■ '
The Democratic Platform.
Resolved, That the platform adopted by
the Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirm
ed. with the follow ing explanatory resolutions:
1st. That the government of a territory, or
ganised by an act of Congress, is provisional
and temporary, and, during its existence, all
citizens of the United*States have an equal
right to settle With their property in the Ter
ri'ory without their rights either of person or
Uroperty being destroyed or impaired by con
gressional or territorial legislation.
•2d. That it is the duty of the Federal Gov
ernment in all its departments to protect^vlien
necessary, the rights of persons and pr^ierty
in the Territories, and wherever else its con
stiti tional authority extends.
2d. That when the settlers in a Territery,
having an adequate population, form a State
constitution, the right of sovereignty commen
ces. and being consummated by admission into
the Union, they stand on an equal footing with
the people of other States—and the State thus
organized ought to be admitted into the Fed
eral Union, whether its constitution prohibits
or recognizes the institution of slavery.
4th. That the Democratic party are in favor
of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba on
such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves
and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable
moment.
5th. That the enactments of State Legisla
tures to defeat the faithful execution Of the fu
gitive slave law are hostile in character, sub
versive of the constitution, and revolutionary
in their effect.
6th. That the Democracy of the United
States recognize it as the Imperative duty of
this government to protect the naturalited cit
izen in all his rights, whether at home or in
foreign lands, to the same extent as its native
horn citizens.
Whereas, one of the greatest necessities of
the age, in a political, commercial, postal and
military point of view, is a speedy communi
cation between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts;
therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Democratic party do
hereby pledge themselves to use every means
in their power to secure the passage of some
bill to the extent of the constitutional author
ity of Congress for the construction of a Pa
cific railroad from the Mississippi river to the
Pacific ocean, at the earliest.practicable mo
ment. *
THE CINCINNATI PLATFORM.
Resolved, That the American Democracy
piece their trust in the intelligence, the patri
otism, and the discriminatiug justice of the
American people.
Resolved, That we regard this as a distinc
tive feature of our political creed, which we
are proud to maintain before the world, as the
great moral element in a form of government
springing from and uphelfl by the popular will;
and we contrast it with the creed and practice
of federalism, under whatever name or form,
which seeks to palsy the will of the constitu
ents, and which conceive- no imposture too
monstrous for the popular credulity.
Resolved, therefore, That entertaining
these views, the Democratic party of this U
nion, throuirh their delegates assembled in a
general Convention, coming together in a spirit
of concord, of devotion to the doctrines and
faith of a free representative government, and
appealing to their fellow-citizens for the rec
titude of their intentions, renew and reassert
before the American people the declaiationsof
principle* avowed by them when on former oc
casions, in general Convention, they have pre
sented their candidates for the popular sulfra
ges.
1. That the federal government is one of
limited power, derived solely from the consti
tution ; and the grants of power made therein
ought to be strictly construed by all the de
partments and agents of the government; and
that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exor
cise doubtful constitutional powers.
2. That the constitution does not confer
upon the general government the power to com
mence and carry on a general system of inter
nal improvements.
3. That the constitution does not confer au
thority upon the general government, directly
or indirectly, to assume the debts of the sev
eral states, contracted for local and internal
improvements, or other state purposes, nor
would such assumption be just or expedient.
4. That justice and sound policy forbid the
federal government to foster one branch of in
dustry to the detriment of any other, or to
cherish the interest of one portion to the injury
of another portion of our common country; that
every citizen and every section of the country
has a right to demand and insist upon an
equality of rights and privileges, and to com
plete and ample protection "of persons and
property from domestic violence or foreign
aggression.!
5. That it is the duty of every branch of
the government to enforce and practice the
most rigid economy in conducting our public
affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be
raised than is required to defray the necessa
ry expenses of the government, and for the
gradual but certain extinction of the public
debt.
6. That the proceeds of the public lands
ought to be sacredly applied to the national
objects specified in the constitution ; and that
we are opposed to any law for the distribu
tion of such proceeds among the States, as alike
inexpedient in policy and repugnant to the
Constitution.
7. That Congress has no power to charter a
national bank; that we believe such an insti
tution one of deadly hostility to the best in
terests of the country, dangerous to our re
publican institutions and the liberties of the
people, and calculated to place the business of
the country within the control of a concentra
ted money-power, and that the result of the
Democratic legislation in this and all other fi
nancial measures unon which issues have been
made between the two political parties of the
country have demonstrated to candid and prac
tical men of all parties their soundness, safe
ty, and utility in all business pursuits.
8. That the separation of the moneys of the
government from banking institutions is indis
pensable for the safety of the funds of the
government and rights of the people.
9. That we are decidedly opposed to taking
from the President the qualified veto power,
by which he is enabled, under restrictions and
responsibilities amply sufficient to guard the
public interest, to suspend the passage of a
bill whose merits cannot secure the approval
of two-thirds of the Senate and House of Re
presentatives, until the judgment of the peo
ple can be obtained thereon, and which has
saved the American people from the corrupt
and tyrannical domination of the Bank of the
United States, and from a corrupting system
of general internal improvements.
