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VOLUME 3. DE8 ARC, ARKANSAS, AUGUST 25. 1868. _ NUMBER 23.
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Spweh of Hon. G. H. English.
Delivered at the Democratic Rati
fication Meeting of Eagle Town
ship, Pulaski County, Arkansas,
August 6th, 1868, on the Test Oath,
Etc.
Whilst I am obliged, my follow sub
jects and tax-pavers, to my friend Capt.
Benton for kindly and politely intro
ducing me, I think the Introduction
was hardly necessary. For nearly a
quarter of a century I have known
pome of you, and the fathers and moth
ers of others of you, who have not
lived to see their sons become the mere
tax-paying inhabitants of a province,
instead of the citizens of a state, ac
cording to radical political schemes
atid theories. ,
When, twenty-four years ago, I stood
’under the shade of yon aged oak, by
tlie side of that I.abe, and conversed
with my old, but now departed friend
Ringstaff, I little dreamed that I should
live to see the day when I would be ns
completely stript of the franchises of
an American citizen as the tree that
sheltered us, and has survived him—
stript of these franchises, too. not by
the judgment of my peers, but bv ex
post facto, and grossly unconstitution
al enactments. That tree can neither
vote, serve upon a jury, nor hold an
office. Nor can I. Under an act,
copied from the statute book of Iowa,
and recently introduced here, by a
body of men styling themselves the
representatives of the people of Ar
kansas, but who are in fact strangers
to them, that tree is taxed, and so is
your speaker, most oppressively. In
the wisdom of Providence, who fash
innnil oil llinuro lit iri»nlnc n 11 <1 olnccoe
the tree is denied the liberty of speech 1
and of locomotion, but is compensated i
for these deprivations by being fed
without labor. I can walk and talk
with some prudence and caution as to
when and wiierc I travel and what I
say, hut T must toil for bread and share
the larger portion of my earnings with
those adventuring gentlemen who
have kindly come among us from other
states, and taken upon themselves the
making of a new constitution, laws, I
and the holding, or disposition, of all
the public offices without our consent. !
The new constitution, springing from i
congressional usurpation, and forced
upon 11s by military despotism and j
fraud, attempts to disfranchise a large I
portion of the white men of tlie state,
for participation in the late rebellion, j
without the intervention of judicial i
trials and condemnation—men, too, '
who have been pardoned by Mr. Liu-1
coin and Mr. .Johnson, in (lie exercise |
of power vested in the president, by j
the constitution of the Unitod States, j
and of which lie cannot be legally do- i
prired. Oh! shades of the Barons who |
forced from King .John Magna Charts
—Oil! spirits of the departed states-'
men, who incorporated the provisions ,
of that great charter into tlie American :
Bill of llights. protect and defend us! ;
if the legal effect of these pardons, and |
the validity of the, reconstruction acts,
and the constitutions spawned from
them were submitted to the impartial
judgment of the judges of the English
Queen's Bench, we should have no ap
prehension of the result. But from
partisan judges, who consult the politi
cal creeds and adhere to the schemes of
radical leaders, rather than follow the
impartial adjudications of the great
English and American jurists, wc have
but little to hope. One thing is sure,
the new constitution made for tho peo- j
pie of Arkansas is now in force, and j
the government organized under it is a
government de facto, and will continue
in exercise its authority until alter the
presidential election. What then may
be its fate remains to bo seen. To this
government wc must patiently and j
peacefully submit until it can be abol
ished or reformed by lawful means.
To use a trite saying of radical orators,
we must accept the logic of political
events, but wc should, nevertheless,
labor with all the strength that is left
us to shape the events of the future
into a better logic.
Yon have painted, in large letters,
on the canvas before me, the names of
SEYMOUR and BLAIR, and you de
sire them elected president and vice
president of the United States in No
vember. Some of us are debarred, by
the existing constitution, from voting
for them, but if every conservative
man, who is not disfranchised by the
provisions of this constitution, will but
do his whole duty, Arkansas may have
five voices in the electoral college to
swell the triumphant majority of these
standard hearers of constitutional lib
erty! Oil! but I hear a voice saying,
wc cannot take that horrid test oath.
Yes, but you can take it, and should
take it; and to the discussion ot this
scare-crow oath, I propose to devote
the remainder of the time allotted me.
