeminate and humiliating.[32]

The India House had soon to face closure following the assassination of William Hutt Curzon Wyllie by the revolutionary Madan Lal Dhingra, who was close to India House. Veer Savarkar also faced charges and was transported. Shyamji Krishna Varma fled to Paris.[31] India House gave formative support to ideas that were later formulated by Savarkar in his book named 'Hindutva'. Hindutva was to gain relevance in the run-up to the Indian Independence and form the core ideology of the political party Hindu Mahasabha, of which Savarkar became President in 1937. It also formed the key ideology, under the euphemistic relabelling Rashtriyatva (nationalism), for the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh founded in 1925,[33] and of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (the present-day ruling Bharatiya Janata Party) under another euphemistic relabelling Bharatiyata (Indianness).[34]

Indian National Congress

A rare photograph of Lala Lajpat Rai of Punjab, Bal Gangadhar Tilak of Maharashtra, and Bipin Chandra Pal of Bengal, the triumvirate were popularly known as Lal Bal Pal, who changed the political discourse of the Indian independence movement.


Lala Lajpat Rai belonged to the northern province of Punjab. He was influenced greatly by the Arya Samaj and was part of the Hindu reform movement.[5] He joined the Indian National Congress in 1888 and became a prominent figure in the Indian Independence Movement.[35] He started numerous educational institutions. The National College at Lahore started by him became the centre for revolutionary ideas and was the college where revolutionaries like Bhagat Singh studied.[36] While leading a procession against the Simon Commission, he was fatally injured in the lathi charge by the British police. His death led the revolutionaries like Chandrashekar Azad and Bhagat Singh to kill the British officer J. P. Saunders, who they believed was responsible for the death of Lala Lajpat Rai.[35]

Bal Gangadhar Tilak was a nationalist leader from the Central Indian province of Maharashtra. He has been widely acclaimed the "Father of Indian unrest" who used the press and Hindu occasions like Ganesh Chaturthi and symbols like the Cow to create unrest against the British administration in India.[37] Tilak joined the Indian National Congress in 1890. Under the influence of such leaders, the political discourse of the Congress moved from polite accusation that imperial rule was "un-British" to the forthright claim of Tilak that "Swaraj is my birthright and I will have it".[38]


Gandhi and Ramarajya


Madan Mohan Malviya

Madan Mohan Malviya, an educationist and a politician with the Indian National Congress was also a vociferous proponent of the philosophy of Bhagavad Gita. He was the president of the Indian National Congress in the year 1909 and 1918.[6] He was seen as a 'moderate' in the Congress and was also considered very close to Gandhi. He popularized the Sanskrit phrase "Satyameva Jayate" (Truth alone triumphs), from the Mundaka Upanishad, which today is the national motto of the Republic of India.[43] He founded the Benaras Hindu University in 1919 and became its first Vice-Chancellor.[44]

Subhas Chandra Bose

Apart from Gandhi, revolutionary leader Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose referred to Vedanta and the Bhagavad Gita as sources of inspiration for the struggle against the British.[4] Swami Vivekananda's teachings on universalism, his nationalist thoughts and his emphasis on social service and reform had all inspired Subhas Chandra Bose from his very young days. The fresh interpretation of India's ancient scriptures appealed immensely to Subhas.[45] Hindu spirituality formed the essential part of his political and social thought through his adult life, although there was no sense of bigotry or orthodoxy in it.[46] Subhas who called himself a socialist, believed that socialism in India owed its origins to Swami Vivekananda.[47] As historian Leonard Gordan explains "Inner religious explorations continued to be a part of his adult life. This set him apart from the slowly growing number of atheistic socialists and communists who dotted the Indian landscape." "Hinduism was an essential part of his Indianess".[48] His strategy against the British also included the use of Hindu symbols and festivals. In 1925, while in Mandalay jail, he went on a hunger strike when Durga puja was not supported by prison authorities.[49]

Keshav Baliram Hedgewar

Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, the founding Sarsanghachalak (or "Supreme Leader"[50]) of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.

Another leader of prime importance in the ascent of Hindu nationalism was Keshav Baliram Hedgewar of Nagpur. Hedgewar as a medical student in Calcutta had been part of the revolutionary activities of the Hindu Mahasabha, Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar.[51] He was charged with sedition in 1921 by the British Administration and served a year in prison. He was briefly a member of Indian National Congress.[51] In 1925, he left the Congress to form the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) with the help of Hindu Mahasabha Leader B. S. Moonje, Bapuji Soni, Gatate Ji etc., which would become the focal point of Hindu movements in Independent India. After the formation of the RSS too, Hedgewar was to take part in the Indian National Congress-led movements against the British rule.[52] He joined the Jungle Satyagraha agitation in 1931 and served a second term in prison.[51] The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh started by him became one of the most prominent Hindu organisation with its influence ranging in the social and political spheres of India. The RSS portrayed itself as a social movement rather than a political party, and did not play central role many of the Indian independence movement.[53][54] However, the RSS emphatically rejected the Congress policy of cooperation with the Muslims.[53] Subsequently, in 1934, the Congress banned its members from joining RSS, Hindu Mahasabha or Muslim League.[54] He died in 1940.