10. That the liberal principles embodied by
Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence,
and sanctioned in the constitution, which
makes ours the land of liberty and the asylum
of the oppressed of every nation, have ever
been cardinal principles in the Democratic
faith; and every attempt to abridge the privi
lege of becoming citizens and the owners of
soil among us ought to be resisted with the
same spirit which swept the alien and sedition
-laws from our statute books.
And whereas, since the foregoing declara
tion was uniformly adopted by our predeces
sors in National Convention, an adverse polit
ical and religious test has been secretly organ
ized by a party claiming to be exclusively
American, it is proper that the American De
mocracy should clearly define its relation
thereto, and declare its determined opposition
to all secret political societies, by whatevei
name they may be called—
Resolved, That the foundation of this U
hion of States having been laid in, and its pros
perity, expansion, and pVe-eininent example in
free government built upon, entire freedom in
matters of religious concernment, and no re
spect of persons in regard to rank or place of
birth, no party can justly be deemed national,
constitutionaf, or in accordance with Ameri
can principles, which bases its exclusive or
ganization upon religious opinions and acci
dental birthplace; ami hence, a political cru
sade in the nineteenth century, and in the
United States of America, agaiust Catholics
and foreign born, m neither justified by the
past history or the future prospects of the
country, nor in unison with the spirit ot tol
eration and enlarged freedom which peculiarly
distinguishes the American system of popular
government.
Resolved, That we reiterate, with r*ne» o
«»i energy of purpose, thu weM-considered dt.. J
of former conventions upon the sr
\ i ‘
| tional issue of Domestic Slavery, and concern
ing the reserved rights of the States—
1. That Congress has no power, under the
Constitution, to interfere with or control the
domestic institutions of tile several States, and
that such States are the sole and proper judges
of everything appertaining to their own af
fairs, not prohibited by the Constitution ; that
i all efforts of the abolitionists or others, made
to induce Congress to interfere with questions
of slavery, or to take incipient steps in rela
tion thereto, are calculated to lead to the most
alarming and dangerous consequences; and
that all such efforts have an inevitabletenden
cy to diminish the happiness of the people,
and endanger the stability and permanency of
the Union, and ought not to be countenanced
by any friend of our political institutions.
2. That the foregoing proposition covers,
and was intended to embrace, the whole sub
ject of slavery agitation in Congress; and
therefore the Democratic party of the Union,
standing on this national platform, will abide
by anil adhere to a faithful execution of the
acts known as the Compromise measures, set
tled by the Congress of 1850; “the act for re
claiming fugitives from service or labor,” in
cluded : which act being designed to carry
out an express provision of the Constitu
tion, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed,
or so changed as to destroy or impair its effi
ciency.
3. That the Democratic party will resist all
attempts at renewing in Congress, or out of it,
the agitation of the slavery question, under
whatever shape or color the attempt may be
made.
4. That the Democratic party will faith
fully abide by and uphold the principles laid
down in tile Kentucky and Virginia resolu
tions of 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madi
son to the Virginia Legislature in 1799; that
it adopts those principles as constituting one
of the main foundations of its political creed,
and is resolved to carry them out in their ob
vious meaning and import.
And that we may more distinctly meet the
Issue on which a sectional party, subsisting
exclusively on slavery agitation now relies to
test the fidelity of the people, North and south,
to the Constitution and the Union—
1. Resolved, That claiming fellowship
with, and desiring the co-operation of all who
regard the preservation of the Union under the
Constitution as the paramount issue—and re
pudiating all sectional parties and platforms
concerning domestic slavery, which seek to
embroil the States and incite to treason and
armed resistance to law in the territories; and
whose avowed purposes, if consummated,must
end in civil war and disunion—the American
Democracy recognize and adopt the principles
contained in the organic laws establishing the
Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, as em
bodying the only sound and safe solution of
the “slavery question” upon which the great
national idea of the people of this whole coun
try can repose in its determined conservatism
of the Union—Non-interferf.nce by Con
gress with Slavery in the Territories or
in the District of Columbia.
2. That this was the basis of the Compro
mises of 1850—confirmed by both the Demo
cratic and Whig parties in National Conven
tion-ratified by the people in the election of
1852, and rightly applied to the organization
of Territories in 1854.
3. That by the uniform application of this
Democratic principle to the organization of
territories, and to the admission of new States,
with or without domestic slavery, as they may
elect—the equal rights of all the States wjjl
be preserved intact—the original compacts of
the Constitution maintained inviolate, and the
perpetuity and expansion of this Union insur
ed to its utmost capacity of embracing in peace
and harmony, every future American State
that may be constituted or annexed, with a
Republican form of government.
Resolved, That we recognize the right of
the people of all the territories, including
Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the le
gally and fairly expressed will of a majority
of actual residents, and whenever the number
of their inhabitants justifies it, to form a con
stitution, with or without domestic slavery,
and be admitted into the Uuion upon terms of
perfect equality with the other States.
Resolved, finally, That in view of the
condition of popular institutions of the Old
World (and the dangerous tendencies of sec
tional agitation, combined with the attempt
to enforce civil and religious disabilities
against the rights of acquiring and enjoying
citizenship, in our own land) a high and sa
cred duty is devolved with increased responsi
bility upon the Democratic party of this coun
try, as the party of the Union, to uphold and
maintain the rights of every State, and there
by the union of the States ; and to sustain and
advance among us constitutional liberty, by
continuing to resist all monopolies and exclu
sive legislation for the benefit of the few at
the expense of the many, and by a vigilant and
constant adherence to those principles and
compromises of the Constitution, which are
broad enough and strong enough to embrace
and uphold the Union as it was, the Union as
it is, and the Union as it shall be, in the full
expansion of the energies and capacity of this
great and progressive people.