The distinct provisions of the oath,
which the elector is required to take,
before bo can register and vote, are
about as numerous as the ten command
ments, and it is perhaps unfortunate
that two of these commandments were
not incorporated in it, namely: 1 hou
shalt not steal: Thou shalt not covet
thv neighbors house, etc,, for if some
of'the political adventurers into this
state, who have obtained the public
offices without merit and private prop
erty without just compensation, had
imposed such an oath upon themselves,
it might possibly have been sonic pio
tcction to the public treasury, aud some
restraint upon their efforts to obtain
the home* of our people, for nominal
sums, by fraudulent confiscation and
tax sales!
The only clause of the oath which
seems, to be particularly obnoxious is
as fallows;
-“That I accept the civil and po
litical equality of all men; and agree
not to attempt to deprive any person
or persons on account of race, color, or
previous condition, of any political or
civil right, privilege or immunity en
joyed by any other class of men.”
Political test oaths were unknown
before the late civil war. They arc the
devices of radical politic laws, and have
been invented, as this was, far party
purposes.
On the restoration of Charles the
Second, the British parliament passed
a religions test act, which was designed
to deprive the catholic people from
holding public offices, and was the
work of religious prejudice and intol
erance prevailing in that age. It was
condemned by enlightened statesmen,
and under the influence of an advanced
civilisation and more liberal and en
larged spirit of charity in matters of
faith and conscience, it was blotted
from the English statute book—and
now the catholic, the protestant, dis
senter as well as churchman, and even
the long wronged and persecuted sons
of Israel, sit side by side in tlic house
of commons.
But tlic tories and the whigs of Eng
land, ever struggling for political as
cendancy, and alternating In their tri
umphs, would, on either side, have
scorned the meanness of enacting a po
litical test oath ns a device for retain
ing political power. So With the
whigs and democrats of America,
whilst those parties were contesting for
power. It remained for the professed
admirers of the black race, whilst oxer-1
cising short-lived nnd ill-gotten pow
er, to prescribe for n people, whom
they desire to rule, nnd tax, nnd fatten
upon, a political test oath, designed to
drive them from the ballot-box, and
perpetuate their own power through
the suffrages of a deceived nnd deluded
race. Shall they succeed by means of
this device?
The provisions of the oath before
read, lias two distinct clauses or fea
tures, which 1 will take up separately,
and endeavor to ascertain what they
mean, and what a man swears to when
lie takes the ontli:
First clause—“That I accept the civil
and political equality of all men.”
This does not mean that It is to be
icccpted ns a truth that all men are
physically, mentally, morally or social
ly equal, for such a proposition is false
by the common consent and judgment
of mankind. Resides, the language in
its terms relates to the civil and politi
cal equality of men.
Xor could the framers of this clause
have intended to make a man swear
that he accepts it as a fact that all men,
everywhere, arc on a civil and political
equality; for such is not the fact, as
every one, not grossly ignorant, knows.
Men in the natural state, without gov
ernment, arc upon a common footing;
and the stronger men, or more numer
ous combinations of men, subdue nnd
plunder the weaker men, or less nu
merous, or inferior combinations. Rut
when men form governments, their
civil and political equality, or inequal
ity, depends entirely upon the plan and
framework of the government. For
example: in the absolute monarchies;
such as Russia, Austria, Turkey, China,
Japan, nnd even now in France (once
republican) one man, the emperor, is
by inheritance, the centre and source
of all civil and political power, and he
distributes it to his subordinates and
subjects according to his will. So in
limited monarchies, such as England,
one mail or woman is born a king or
(JUUUIly UIIIUI IIIVII iMVi iitiLMvim.il ut
birth, and some men can hold office
and vote, and others cannot. In Amer
ica, where the republican formof gov
ernment lias been adopted, all men do
not possess equal civil and political
rights, cither under the federal or
state constitutions. A foreign born
ntnn cannot be president of the United
States; no man ran be a senator until
lie is thirty, nor a representative until
ho is twenty-live years of age. In
nearly all (he northern states, men of1
the black race are not permitted to
vote, servo on juries or hold an office
of any grade. Yet the Chicago con
vention, representing the party to
which the men who framed the oath
which 1 am considering belong, re
fused to declare it as an article in thoir
creed, that the black men of the north
ern states should be put on a civil and
political equality with the white men
of those states. No, ignoring their
boasted dogma of the equality of all
men, they cunningly declared that
‘•the question of suflrage in all the
loyal states properly belongs to the
people of those states.” What people ?