After M. S. Golwalkar became head of RSS in 1940. RSS didn't take part in many anti-British activities, as Golwalkar did not want to give the British any excuse to ban the RSS.[55] After the Muslim League passed the Lahore Resolution demanding a separate Pakistan, the RSS campaigned for a Hindu nation, but stayed away from the independence struggle. When the British Government banned military drills and use of uniforms in non-official organizations, Golwalkar terminated the RSS military department.[55] A number of RSS members had joined the Quit India Movement[56] but not the naval revolt.[52][57]

Partition of India

The Partition of India outraged many majority Hindu nationalist politicians and social groups.[58] Savarkar and members of the Hindu Mahasabha were extremely critical of Mahatma Gandhi's leadership.[59] They accused him of appeasing the Muslims.[60] Some Hindu nationalists also blamed Gandhi for conceding Pakistan to the Muslim League via appeasement.[61] Also, they were further inflamed when Gandhi conducted a fast-unto-death for the Indian government to give Rs. 550 million which were due to the Pakistan government, but were being held back due to the Indo-Pakistani War of 1947.[62]


Bengali Hindu Homeland Movement


Post-independence movements

Somnath temple movement

Somnath temple ruins, 1869.
Sardar Patel ordered Somnath temple reconstructed in 1948.

The Somnath temple is an ancient temple at Prabhas Patan in the coastal Indian province of Gujarat, which had been destroyed several times by the foreign invaders, starting with Mahmud Ghaznavi in 1025 AD. The last of such destructions took place in 1706 AD when Prince Mohammad Azam carried out the orders of Mughal ruler Aurangzeb to destroy the temple of Somnath beyond possible repair. A small mosque was put in its place.[64]

Before Independence, Prabhas Patan where Somnath is located was part of the Junagadh State, ruled by the Nawab of Junagadh. On the eve of Independence, the Nawab announced the accession of Junagadh, which had over 80% Hindu population, to Pakistan. The people of Junagadh rose in revolt and set up a parallel government under Gandhian leader and independence fighter, Samaldas Gandhi. The Nawab, unable to resist the popular pressure, bowed out and escaped to Pakistan. The provincial government under Samaldas Gandhi formally asked Government of India to take over.[65] The Deputy Prime Minister of India, Sardar Patel came to Junagadh on 12 November 1947 to direct the occupation of the state by the Indian army and at the same time ordered the reconstruction of the Somnath temple.[66]


The ruins were pulled down in October 1950 and the mosque was moved to a different location. In May 1951, Rajendra Prasad, the first President of the Republic of India, invited by K. M. Munshi, performed the installation ceremony for the temple.[68] Rajendra Prasad said in his address, "It is my view that the reconstruction of the Somnath Temple will be complete on that day when not only a magnificent edifice will arise on this foundation, but the mansion of India's prosperity will be really that prosperity of which the ancient temple of Somnath was a symbol."[69] He added: "The Somnath temple signifies that the power of reconstruction is always greater than the power of destruction."[69]

This episode created a rift between the President and the then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who was afraid that the reconstruction of the temple might be an attempt at "Hindu revivalism", a claim that was spread by a "whispering campaign" at that time. Nehru was not in favour of the president Rajendra Prasad and Union Minister K. M. Munshi attending the ceremony, as he felt that a secular state must not associate itself with religious rituals.[70][71]

The emergence of the Sangh Parivar


The 1960s saw the volunteers of the RSS join the different social and political movements. Movements that saw a large presence of volunteers included the Bhoodan, a land reform movement led by prominent Gandhian Vinoba Bhave[72] and the Sarvodaya led by another Gandhian Jayaprakash Narayan.[73] RSS supported trade union, the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh and political party Bharatiya Jana Sangh also grew into considerable prominence by the end of the decade.



Ayodhya dispute

The Ayodhya dispute (Hindi: अयोध्या विवाद, Urdu: ایودھیا وِواد‎, Bengali: অযোধ্যা বিবাদ) is a political, historical and socio-religious debate in India, centred on a plot of land in the city of Ayodhya, located in Ayodhya district, Uttar Pradesh. The main issues revolve around access to a site traditionally regarded as the birthplace of the Hindu deity Rama, the history and location of the Babri Mosque at the site, and whether a previous Hindu temple was demolished or modified to create the mosque.