1. Resolved, That there are questions con
nected with the foreign policy of this country
which are inferior to no domestic question
whatever. The time has come for the people
of the United States to declare themselves in
favor of free seas and progressive free trade
throughout the world, and, by solemn manifes
tations, to place their moral influence by the
side of their successful example.
2. Resolved, That our geographical and
political position with reference to the other
States of this continent, no less than the iu
terest'of our commerce and the development
of our growing power, requires that we should
hold as sacred the principles involved in the
Monroe Doctrine; their Dearing and import
admit of no misconstruction ; they should be
3. Resolved, That the great highway which
nature, as well as the assent of the States most
immediately interested In its maintenance, has
marked out for a free communication between
the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, constitutes
one of the most important achievements real
ized by the spirit of modern times and the un
conquerable energy of our people. That re
sult should be secured by a timely and efficient
exertion of the control which we have the
right to claim over it, and no power on earth
should be suffered to impede or clog its pro
gress by any interference with the relations it
may suit our policy to establish between our
government and the government of the States
within whose dominions it lies. We can, un
der no circumstances, surrender our prepon
derence in the adjustment of all questions
growing out of it.
4. Resolved, That in view of so command
idg an interest, the people of the United States
cannot but sympathise with the effort- which
are being made by the people of Central Ameri
ca to regenerate that portion of the continent
which covers the passage across the Inter
oceanic Isthmus.
5. Resolved, That the Democratic party
will expect of the next Administration that
every proper effort will be made to insure our
ascendency in the Gulf of Mexico, and to
maintain a permanent protection to the great
outlets through which are emptied into its
waters the products raised out of the soil, and
the commodities created by the industry of the
people of our Western valleys, and of the
Union at large
B. F. HALLETT, Chairman.
Boundar* Commissioner.—Lieut. Mowry,
of Arizona, has been appointed a Commis
sioner to run the eastern boundary line of Cal
ifornia.
— The number of acres included in the
proclamations for sales in the Territories of
Kansas and Nebraska, in August, is seven mil
lions.
-—Gen. Walker, the fillibuster, is on the
move in South America. News from that
quarter will very likely reach us one of these
days.
-The new daily paper, the Sentinel,
started in New York to advance Mr. Douglas’
interests, has collapsed, after a feeble exist
ence of a few days.
—Senator Bright, of Indiana, is about to
•|£rt a daiiy paper at Indianapolis, to support
,»Us’ :*cid^e and Lar.e. and htlp defeat liou
J. C. MORRILL, EDITOR.
DES ARC, AR K ANSA8 :
WEDNESDAY.AUGUST 8,1860.
DEMOCRATIC TICKETT
FOR PRESIDENT,
JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE,
OF KENTUCKY.
FOR' VICE-PRESIDENT,
GENERAL JO. LANE,
OF OREGON.
BRECKINRIDGE & LANE
Township Meeting—Let the De
mocracy Turn Out.
The Democracy of White River town
ship, favorable to the nomination of Breck
inridge & Lane, are requested to meet
at Des Arc, on Tuesday next, 14th inst.,
to designate a day for a Ratification meet
ing. _ _
®6T* We have delayed the publication
of our paper forty-eight hours, in order to
present our readers with the official returns
of Prairie County, which will be found in
our columns.
Opening of the Presidential Can
vass.—We learn that Col. T. C. Hind
man, Col. Albert Rust, and Gen. Jas.
Yell, will address the people of Des
Arc, on Saturday the 18th inst.
Election News.
White County.—Johnson, for Gov
ernor, and Cypert, for Congress, have car
ried White County by about 120 votes.—
.JHaxwell, elected Representative. J. W.
Bradley, elected Sheriff. D. McRae,
Au.i. _____
’ Death of John L. Hammond, Junior
Editor of the Prairie Democrat.—
The Prairie Democrat of the 4th inst.,
comes to us in morning for the death of
its Junior Editor, J. L. Hammond, Esq.,
who died at Brownsville, on the morning
of the 3rd inst., in the 25th year of his
age. Mr. Hammond was a native of Edge
field District, South Carolina, but removed,
at an early age to Taladega, Alabama,
where he continued to reside until shortly
before he emigrated to Arkansas in 1858.
Personal vs. Party Nominations
for the Presidency.—Of the candi
dates in the field for the next Presidency,
says the New York Herald, only two rep
resent living party organizations. ' Mr.
Douglas stands at the head of a ragged
and broken column, Mr. Bell was nomi
nated by a Convention of fossil Whigs
and broken down Know-Nothing politi
cians; Sam Houston’s army is of the Fal
staffian order, and so on through the list,
up to Breckinridge and Lincoln, both of
whom are backed by powerful party
organizations, and have a certain amount
of definite support. That Lincoln will
carry the bulk of the electoral vote North
is beyond peradventure. That Breckin
ridge will be equally strong in the South
admits of no reasonable doubt. The other
candidates are all personal representa
tives of cliques, and have'no strength be
yond the support of their immediate friends.