The white people of course, who are
the only people in those states who
havo a voice in the regulatiou of suf
trage. There they abandoned the poor
black man to his fate, because they were
uot willing to hazard the issuo of this
race for public spoils upon a question
that had been badly beaten in those
states. But turning to the south, where
they hope to delude the black man and
use him as an instrument to secure to
themselves power, place and spoil,
they hypocritically declare that ‘"the
guarantee by congress of equal suf
frage to all loyal men in the south was
demanded by every consideration of
public safety, of gratitude and of jus
tice, and must be maintained.”
I repeat therefore, that the framers
of the clause of the oath under dlscns
sfon did not intend to CwqUitC the
elector to swear, as a condition of
registering and voting, that he accepts
it as a fact that all men, everywhere,
are on a civil and political equality;
for the oath in that sense would be
false, and they themselves conld not
take it. Nor did they intend the elec
tor to swear that all men, everywhere,
should be upon such equality ; for what
business has an Arkansas convention
to require men here to take an oath ex
pressing an opinion as to what should
be the political and civil relations of
men in other states and countries?
What then is the true legal interpre
tation of this clause of the oath ? It is
this: “that I accept it as a fact, that all
men—that is the white man and the
black man—arc, by the existing con
stitution and laws of Arkansas, placed
upon a civil and political equality.”
Well, I accept that as an existing
fact, and am willing to swear to it ns
such; but in that oath I make no ex
pression of opinion as to whether the
constitution and laws which establish
this faqt should be permanent or tem
porary in their duration; or whether
the fact is fouuded in expediency or
inexpediency, wisdom or folly. The
elector may take the oath affirming his
acceptance of the existing fact, whether
he approves or disapproves of the
policy of the fact.
The naturalist, of cultivation nnd
taste, observing the order of Provi
dence, properly places the buzzard in
the lower, and the eagle in the higher)
class. And no man could truthfully
swear that these birds nrc peers; but
here in Arkansas a man might well;
SC_1. .. C.. II.. ... Af '
him ns a condition of voting, that lie
accepts the civil and political equality
of the two birds, because neither of
them lias any civil or political status,
though the swift-winged and lofty
soaring eagle is made the proud sym
bol of our nationality. Perhaps the
radicals may substitute the buzzard!
In Tenncgsec, however, a man could
not truthftilly swear to the civil
equality of the two birds, for a statute
prohibits the killing of the buzzard,
and leaves the eagle at the mercy of
the sportsman.
You arc willing to swear that you
accept this as a hot day, because it is
such, and you may at the samo time
desire a continuation of the hent, or
wish for the cooling breeze, and com
ing shadows of evening.
When the cold storm of winter pelts
upon you, you may well swear that you
accept the storm, beennso it is upon
you, but you may nt the same time
wish the storm to abate and the sun to
reappear. If you like the sublimity of |
the storm, and the cold does not render '
you uncomfortable, you may desire it!
to continue. ISut if you swear that
you accept the storm as an existing
fact, a radical would hardly have you
indicted lor perjury for expressing a
desire, after taking the oath, for a
change of weather.
We accept disease when it is not to
be avoided. The sick man accepts and
swallows, as an existing necessity, an
offensive dose of physic, whilst lie
would greatly prefer something more
palatable. The dying man accepts
death as an inevitable event, but sinks
into the gloom of the grave with the
pleasing hope that pre long the angel
of the last day, standing with one foot
upon tlie land and the other on the sea,
shall proclaim the end of the dominion
of death, and that the loud trump of
the resurrection morn shall awake him
to a new and a better life.
. So we accept the existing constitu
tion, of Arkansas, with ail its oppres
sive provisions and objectionable oaths,
as an existing evil, but we sink into the
political grave which radicalism has
dug for us, with the cheering and confi
dent hope that, on the fourth of March
next, Horatio Seymour, standing at the
capitol of the nation, as its honored
chief, and extending one arm to the
north and the other to the south, as if
to embrace the whole country, shall
proclaim in a voice, swelled into tones
of thunder by the chorus of millions of
applauding voices, that the dominion
of radicalism has terminated, and the
reign of constitutional liberty has re
vived.
Second clause.—“And agree not to
attempt to deprive any person or per
sons, ou account of race, color or pre
vious condition, of any political or
civil right, privilege or immunity en
joyed by any other class of men.”
Well, I agree to that in the sense in
which it must be interpreted, and in
the only sense in which the framers of
the oath had power to prescribe it,
conceding for the purposes of the argu
ment, that they were legally assembled
as a convention.