Bengali Hindu homeland


Panun Kashmir


Ghar Wapsi

Ghar Wapsi (Hindi: घर वापसी, meaning "Home Coming") is a series of re-conversion exercises organised by Vishva Hindu Parishad and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh to re-convert non-Hindus to Hinduism.[75][76][77] The Indian Express reported that Scheduled Caste Manjhi families demanded better facilities along with education and healthcare before they reconverted.[78]

Bahu Lao, Beti Bachao

Bahu Lao, Beti Bachao is a campaign by Bajrang Dal to encourage young Hindu men to marry non-Hindu girls and to create awareness among Hindu girls about Love Jihad.[79][80][81] The movement has been successful in West Bengal.[82][83][84]

Evolution of ideological terminology


Hindutva and Hindu Rashtra


Veer Savarkar, formulator of the Hindutva philosophy, on a 1970 stamp of India.

Savarkar was one of the first in the twentieth century to attempt a definitive description of the term "Hindu" in terms of what he called Hindutva meaning Hinduness.[86] The coinage of the term "Hindutva" was an attempt by Savarkar who was an atheist and a rationalist, to de-link it from any religious connotations that had become attached to it. He defined the word Hindu as: "He who considers India as both his Fatherland and Holyland". He thus defined Hindutva ("Hindu-ness") or Hindu as different from Hinduism.[86] This definition kept the Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity and Islam) outside its ambit and considered only native religious denominations as Hindu.[87]


Savarkar, also defined the concept of Hindu Rashtra (translated as "Hindu polity").[88] The concept of Hindu Polity called for the protection of Hindu people and their culture and emphasised that political and economic systems should be based on native thought rather than on the concepts borrowed from the West.


Syama Prasad Mukherjee, who founded Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Jana Sangh, on a 1978 stamp of India.






Portrait of Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, the second Sarsanghchalak (or, "Supreme Leader") of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.




He added:






After the assassination of Gandhi, Golwalkar and Hindu Mahasabha's senior leaders such as Shyama Prasad Mukharji founded a new political party as Jan-Sangh,[92] many of Hindu Mahasabha members joined Jan-Sangh.