Choose, then, between Breckinridge and
Lincoln.
---
Rowdyism—A Lady Insulted and
Shot At.—Our Memphis exchanges of
the 31st ult., bring intelligence of the most
dastardly and outrageous conduct on the
part of a gang of scoundrels in the suburbs
of that city. The villians attacked the
garden grounds of Rev. Samuel Watson,
destroying everything in their reach.—
Several shots were fired at an old negro
on the premises, and also at Mrs. Watson,
who, in- fear of her life, escaped to the
house. The .Avalanche takes ground in
favor of a Vigilance Committee, and main
tains that Memphis cannot otherwise rid
herself of thieves, house-burners and scoun
drels of the deepest dye. The party that
attacked Mr. W’s premises waS composed
of some twenty-five or thirty. If such
exemplary men as Rev. Samuel Watson
are to be thus attacked, and his wife and
servant assaulted, it is full time that the
community should become aroused. Will
the people of Memphis, for once, do their
duty—search out these miscreants and
and deal out to them individually and col
lectively, the chastisement they deserve ?
-<*-♦-•■
-Tur (twain KiFT.nH or the West.—
It is said that the whole West, from the
Ohio to the Missouri, is one vast grain
field. It is estimated that the State of
Ohio will have thirty millions bushels of
wheat—five millions more than it has
ever produced before—and that it is of the
best quality.
2]r” Douglas is the first Democrat who
ever undertook to furnish the National
Convention of the Democracy with a can
didate and platform both. Others have al
lowed the Convention to make the plat
forms to suit the party, but he insisted
that the Convention should take him and
his platform, too.
Senator Fitzpatrick of Alabama,
in a letter to Hon. J. L. M. Curry, pub
lished in the Montgomery Advertiser, has i
formally and unequivocally declared in fa- j
vor of Breckinridge and Lane.
*
Reception of Major Breckinridge at
Frankfort, Kentucky.
Major Breckinridge reached his home,
at Frankfort, on the 18th ult. As soon as
his friends heard of his arrival, they greet
ed him, in large numbers, at the Capitol
Hotel, when he responded in the follow
ing language:
Fellow-Citizens: I thank you out of
the fullness of a grateful heart, for this
cordial welcome to my home. I feel, fel
low-citizens, the impropriety, upon an oc
casion like this, of doing much more than
returning to you my cordial-and gratetul
acknowledgement for your kindness.—
Perhaps, however, I may be allowed, here
in the midst of my old district, and sur
rounded by my neighbors and friends, on
the soil of Kentucky, to make one or two
explanatory statements, and forbear, on
this occasion, to enter into any statement
or argument in reference to the circum
stances that occurred at Baltimore, and
which resulted, unexpectedly to me, in
placing me before the country for the of
fice of President. But I think it due to
you, and to myself, to say, that being c^
nizant of all those facts, having observed
all those transactions, having pondered
carefully over them, having consulted with
my friends, unconscious altogether of be
ing animated or sustained by a hot ambi
tion, I feel that the position which I occu
py to-day, is right. (Great cheering.)—
I feel that I could not have shrunk from it
without being false to my country, false to
my friends, ancf false to myself. Conse
quently, I accepted the nomination with
all its responsibilities. To those who take
advantage of the position of a silent man,
to heap upon him execrations, I say pour
on, I can endure. (Applause.)
I leave it to others to explain more ful
ly the facts and circumstancrs of this nom
ination. Perhaps, also, I maybe allowed
to say that the claim, that I stand before
the country as a sectional candidate, can
not be true, whether reference be had to
the number of the States which cooperated
in the nomination, or to the character of
the principles which animated them.—
When you find the Democratic organiza
tion aided by large, conservative elements
of other parties in all the Southern States.
and in those two States upon the Pacific
ocean which have been so far removed
from the contests of the Atlantic and Mis
sissippi valleys, that their judgment as to
what is sectional ought to be conclusive ;
and when you find the Democratic organ
ization of the State of Pennsylvania, and
a supposed majority of New Jersey, Con
necticut and Massachusetts, with large
and imposing organizations in all the oth
er Slates, cooperating, how can such a
nomination as that be properly called sec
tional ? A majority of the States of the
Union sectional and at war with the prin
ciples upon which the Union itself is found
ed ! Fellow-citizens, as to the charge that
the Convention to which I owe my nomi
nation, or that supported, or that I myself,
am tainted with a spirit of Disunion, how
absurd to make a response to a Kentucky
audience, and in this old District, too! I
am an American citizen—a Kentuckian—
who never did an act or cherished a
thought that was not full of devotion to the
Constitution and to the Union—who feels
as you do upon this subject. But perhaps
it would have been belter, both in your
behalf, and in miue, if I had refused to
respond to the sentiment!
Fellow-citizens, this is perhaps the last
time that I will have an oportunity to say
anything to my neighbors and friends, dur
ing the pendency of this canvass. While,
therefore, I shall enter into no argument
upon the particular topics of the day, per
haps you will pardop me for making two
or three observations, which, it seems to
me, should command themselves to all par
ties, everywhere. Fellow-citizens, we
live under the best Government on earth.