That sense is this: the constiution
by which this oath is prescribed,
throughout all of its provisions, placet
the black man upon a civil and politi
cal equality with the white man ; and
the oath must be constructed to bind
the person who takes it, not to attempt
by any Illegal means, so long as this
' constitution remains in force, to de
i privo the black man of this civil and
! political equality, because of his color,
race or previous condition—that is be
cause he is black, of the African race,
and of his having been a slave. But
the oath will not bind a man, nor had
the convention power to prescribe any
oath that would bind any man, not to
exercise the inalienable right to test the
validity of this constitution, with all
its provisions, or of resorting Vo live
established modes of abrogating or
reforming it. The first section of the
very constitution Which prescribes the
oath declares that5-=-“All political
power is inherent In the people;
government is instituted for the pro
tection, security and benefit of the peo
ple, and they have the right to alter or
reform the same whenever the public
may require it.” And the Declaration
of independence declares it to be an
inalienable right of the people to alter
or abolish their government, and
institute, whenever the public good
may require it, a new form of govern
ment. So that if all the people of the
state were to be guilty of the folly of
swearing that they Would never abolish
or reform the present constitution, the
oath would not be binding on them.
For men can neither grant away, nor
swear away their inalienable rights:
and the framers of the oath were not
such eonsumntc tools rs to intend it to
have that effect.
Whether I take this oath or not I
will not ntteippt, by nnv illegal means,
to deprive the black man of any civil
or political right or privilege secured
to him by the present constitution, so
long as it Remains in force, nor will any
law abiding nmn. When he goes to
the polls to vote, no man will daive
him away by force. When ho is cnllcd
to the jury box to serve as a juror, no
man will drag him from it byjjiolence.
If five of the colored men who arc now
standing at my back, listening quietly
and politely to what I am saying, had
been placet! Upon the supreme bench
of the state, to fill their pockets out of
the public treasury, I Should have gone
luil'fki'n tlmm *1*2 T l»<i vo ninuvi eml lvniVtun
the judges who now occupy the bench,
and respectfully addressed them as,
“Your Honors.” Perhaps Governor
Clayton, in selecting ten circuit judges
for the state, might have given more
general satisfaction in the appoint
ments, if he had chosen them from the
colored population, instead of selecting
ten white radical politicians to reward
them for partisan work.
But when the people of the state
shall be no longer deprived of their
just political rights by force and fraud,
md shall come to abolish or reform the
present constitution, whether they will
continue to the colored men all the
civil and political right and privileges
granted to them by the present con
stitution, depends very much upon
their conduct in the meantime. ll'they
permit themselves to be inarched to
the polls by designing men, in com
panies, like flecks of sheep, and to be
used as mere voting machines—if they
allow themselves to be made to do the
dishonest work of voting repeatedly
at the same election—as they have
heretofore recently done, they will
prove themselves unlit and unworthy
to be intrusted with the elective fran
chise, and I, for one, shall be in favor
of depriving them of it. But if in the
coming presidential election they go
to the polls separately like the white
men do, and vote soino one way and
some another, thereby showing that
they are capable of making a choice be
tween candidates, and like honest men
vote but once, they may furnish some
evidence of their fitness to be intrusted
with the electivo franchise.
But to return to the oatli under dis
cussion. To take this oath, is lint, in
effect, to take an oatli to support the
existing constitution, and no approba
tion of the policy or frame-work of the
eonstitution is implied : nor docs the
oath operate as a prohibition upon the
person who assumes it to test the valid
ity of tlie constitution before the pro
per tribunals : nor is the oath of perpe
tual obligation, so as to prevent tho
exercise of the right of advocating, or
resorting to, any of the usual modes of
abrogating or reforming the constitu
tion. These are well established ele
mentary principles of American con
stitution law, familiar to every lawyer.
Suppose you can take the oath, but
refuse. You deprive yourself of the
franchise secured to the elector by the
constitution, and yet you arc under the
same obligation to submit to the con
stitution and abide by its provisions ns
the man who takes the oath. Congress
has declared it a valid constitution, and
we can not do otherwise than regard it
as a de facto constitution at least; and
all the officers of the state, from the
highest to tho lowest, have so treated
it, and yielded up their offices to the
men who have been elected or appoin
ted under it to fill their places. The
radicals, and most of the colored men,
will take the oath. If the conservative
people refuse to take it, the presiden
tial election in this state will go by de
fault for the Grant and Colfax electors,
aud they will bo counted by the pre
sent house of representatives. All the
vacancies which have occurred in the
legislature, which is to reassemble in
November, will be filled by radicals,
and your grand and petit jurors will lie
composed exclusively of negroes and
radicals, as well as all of the public
offices. It Is the duty of every good
man. therefore, who can take the oath,
to take it, as a matter of self-preserva
tion and protection to the people of the
state.