Deendayal Upadhyaya


Contemporary descriptions




See also



  1. ^ Jain, Girilal (1994). The Hindu Phenomenon. New Delhi: UBS Publishers' Distributors. ISBN 978-81-86112-32-8.
  2. ^ a b Chatterjee Partha (1986)
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h Bhatt, Chetan, Hindu Nationalism: Origins, Ideologies and Modern Myths, Berg Publishers (2001), ISBN 978-1-85973-348-6.
  7. ^ Acharya, Baburam, Naraharinath, Yogi (2014). Badamaharaj Prithivi Narayan Shah ko Divya Upadesh (2014 Reprint ed.). Kathmandu: Shree Krishna Acharya. pp. 4, 5. ISBN 978-99933-912-1-0.
  8. ^ a b c https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/OPSA/article/download/1133/1558 Harka Gurung; The Dalit context
  9. ^ Dharam Vir 1988, p. 65.
  10. ^ Borgström 1980, p. 11.
  11. ^ a b c d e Pradhan 2012, p. 7.
  12. ^ Stiller, L. F. (1993). Nepal: Growth of a Nation. Human Resources Development Research Center, Kathmandu.
  13. ^ Hofer, Andras (1979). The Caste Hierarchy and the State of Nepal: A Study of the Muluki Ain of 1854. Universitatsverlag Wagner.
  14. ^ Guneratne, Arjun (2002). Many Tongues, One People: The Making of Tharu Identity in Nepal. Cornell University Press. ISBN 9780801487286.
  15. ^ a b Skinner, Pach III & Holland 1998, p. 293.
  16. ^ Dharam Vir 1988, pp. 57-58.
  17. ^ Kara 2012, p. 275.
  18. ^ Dharam Vir 1988, p. 55.
  19. ^ Stone 1988, p. 9.
  24. ^ a b c King 2002.
  26. ^ a b Peter Heehs, Religious nationalism and beyond, August 2004
  34. ^ Graham 1968, pp. 350-352.
  35. ^ a b Lajpat Rai, Bal Ram Nanda, The Collected Works of Lala Lajpat Rai, Published by Manohar, 2005, ISBN 978-81-7304-660-5
  38. ^ Gail Omvedt, Reinventing Revolution: New Social Movements and the Socialist Tradition in India, Published by M. E. Sharpe, 1993
  40. ^ Harijan, 2 January 1937
  41. ^ Young India, 19 September 1929
  42. ^ Harijan 19 October 1947
  43. ^ "Advisory related to the display of complete State Emblem of India with the motto 'Satyameva Jayate'-Truth alone triumphs-written in Devanagari script bthe profile of the Lion Capital.elow | Ministry of Home Affairs | GoI". mha.gov.in. Retrieved 20 September 2019.
  48. ^ Leonard A. Gordon, Brothers Against The Raj: A Biography of Indian Nationalist Leaders Sarat and Subhas Chandra Bose, Published by Columbia University Press, 1990
  50. ^ Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalist Movement 1996, p. 39.
  58. ^ "Postcolonial Studies – Since 1996, Deepika Bahri has created and maintained content for Postcolonial Studies @ Emory with her students. In 2011, she won a Mellon grant from Emory's Digital Scholarship Commons (DiSC) to redesign the site in collaboration with the DiSC staff". www.english.emory.edu.
  59. ^ "Partition of India by Anjali Gupta". Archived from the original on 13 December 2010. Retrieved 31 August 2009.
  60. ^ "The 1947 Partition of India: A Paradigm for Pathological Politics in India and Pakistan". www.sacw.net.
  61. ^ "The Partition of India". www.kamat.com.
  62. ^ "Gandhi and India 1919-1933". san.beck.org.
  66. ^ Hindustan Times, 15 November 1947
  70. ^ "The Hindu : Somnath project". www.thehindu.com. Retrieved 4 May 2017.
  71. ^ IANS (2 December 2015). "Rajendra Prasad was no rubberstamp head of state (First President's birth anniversary is on Dec 3)". Business Standard India. Retrieved 4 May 2017.
  75. ^ "Ghar Wapsi continues in Kerala; 58 more embrace Hinduism". Rediff News (December 25, 2014). 25 December 2014. Retrieved 29 December 2014.
  76. ^ "'Ghar wapsi' only way to end terror says BJP leader". Hindustan Times. 25 December 2014. Archived from the original on 29 December 2014. Retrieved 29 December 2014.
  77. ^ [1] Archived 27 December 2014 at the Wayback Machine
  78. ^ "Education, healthcare before ghar wapsi". The Indian Express. 26 December 2014. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
  79. ^ "Bajrang Dal to launch 'bahu laao, beti bachao' in February - Times of India".
  80. ^ "Bahu lao, beti bachao: Bajrang Dal launches its version of 'love jihad' - Firstpost". www.firstpost.com.
  81. ^ "Bajrang Dal to launch 'Bahu Lao, Beti Bachao' campaign to counter 'Love Jihad': Report". 27 December 2014.
  82. ^ "'Love jihad' gets a Bengal reply: Bahu lao, Beti bachao, 'purify' Muslim brides". 12 March 2015.
  83. ^ "After 'ghar wapsi' & 'love jihad', Hindu radical groups start 'Bahu lao, Beti bachao' programme in Bengal | India TV News". 13 March 2015.
  87. ^ Elst, Koenraad (2005). Decolonizing the Hindu mind. India: Rupa. p. 21. ISBN 978-81-7167-519-7.
  89. ^ Bhave, Y.G (1 January 1995). The first prime minister of India By Y. G. Bhave. p. 49. ISBN 9788172110611.
  91. ^ a b MS Golwalkar, Bunch of thoughts, Sahitya Sindhu Prakashan, 19262
  94. ^ Elst, Koenraad (2005). Decolonizing the Hindu mind. India: Rupa. pp. 480–486. ISBN 978-81-7167-519-7.
  95. ^ The Nation, 24 January 1998
  96. ^ Agrawal, Premendra. "Supreme Court on Hindu Hindutva and Hinduism". newsanalysisindia.com. Archived from the original on 14 November 2009.


Further reading

  • Graham, B. D. (1968), "Syama Prasad Mookerjee and the communalist alternative", in D. A. Low (ed.), Soundings in Modern South Asian History, University of California Press, ASIN B0000CO7K5
  • Goyal, Des Raj (1979). Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Delhi: Radha Krishna Prakashan. ISBN 978-0836405668.
  • Elst, Koenraad (2001). Decolonizing the Hindu mind: ideological development of Hindu revivalism. Rupa & Co. ISBN 9788171675197.
  • Elst, Koenraad (2001). The Saffron Swastika: The Notion of "Hindu Fascism". Voice of India. ISBN 9788185990699.
  • Gandhi, Rajmohan. Patel: A Life.
  • Arun Shourie, Goel, Sita Ram, et al. Time for Stock-Taking - Whither Sangh Parivar? (1997) ISBN 978-8185990484
  • Girilal Jain, The Hindu phenomenon, South Asia Books (1995). ISBN 978-8186112328.
  • H V Seshadri, K S Sudarshan, K. Surya Narayan Rao, Balraj Madhok: Why Hindu Rashtra, Suruchi Prakashan (1990), ASIN B001NX9MCA.

External links