We are the only country in the world
where the experiment is demonstrated,
that free institutions may be established
over a great population and a large ex
tent of territory, and be consistent with pub
lic order. It has been demonstrated, in
our case, for the first lime in the history
of the world. How are we to preserve these
institutions? How are we to preserve
intact that double form of government,
State aud Federal, that has been handed
down to us by our forefathers. My an
_,i__ __i.. A.. i... _i;__
~ *•— ;-- -b b
with unfaltering fidelity, unwavered by
policy to the Constitution they bequeathed
to us. I hold that fidelity to the Constitu
tion of the United States, in all its parts,
and in all its obligations, is the condition
of the American Union, and of its perpet
uation. That Constitution was framed
and transmitted by the wisest generation
of men that ever lived in the tide of times.
It may be called an inspired instrument.
It answered them at an early day. It has
answered our purpose. It is good enough
for qur posterity to keep it pure.
Keep It Befobe the People?—To
show how thoroughly Mr. Douglas is com
mitted against the decision of the Supreme
Court, on the question involving the pow
ers of a Territorial Legislature, we pub
lish below in parallel columns their re
spective views on this subject.
“ The right of pro-! “ The people of a
perty in a slave is dia Territory can, by Iaw
tinctly and expressedlviful means, exclude sla
affirmed in the Consti-'very before it comes in
tution,” and that “ noias a State and “no
tribunal acting under;tna»er what may be
the authority of the thc decision of the Su
TTnited States, whether preme Court on that
it be legislative, exe-:abstract question, still
cutive, or judicial, has:the right of the people
a right to draw a dis-'of the Territories to
tinction or to deny to itimake a slave Territory
the benefit of the pro-;or a free Territory is
risions and guarantees,|perfect"and complete.”
which have been pro-:[S. A. Douglas,
rided for the pr otection;
of private property.”:
“And if Congress it-:
self caunot do this—if:
it is beyond the power:
conferred on the reder-i
il Govcrnment-it could;
sot authorize a Terri-;
:orial Government to;
exercise them. It could;
confer no power on any;
local Government, es-i
;ablished by its author-;
.ty, to violate theprin-i
ci'ples of the Constitu-;
don.”‘“The onlypow-'
sr conferred is the pow-;
ir coupled with the du-;
y of guarding and pro*:
ecting the owner in:
lis right.” [Supreme
'ourt, U. S.
Mr. Douglas’ Views on the Territorial
Question.
If the public do not understand Mr.
Douglas’ views in regard to the question
of slavery in the Territories, the lault shall
not be attributed to the Avalanche. e
have a thousand times attempted to ex
pose his vagaries on this question, ana
since there is so much mystification and
misunderstanding as to his real sentiments
we shall again restate them.
In the Senate of the United Slates, in
1856, Judge Trumbull, in a speech, sub
stantially, if not directly, put the interrog
atory to Judge Douglas, as to whether the
people of a Territory had the lawful pow
er to exclude slavery prior to the formation
of a Constitution. Judge Douglas then
answered at a considerable length, and his
answer will be found in the Congressional
Globe, under the date of June 9, 18o6.
Judge Douglas responded'^
« My answer is, that if the Constitution
carries slavery 'here, let it go, and no power
on. earth can take it away; but if the Consti
tution does not carry it there, no power but
;%ip people can carry it there.”
In his Rejoinder to Judge Black. Mr.
’Douglas says, referring to his Magazine
article:
“ In that article, without assailing any one,
or impugning any man’s motives, I demon
strated beyond the posibility or cavil or dis
pute by any fair-minded man, that if the pro
position were true, as contended by Mr. Buch
anan, that slavery exists in the Territories by
virtue of the Constitution, the conclusion is
inevitable and irresistible, that it is the imper
ative duty of Congress to pass all laws neces
sary for its protection ; that there is and can
be no exception to the rule that a right guar
antied by the Constitution must be protected
by law in all cases where legislation is essen
tial to its enjoyment; that all who conscien
tiously believe that slavery exists in the Ter
ritories”—
Agnin, referring to the power of the
Territorial Legislature to exclude slavery,
he said, in his speech in the Senate:
“ I believe the power existed ; others believ
ed otherwise ; we agreed to differ ; we agreed
to refer it to the judiciary; we agreed to abide
by their decision.”
In the foregoing extracts Judge Douglas
is certainly committed distinctly to the fol
lowing propositions:
1. If the Constitution carries slavery in
the Territories, no power on earth (includ
irur. of course, the Territorial Legislature. I
can exclude it.
2. If slavery exists in the Territories by
virtue of the Constitution, it is the imper
ative duty of Congress to pass all laws ne
cessary for its protection.
3. That he would abide the decision of
the Supreme Court, and surrender the
opinion that the Territorial Legislature
could exclude slavery, if the Court so de
cided.
The Supreme Court of the United States,
in the case of Dred Scott, held—
“ The powers over person and property over
which we speak”—
that is, the power of confiscating the slaves
of the citizens of the slave-holding Stales,
if they go into the Territories—
“Are not only not granted to .Congress, but
are in express terms denied, and they are for
bidden to exercise.them. And this nrahiJiU
tion is not confined to the States, but the words
are general, and extend to the whole Territo
ry over which the Constitution gives it power
to legislate, including those portions of it re
maining under Territorial Government, as well
as that covered by States. It is a total absence
of power every where within the dominion of
the United States, and places the citizens of a
Territory, so far as these rights are concern
ed, on the same footing with the citizens of
the States, and guards them as firmly and plain
ly against ar.y inroads which the General Gov
ernment might attempt under the plea of im
plied or incidental powers, and if .Congress it
self cannot do this, if it is beyond the powe^j
conferred on the Federal Government-* will
be admitted, we presume, that it could nfet au
thorize a Territorial Gdverm*nt to exercise
them. It could confer no power on any local
Government established by its authority to
violate the provisions of the Co^fcrtiition.”