Though opposed to the secession ol
the state, in obedience to an ordinance
of the convention of 1881, I took an
oath to support the constitution framed
by it. 1 regarded that cou*Utution us
revolutionary, but treated it then, and
vet lie Id it to have been, a dc facto
constitution. But it lias fallen with
the failure of tbc revolution, nnd the
oath which I took to support it is no
longer binding upon me. So i was re
quired in 1805 to take an oath, as an
attorney, to support the Murphy con
stitution, framed by a body of men Who
I assembled without any legal authority,
hilt nftcl'wards made a valid constitu
I tion by the general acquiescence of the
1 people. That constitution has been
j overturned by congressional enact
ments and military force, nnd I can no
I longer keep the oath which I took to;
; support it, and am under no obligation 1
to do so. So if you take an oath to
support the present constitution, or any ;
I oatii prescribed by it, the oatli will fall i
i with the constitution be tlmt sooner or
later.
t have said that a man cannot di
| Vest himself of an unalienable right by
| an oath, nor can lie legally bind him
1 self to do a wrong, Herod, the Homan
governor of Judefl, (forced upon that
people by the sword of the conqueror,
as Clayton lias been forced on Us by
military despotism and fraud,) fascina
ted by the dancing of his beautiful step
daughter, promised her, by a rash oath,
anything that She might ask of him.
Prompted by her vindictive mother,
she demanded the head of John the
Baptist ; and lie was sacrificed in the
keeping of an oath, which all moralists
have agreed should have been broken.
These fair ladies, who arc compli
menting me by marked attention, arc
familiar with this example.
So an oath forced upon a man by
compulsion or duress, and taken to
preserve life, is said not to be binding
on the conscience. A familiar example
w mi?* jo wjjuiu tuv iiigiiw u} mail ruu» 1
the traveler of his purse, but spares bis <
life on condition of ids taking an oath
not to disclose the crime. Casuists
1 have concurred in the opinion that the
traveler may ■well report the crime to :
the officers of the law, and cnusc the
arrest and punishment of the robber, '
regardless of the oath.
How far oaths forced upon our peo
ple by adventures from nbrond, who >
have u-usrpod the state government r
for spoils, and taken to preserve rights j
as dear to freemen as life, are binding!
upon the conscience, I leave others to,
decide. The oath under discussion
may he taken in good faith, according
to its proper and legal interpretation
and kept so far and so long as it is bin
ding under established principles of
constitutional law.
The framers of the oatli knew it
would he obnoxious to our people and
it wns devised for the party purposo of
driving them from f ho polls, and exclu
ding them from the jury-boxes and
public offices. They designed it to he <
an instrument to cnnblc them to mo
nopolize all the places of profit and
honor in the slate—to perpetuate their
power by using the two easily deceived
and deluded black men as the electors <
and to put the white men into the con
dition of serfs and tax-pavers, to fill
the pockets of their imported task
masters. The oatli is a scare crow, nud
its running inventors thought they had
added much to its friglitfulness, by
threatening indictment and imprison
ment in tiic penitentiary for perjury,
for its violation as interpreted by them.
Are our people indeed crows nnd
cravens to be thus frightened ? Let
them remember that an outraged and
indignant people may drive corrupt
partizan judges from the bench, and
demolish prisons, as did the people of
Erance the TSastile! We are a law
abiding people, but the meanest reptile
I will sting when trampled upon I
I Our people, though upon their own
i soil, are like ancient Israel in Egypt—
| unsympathizing task-masters are over
119, aim HW iiM; ujjjji fstsuu nuu IUII IIIHI
burthcued with unexampled taxation,
to fill the pockets of rulers whom we
have had no voice in ehosing. In the
language of the orator of Mar's II111,
who shall deliver us from this body of
corruption and death? Capt. Howauo,
the gallant union soldier, but friend of
the oppressed, has told you. Look at
the names painted upon that canvas—
one of them is not Grant, the persecu
tor of the Jews!—they are the names
of SEYMOUR and BLAIR, the Moses
and Joshua, choseu by the direction of
Providence to deliver our down-trod
den people from bondage! I see the
pillar of cloud by day and tire by night
to conduct us safely over the opposing
flood, and through the radical wilder
ness of sin. Upon the banner of SEY
MOUR are the symbols of the wisdom
of the man, and the strength of the
lion ;upon tho banner borne by BLAIR,
are the symbols of the swiftness of the
lofty-soaring eagle, and the patience
and endurance of the ox. Already we
are on the mountain that overlooks the
promised land of constitutional liberty,
uud tho shouts of tlie millions of the
northern demoracy are congratulating
1 us on the prospects ot our deliveronce!
| SEYMOUR and BLAIR, tho cham
pions of the unrepresented, the taxed
and the oppressed, live FOREVER.