Congress cannot destroy the property of
a citizen in his slave jn a Territory. Con
gress can commit to the people of a Ter
ritory the power of government; but in so
committing it, the court says they presume
it will be admitted kbat^jiefngress cannot
authorize a Territijrial Government to ex
ercise the powers whic&Hotjgress itself is
prohibited from exercising. Again :
“And if the Constitution recognizes the
right of property of the master in a slave,
and makes no distinction between that descrip
tion of property and other property owned by
a citizen, no tribunal, acting under the au
thority of the United States”—
And surely the Territorial Legis-latures,
when organized, are acting under such
authority—
“no tribunal, acting under the authority of
the United States, whether it be Legislative,
Executive, or Judicial, has a right to draw
such a distinction, or deny to it the benefit of
the provisions and guarantees which have been
provided for the protection of private proper
ty against the encroachments of the Govern
ment.”
The Supreme Court decides that slave
property does exist in the Territories by
the authority of the Constitution, that nei
ther Congress nor the Territorial Legisla
ture can exclude it or deny it that provi
sion aud guarantee provided for other spe
cies of property. Now, let us see wheth
er Mr. Douglas will agree to abide this
decision, and stand to these propositions
above given.
In his Freeport speech, when asked his
opinion on this subject, Judge Douglas
said:
“ The next question propounded to me by
Mr. Lincoln is, can the people of a Territory,
in any lawful way; against the wishes of any
citizen of the United States, exclude slavery
from their limits prior to the formation of a
Stale Constitution ? I answer emphatically,
as Mr. Lincoln has heard me answer a hun
dred times from every stump in Illinois, that,
in my opinion, the people of a Territory can,
by lawful means, exclude slavery from_rfi'elT
limits prior to the formation of a State Con
stitution. Mr. Lincoln knew that I answered
that question over and over again. He heard
me argue the Nebraska bill on that principle
all over the State in 1854, in 1855, and in
1850, and he has no excuse for pretending to
be in doubt as to my position on that ques
tion.”
“It matters not what way the Supreme
Court may hereafter decide as to the abstract
question, whether slavery may or may not go
into a Territory under the Constitution, the
people have the lawful means to introduce or
exclude it as they please, for the reason that
slavery cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere
unless it is supported by local police regula
tions. Those police regulations can only be
established by the local Legislature; and if
the people are opposed to slavery, they will
elect'representatives to that body who will,
tiy unfriendly legislation, eventually prevent
Ihe introduction of it into their midst. If on
:he contrary, they are for it, their legislation
will favor its extension. Hence, no matter
what the decision of the Supreme Court may
)e on that abstract question, still the right of
he people to make a slave Territory or a free
I'erritory is perfect and complete under the
Nebraska bill. 1 hope Mr. Lincoln deems my
mswer satisfactory on that point.”-[Mcmphis
Ivalanche.
Startling News from Northern Texas.
The whole of Northern Texas is threa
tened with fire, murder and insurrection
by abolition emissaries from the North,
who have already commenced their hellish
work. The last Overland Mail brings a
letter containing an extra, issued from the
Bonham Era, dated the 17th ult.. which
gives the following thrilling detail.
° The destructive and mysterious fires that
occurred throughout our portion of the
State on the 8th ult., were a theme for
speculation until to-day; some imputed
their origin to the “ spontaneous combus
tion ” of prairie matches, cansed by the
excessive heat of the day, but the convic
tion seemed to prevail that they were the
result of preconcerted arrangements set
on foot by abolition emissaries, who had
heretofore been expelled from the country.
That this latter position was correct, is
verified by the subjoined letter from Dr.
Prvor, editor of the Dallas Herald !
“Dallas, July 15, 1860.
Capt. DeLeslie—Dear Sir:—I write
in baste that you may prepare your peo
ple for the most alarming state of affairs
that has ever occurred in Texas. On the
8th July, the town of Dallas was fired,
and the whole business portion consumed.
Every store in town was consumed. The
next day the dwelling house of J. J- Es
kins was burned. After that, the dwell
ing house of E. P. Nicholson was fired,
but discovered it in time to arrest the
flames. On Thursday, the premises of
Crill Miller, with a large amount of oats,
grain, etc., were totally consumed. This
led to the arrest of some negroes and white
men. A most diabolical plan was then
discovered to devastate this entire portion
of Northern Texas, extending even to the
Red River counties.
White men, friends of the abolition
preachers, Blunt and McKinney, who were
expelled from the country last year, are
the instigators of the plot. The whole
plan is systematically conceived, and most
ingeniously contrived. It makes the blood
run cold to hear the details. This whole
country was to be laid waste with fire, de
stroying all the a munition, provisions,
. .. . _ _ . i 11_nAi.nlun in n olntn A f
UIIUO, Ul/f, iw HAW --
helplessness, and then, on election day in
August, to make a general insurrection,
aided and assisted by emissaries from the
North, and persons friendly to them in
our midst. Their sphere of operations is
districted and sub-districted, giving to each
division a close supervision by one ener
getic white man, who controls the negroes
and his subordinates. A regular invasion,
and a real intestine war. You all at Bon
ham are in as much danger as we are.—
Be on your guard, and make Ihese facts
known by issuing extras to be sent in every
direction. All business has ceased, and
the comffty is terribly excited. In haste,
yours truly,”
Comment on the above would be super
fluous. Everybody will see the necessity
of immediate, energetic action, and a
thorough organization throughout the
dftuhtry, and to this end it is proposed that
a meeting of the citizens of Fannin coun
ty be held in the Court House at Bonham,
' at 10 o’clock on Saturday next, when the
subject will be fully discussed and mea
sures adopted for our future safety.
The fires that occurred on the 8th inst.,
as far as we are yet able to learn, are as
follows :
>*" Dallas.—The entire business portion
,of«the town, including every mercantile
' house in the place. Loss estimated at four
hundred thousand dollars.
Belknap.—Eight large store-houses
’ were destroyed. The buildings were own
ed by Drs. Foote and Throgmorten, of
McKinnv. Loss not given.
Millford, Ellis County.—Totally
destroyed.
Black Jack Grove.—One large mer
cantile house; loss $30,000.
Waxahachie.—One house.
Denton.—The store-house of J. M.
Smoot, with the house of Jacobs, and that
of Baines & Turner. Total loss estimated
at $100,000.
Pilot Point.—One store-house, own
ed by J. M. Smoot, of Denton. Total
loss, $10,000.
Fort Worth.—'A mercantile house.
Loss not given.
Laconia, Fannin County.—The
siure-nuuse ui iur. cj. i.*upree loiauy ue
stroyed. Loss about $25,000.
It is also reported that two houses were
burned in Jefferson, and at Honey Grove,
in this county, one house was fired, but
put out before much damage was done.—
A steam flouring mill was burned at Mill
wood, Collin County, Texas.
A Good Text.—“ Hands off'by Con
gress, and hands off by Territorial Leg
islatures.”
So said Mr. Buchanan in his late speech
at Washington. “ This is the ring of the
right metal.” This is the true doctrine of
non-intervention, as contended for by every
true Democrat throughout the land. —
“ Hands off by Congress, and hands off
by the Territorial Legislature.” This is
the doctrine contended for by the Breck
inridge and Lane men. If the Territorial
Legislature will not intervene to destroy
the rights of slaveholders in the Territo
ries by “unfriendly legislation,” to use the
language of Mr. Douglas, then Congress
has nothing to do with the subject. But
if the Territorial Legislature shall so in
tervene, and the Executive and Judicial
Departments of the Government are not
sufficient to protect the property of slave
holders in the Territories, then it is the
bounden duty of the Legislative depart
ment of the Government to come to the
rescue, and make such enactments as may
be necessary to provide for such an emer
gency. This oue-sided view of the doc
trine of non-intervention is anti-Demo
cratic in the highest degree. How absurd
to asscune that the General Government
in “all its departments,” shall stand aloof
and see the rights of the people of fifteen
States trampled under foot, by a heartless
and unprincipled majority, who assume
the privilege of appropriating to them
selves the property of the Union? We
rejoice that Mr. Buchanan has enunciated
this noble sentiment. Let all true Dem
ocrats stand by it.
fifeS“The administration has recently ad
dressed another note to the British Govern
ment, on the subject of the San Juan af
fair.
Now that John U. Heenan, jjj
Benecia Boy, is safely housed in
York, in the full tide of his glory, a au(,.
ject of new excitement in regard to |,m'
has arisen. A card appeared in the pa!
pers signed John Morrissey, challenging
him to fight for any sum he likes, up ^
$11,000, at any time and at any place.-,
Heenan promptly responds that l)e accem,
the challenge at the highest sum named'
but in the same paper another card ap!
pears, signed John Morrissey, denying
that the challenge over his name was his
and making no offer at all. Thus an jm!
broglio is created for the “fancy,” and on
ly the handwriting of Morrissey can de
termine which of the notes is genuine,
-■*■♦-•>
Marshall on Douglas.—Mr. Mar.
shall, in his speech at the Baltimore rat
ification meeting, said " he regarded Jfr>
Douglas as a tender to the Lincoln locom!
olive: he therefore cut his connection
with him.”—[Union and American,
---
MAHRI ED:
Yesterday morning, August 7th, at Hickorv
Plain, by G. M. Connor, Esq., Col. Allen
A. Pittman to Miss Lunna Mills, all of
Prairie county. •
[The compliments of the Citizen Office to
Col. Pittman and his bride. The wine wai
excellent, and sentiment and song were of."
fered, with the best wishes of all for the fa.
ture happiness of those who remember the
printer when joy reigns in the hearts of those
who lore.]
DIED: f
This morning, in Des Arc, Samuel A, son
of Henry and Martha A. Bestwick, aged 2
years and 3 months. Memphis papers copy.