(io, my friends, and swear early,and
lighting the Devil with tire, vote
! numerously and late!
i **|rTlie Cincinnati Chronicle, allud
ing to Grant and Joshua, gays: “The
wall of Jericho fell down from the
blowiug of a horn.” Tho difference
between Grant and Joshua is supposed
to be merely a difference as to the*
method of “taking the horn."
The Ifegr* Equality outrage.
An Englishman's bouse is his castle, j
Except in cases of felony, Majesty it
self pauses at the bolted door. Laws
tliut governed a nation from the days
if Runnymede—that have survived the
wars and revolutions of two rout incuts
—that arc as inherent to tiro Anglo
Saxon as his life blood, and which lie
brought With him into the wilderness
if America, are new threatened for the
first time in history by the barbarian i
governments of the Southern States.
Mic people of the South have yielded
without a murmur all the political
-iglits and privileges demanded of
them; they have accepted degradation,
intil at last their social integrity is nc
uajly imperiled. Xo sane man, not a
villain Or a bigot, will maintain that it
s the province of political law to reg
ilatc anybody's social relations-. In
'act, laws should be framed in strict
ibedience to them. The plot now uu
ler way, to be Capped by the opprobi
lUs and disgusting negro equality bill,
s therefore in plain and "direct viola
ion of the laws of God, the rights of
nnnkind, and (lie Constitution of our
muntry. So cunningly has this scheme
leen worked that every resisting stay
las been quietly torn from us. The
nilitia hill, recently passed, gives legal
luthority to any military negro organ
za lion that may exist in thecommuni
y. The police hill, rushed through
with such unseemly haste, secures to
licin that branch of the public service,
while botli are auxiliary to that giant
niquity, the negro equality hill. If
we judge the people of Louisiana
might; if wc judge white human na
urc aright, the provisions of this bill
lan never be inforced. The prison
loes not stamHliat could bold a white
Mini in ns ».ins nil unnimiif; ms su
:inl integrity. No human power ever
nvoked in this or any other age, can
'nfbl-ce obeuiehec to sncli on infamy,
[letter floe the country like a pestilence,
md let the wolves bowl in tlie market
dace—better seek the snows of Sibc
■la, or (lie trackless woods of some un
iettled domain—than thus yield wliat
lothing less than Deity lias a right to
Icmand. Even the negroes, in their
dind, foolhardy legislation, will soon
1 nd there is no rose without a thorn.
I'liey should pause ere they force every
ndividunl white man into a position
nr hero lie will he obliged to shelter
md protect his family and social rights
n obedience to the instincts received
rrom ids Maker, and to whom only he
s accountable for them. A quiet, firm
•esistance to this usurpation must be
nnintained for a few short months,
intii the country is finally and fully
■edeemed through the agency adopted
>y the Democratic party. Grant
daims to desire peace; if his negro
md white supporters here carry mat
ers to the dangerous extreme in which
"orbearance ceases to be a virtue, on
hem lie the responsibility. Let the
•onservatives be cautious, yet firm;
•oneiliatory, yet consistent.—N. O.
L'imes.
IVhat Congress is Responsible
for.
The Cincinnati Gazette, a liadical
dicet, lias the following :
Hut, while financial charlatanism is
bus tinkering the funds of the nation,
lie Republican party is held responsi
)ie, by tlie people, for these courses
md these results. It has to answer for
lot less than twenty-four millions 06
told squandered, during the last three
rears, in interest on the unnecessary
iiirplus, and in sacrifices to promote
■peculations on the gold market. C011
rress lias left the management of the
treasury moneys and of the funds in
lands which would break down any
•arty. And what lias it received for
,his trust? A new funding bill, witli
i declaration that all its previous fund
__ .. _. .
obligation of the bonds now, which,
net fall, the same great public finan
cier declared would be repudiation—a
ionfcssion that the contraction of the
•urrency which spread bankruptcy
over the business of the country was a
blunder, and brought us no nearer to
specie payment, and that the true \ijay
is to inflate the currency again ; and a
plan for n financial perpetual-motion,
by which there shall be a constant ac
tion and reaction of bonds and legal
tender notes, to the amount of two
hundred and fifty millions.
Hotv to Judge u Mum.
A man’s guage can generally be told
by his treatment of, and opinions con
cerning women. If it is kindly, res
pectful and dignified, he is sure to be a
decent, good, chivalrous man, and may
be depended upon in word and deed.
If he treats her with all manner of
slights, in slander of tho sex, or listens
quietly whilo others utter It; If his
mouth Is always full of depreciating
remarks, then he is unmistakably rot
ten somewheres, in this matter, Is like
ly to bo so everywhere in time and
most likely the time will bo short.
Women have their faults ; as a sex they
have their exceptionable bad members;
they are even sometimes weak and
wicked ; but as a whole thing are emi
nently worthy tho idolatry the best
men have extended to them, and who
so taketh any other view do not so
much injure women as themselves.
Tho meanest specimen of auimated
creation is a man who Improves as is
often hoard every occasion to abuse,
falsify, and malign women. He is
both knave and fool,
Forgot lila Katue.
A conceited fellow by name of Head,
in making New Year's calls in a cer
tain city, made the acquaintance Cf a
young lady upon whom be flattered
himself lie had effected a Wiry decided
impression, nc felt that lie was irre
sistible to the sex, anyhow, but in this
particular instnneo lie was confident
tliut he had accomplished a complete
eontjilcsti Not to be too crncl to the
damsel whom lie imagined to bo lan
guishing over Ids absence, lie called
upon her again after the new year was
a week or so old. That lie might feast
upon the surprise and joy she would
evince on discovering who her caller
was, he refifaiued from giving his name
to the servant Who atiswcred ids ring,
but instructed her trt tell M"iss=tliat
a very particular friend desired an in
terview. He was ushered into the
parlor, and after a brief delay the
young lady Wliotu he supposed to be
rapidly approaching dissolution on his
accovut, entered.
She pansed on the ttiCCshttld and
looked embarrassed. He expected
that, but contrary to his expectations,
no blush of emotion or gleam of recog
nition, even, lighted her countenance.
“Don’t you remen^her mo ?” said he,
putting on the smile which he Imagin
ed had melted her y'onng and suscepti
ble heart upon their first meeting.
“YoU know I called here last New
Years with a party In a four-horse
sleigh ?”
“Oh, yes,’' said the voting lady, who
didn’t appear in the least crushed witli
the recollection, “I remember. Your
face did look familiar, but ns for your
name-”
“Don’t yon remember my name ?” in
quired the hcnrt-pulverizcr, with an
air of deep chngrin.
“I have almost got it,” said the lady,
with apuzzled smile. “It isn't Brown ?”
“No indeed. But really, madam)
this is not very flattering to me, your
forgetting my name. I imagined that
I had made a decided impression.”
“So you did, so you did,” the lady
hastenod to say. “Strange that your
name should have escaped me, though.
I wrs thinking of it just before you
rang. Don't tell mo what it is. I shall
think of it in a minute, lleally, this is
quito mortifying; what has become of
memory?” and she trottod her pretty
littlo foot impatiently on the carpet.
“But let me give you a hint,” said
Mr. Head, whoso mortification was
rapidly increasing.
“Well, just give mo a little hint. I
should think of it m a minute anyhow
—just the least hint in the world will
do."
“Now, then, what do I carry on my
shoulders?” querried Head.
A moments puzzled reflection, then
her face brightening up, she advances
toward him with outstretched hand,
and cordially exclaims—
“ Wut, Mb. Squash, how do iou do ?’’
jfirOur Secretary of the Navy with
in a few days past, has sent in a com
munication to tho Senato in reference
to the acquisition of the Midway Is
lands, belonging to the West Indies
group, and tho opinion 1 is expressed
that the acquisition will prove n highly
important one. The principal harbor
is said to be equal to that of Honolulu,
the soil is good and fish arc abundant
in tho bays.
t&'The orange crop in Florida is
unusually promising, and has been
generally engaged at $‘20 a thousand.
Other tropical fruits aro growing
finely.
There is a lodging-house in
Bleckcrstreet, New York, where home
less young girls are furnished with
meals for five ceuts, and lodging for
five cents.
J®-Thc largest sawmill in the world,
but one, is at Clinton, Iowa, and when
under full way employs 1,000 men. Its
engine is of 900 horse power.
PROFESSIONAL CARDS.
W. J. ROGERS.
ATT0RNKY AT LAW,
BROWNSVILLE, ARKANSAS.