J. BLANTON, M. D. JNO. B. BLANTON,M. 0.
JT. BIj^JVTOJY 4* SOJY„
Physicians and Nurgeons.
w Office and residence, Centre Point, |
Prairie county, Arkansas. [aug8 ly ’
J. T. PARHAM, I
M©MDins©¥ & miue,
DES ARC, ARKANSAS,
SOLICITS contracts for buildings of er.
ery style. He is also prepared to fur
nish Designs, Estimates and Drawings of ill
the modern orders of architecture; build su
perintend, and furnish working plans for
building at moderate prices.
*.* Orders left at the “Citizen Office,” will
receive prompt attention. [aug8ly
Sale of Lands.
BY virtue of an order of the Probate Coart
of Prairie county, October Term, 1859)
on Monday, the 8th of October next, it bein:
the first day of the Probate Court, we will
offer at public sale to the hightest bidder, it
the Court House door in Brownsville, the fine
Plantation known as the late residence of Mil
iey W. Ware, to wit: The S. E. Qr. of let.
19, and S. W. Qr. of sec. 20, in T. 5 N. R.9,
W.—320 acres. There is on tills place thirty
five acres of open land, all fresh, and in a fine
state of cultivation ; there are two gooddwel- i
lings, and other necessary out-buildings, a good I j
garden, two springs and a good orchard. The l|
stage road leading from Des Arc to Fort Smith
runs through a part of this land.
ALSO—the S. VV. Qr. of sec. 9, in T. 3. N. 1
R. 8, W.—160 acres—in the woods lying on J
.the same road. Persons wishing to examine
these lands will call upon J. E. Ware or Samp- J
son Moore, ne,r Atlanta.
Terms of Sale.—One-third cash, thebal- p|
ance in one and two years from sale.
JAMES E. WARE.
SAMPSON MOORE.
Executors of Milly W. Ware,dec'll. |
Aug. 8, I860—2t. __ i
• At Cost and Carriage.
I AM offering my entire stock of DBl'
GOODS at cost and ten per
cent. Everybody is invited to call and see |
for themselves. My goods are inferior to
none in this market, and rny object in selliil
off at cost and carriage is to enable me to re
plenish with a stock which will be bough!
exclusively- with cash,
augl tf LEVIN HARRISON.
—JL_--—
Attention, Xjaciio*!
CLOSING OUT
AT COST'
OUR Challies, Lawns, Berages Bonnetr, §|
Mantillas and Silks, to make room for'I-J
full stock of Fall and Winter Goods. BesusBa
to give us a call. JOHN JACKSON & CO. B
Cost! Cost! Cost!!i;
AT J. A. JENNINGS & CO.’S. I
WE have this day marked our entire »toelB
of Muslins, Berages, Silks and Bonne-*- pj
with a variety of other goods, AT COST, um
order to make room for a large Fall Stock. K
Now is the time to get your goods cheap-lj
We solicit a call from all. I
inoo.te I a 1F.NNINGS & CO- I f
UNIVERSITY of NASHVIUf J
Military College
T BERRIEN LINDSLEY, M.DJ&j
# Chancellor of the University, and r° h*
fes^or of Chemistry ami Geology. .h
Col. 13. H. Johnson, Superintendent or , |
Military College, and Professor of Engine r;p
inf'-. t BjBII
James F. Hamilton, A. M., Professor o. | |
Mathematics and Natural Philosophy. , j|
J. H. Stewart, A. M., Professor of tree
and Latin Languages and Literature. fcf
Geo. S. Blackie, A. M., M. D., ft** tj
of Botany and Natural History. Ig:;
Rev. J. W. Hoyte, A.M., M.D.,
of Mental and Moral Philosophy, an“ " K
Literature. , ... I
R. YV. Pitman, Adjunct Professor ol I 1
cient Languages. _ , mS.
J. G. Anglade, Teacher of French H
Drawing. ' Eli
C. K. Winston, M. D., Surgeon. .MO-Bli
The first term of the Academic yeah ,w}*C
’61, commences on the 3d of Septernbcr,
The second term commences on the , B fi
January, 1861. Commencement exercis
place on the 12th of June, 1861. ,*■ J,
Tuition, boarding, washing, fu®’ j.}B[
servants’ attendance, and use of *r® V., KT
per term._Matriculation fee, $5- s
are required to furnish their rooms. H|)
necring, French, Spanish, German, P „■ s
Book-keeping, and Fencing, each * B^
term of twenty weeks.
Students tinder fourteen years of ag
not be admitted. • auieB
By the aid of Military Discipline. .j,v!i Bf1
government is established, and he. g!iiti'JBl
cal culture, good order and industrio
are promoted. ,tiokH*
For Catalogues, or additional inf0’®* I |e
apply to any member of the Faculty- , fc
jy25-3m B. R. JOHNSON^ f
It. T. 8131rSON,
Attorney at Law?
lies Arc,
WILL practice in Prairie, Whit > ^
sas, Monroe, Jackson, and the
counties. Office on Lyon street,
jy 18, I860- _ _^
NOTICE.
rpHE PARTNERSHIP heretofore » ^
J_ under the firm of Lawrence 4. «* h t
town of Des Arc, is eternally sit*;
R. Lawrence can be found at his t gjrJ
ated on the corner of Walton am
streets, during business hours, ready kijc!'*
promptly to all business entrusted .
an" l-3t. t
I