Prompt attention given to the Collection
of Claims, Investigation of Land Titles, Pay
ment oPTaxos. &e. mylti
DP.. J. W. BYRNBY,
Being permanently located at Dos Arc,
will continue the practice of his profession in
all its branches.
Office at Col. J. M. Burney's Drug Store.
DR. ROB T. B. TREZEVART,
Tenders his professional services to
the citizens of Des Arc and vicinity.
Office—At B. F. Johnson Drug Store.
sep21
F. LEPTIEN,
Watchmaker and Jeweler,
DES ARC. ARKANSAS.
Tam now prepared to do all
kind* of work iu roy liue. Mind
ing, Cleaning. &c.
—-— Thankful for past favors, T solicit ;
continuance of the patronage heretofore be
stowed on roe. ftl»£8-t f
!
PROFESSIONAL CARDS.
Z. P. H. P A R R,
AT70RH317 AT LA77,
I. 1TTLK ROCK, ARKANSAS.
H. IE*. Vaughan.
ATTORNEY AT LAW
AMD
SOLICITORS IN CHANCERY,
DES AKU ARKANSAS.
WILL practice in the Courts of the counties
of Prairie. White, Jackson, Woodruff and
Monroe. Particular attention given to th#
collection V?f claims any where in the State.
scpTtf.
T. E. EMERSON,
ATTORNEY AT LAW
AAfe ttBSKRAL LAID AGEXt,
AUSTIN, PR.VIRIB COUNTY, ARK.
Speoifti Mtenticn giveft T0 the COlYooilon
and Mooring rial ms, Bdjdrtg And (riling lands,
paying taxes, exaniing titles, So. april 11
J. K. P. ALDRIDGE,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Oottoa Plant, Arkansas.
Wiia practice in the Circuit Courts ol
Woodruff oounty, and tke Circuit dourts of
the aeveuth Judicial district, and give prompt
attention to all business entrusted to Lis
care. janl2
r. s. oastt. w. i. DnortAfoii
GANTT As BBONAUGH,
ATTGR5SY8 AT L>W,
BROWNSVILLE, ARKANSAS.
Prompt attention given to collection of
claims. aprll
J. E. GATKWQOD, J. S, THOMAS,
GATEWOOD & THOMAS*
4$ I4W
DES ARC, ARRAVSASi
JAMBS H. TATTERSON, LUCIAN C. GAUSE,
Avgusta, Ark. Jacksonport, Ark.
Patterson & Gansc,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
Jacksonport and Augusta, Arkansas.
Will practice in the Counties of Woodruff,
Jackson, Independence, White, Lawrence.
Randolph, Oreon. Craighead and Cross, anti
attend to special cases in any part of the
State. Address cither office. tnyl8-ly
J. C. JONSON, Office—West Point, Arkansas.
JNO. M. MOORE, Office—Searcy, Arkansas.
JOVSOlf & MOORE,
Attorneys at Law,
SOLICITORS IN CHAN VERY,
—AND
General Land and Collecting Agent*,
HKAltCY, ARKAXSAH.
Will give prompt attention to any business
in the counties of Independence, Jackson,
Woodruff, Monroe, Prairie, White, Conway
and Van Buren. mar9
SOL. P. CLARK. BAM. W. WILLIAMS.
JOE. W. MARTIN.
CLARK. WILLIAMS ft MARTIN,
Attorneys at Law,
LITTLE ROCK, ARKANSAS.
WILL practice in all the Courts, proaecuf*
Claims of all kinds, collect debt«. ami
act as Real Kstat* and General Agent*.
OrricR—Markham Street, near State House.
april28-tf
JAMES J. GALLAGHER.
Attorney at Law,
C OTTOS PLANT, WOODRUFF CO, ARK.
Will practice whore called.
eep28-tf.
wm. *. ooonv. i>- nr esc
000DY & MoRAE,
AtmilTI A* uv
SEARCY, WHITE COUNTY,
AUKAN8AH;
Will praetioe in all the court* of Arkansan.
m«r24
DR. ALLS 27
Otters his services to the citizens Of
Des Arc and vicinity in the practico of
medicine. Thankful for past favors,
and by attention to business he expects
to Bltare a liberal prtronage.
Office—At his residence—late the
residence of W. G. Frith. sep21
Dr. R. B. SHELBY,
TENDERS bin professional services to the
Citizens of Des Arc and 'surrounding
country, in the practice of Medicine and Ob
stetrics. He hopes from au experience of
• over fifteen years in Southern practice, to
i merit a share of public patronage.
Ottce one door East of Burney's Drug
Store. inarch2S-lS*>S-Iy