>
dark clouds ot' abolitionism*
'l!ld F^-rvo intact the Cons.itl
_„nni, , e i °* "ie States—the rights of tlA
peoj.10 and t!,e\rpctuiry Q, the Union. I
tinn.nT- me <>9a alld l)0,d war upon the institul
0^„0 ,‘h® bou— they deny the equality in thil
.,,, , ,10 Pe1°ie of the fifteen Southern States.
the% tr:l,‘ )tpl'al! tlle ‘elTIb'ry lying between'
the States and Pacle ocean, shall he dedicated to
whnJfrV’l am'them slaveholders, bv
'hose blood and trewre it was purchased, shall
hefr riaX.rT;^ ,d;'1 °“upymg any of it with
has Dover fh,'-V daim Congress
lumbta «n • V 'Vy in the Distl’icl of Co
thc Kv o l 'i 1 err^nes, and also to abolish
o loni •. ,„r 1*0 several States; and
death' and rm" ‘he C ’uitution a league with
“1 o mom J T fel.”. and declare that
fcnUn °whf. K6 m ?63 "''I1 bb added to the
ut ilol I*? h e(l'!a\ of representation,
ent In vT'"'1'3 01 ‘"Constitution, to he
Ve«ttbn,tiee“ w ‘rue audVve States, would
al“ forcvf br°Xn down, and the
Asiav^lMt^^'1 ljy ''''Constitution, to
.£ ‘,.r \ . ,'i:,fetat,es tr,imI^' upon and wholly
tl'r't ' “ ,lll7 dt:'y lhe bi'iing authority of
"Cl 'U 1 of “le Supreme Court:
to|/;/mA-'V"11 r n'co"strm-t.thojudiciary—
fral CtT \'~U: "C’r‘,"lu Constitution—dis
„I„V ‘7 daveholdmg States, an..convert the
pi.'IwnX"1 “s.‘0«uimat0 <M1ds,to the suli
I and tmiression oltlie South; n« practical
UniJ tCX 'v7‘ld.';e '7° dissolojon of the
..... - 0 I vc,lt which tlie deniocr.ty and the
•ire ii%i'V11 ’,Uni,0,,'loviiig men in he North
■' ' X ilrm.\ ba‘"mg nolily to provtbt so dire
Lt*;;it;.a"''V’choovesuotoniy the dinocrucv
^ %n. SoWi, to lay aside their pm-.y prpju
"X'f0 *tl' "“‘l0""1 men every there to
Union 0U^tal« aid the
%eli.-kvi,1ett> or union tarty.
iJtainonlC* 0t"'is P;lrty "« nonrnatid at
.
;1 —
■in.I of dul.l 11 is.l l,'‘ ‘ll0 P',rt of patrioti:ni
;,th„r t, -t7;^VO POLITICAL PJUNCIPLIS
a.„| 1 ’ . 7 the enforcement, of tin
clouted to iro beloie
words'thr'v ?T“i *"""dtmoUo, by whichcatch
political , ° draw into then
pulses would >1 v n-sC 1 ta ;S° ,Patrlotl.® 1
once looking! the reaso^r a toa3‘-";!‘h«u‘
platform of pr!les, do h ! T «frad,a‘,,«. a
S'« “Cnion-l CoJXS^
ii)rtionor,tV'^1St C,'1’’*bv b« denied to a
poitionot the smts and the p^rile Thu (\m
stilutun. may l.ilistrued so as , exclude at or
tion ot the btat.lf the cm fed a, . f n rich s
common to all, ufitlie law* thu<w.V i • • 1
„*• fj,» c.,lfw j,, ‘ , *1113Astianchisiug a
)>aii oi tne otacea CtiicpeonU* mi’ i t .
wnnlH nniutv,..; \vi a S . • and no doubt
TcaUa JuZ>XS.^2 “tit"int ^ ,‘h,S
tie- Hi-llrveretl 1 mpu.inuylUSCnbed Oil
me BUie'Orett ban*s? In rosporisu,, ,1,;.
and proper qiiestioiike are referred .1 !
record of their stan& bearers l> thc 1U3‘
MK- RUCORD.
Upon examinationthe record of . ^ „
Brown raids, that now so justly |ite amlTuflum
the people of the South.
MR. BEI.l’s ANTI-WAR li)Rn.
Though a native of the South ah slaveholder
we find him, during the latter part%the adminis
tration of General Jackson, eo-i-ating writ!
the federalists and abolitionists of »w England
in opposing the prosecution of th%idiun" war
which would open up and developin' territor
adapted to slave labor. Mr. Bell snViefore tlia
celebrated “corruption committee,' raised ex
pressly to traduce the character of G*al JACK
bon, and furnish a pretext for his ini)>fyment:
“I, therefore, feel well warranted Imy own
mind in attributing to the imbecility, cfcfe neg
lect or the corruition of the administrnn, all the
blood and expenditure which have atijjed out
recent hostile relations with the CreeJodians,
and much of the dishonor which must a It to the
country by the reason of speculation in thc«iU|B.'>
Thus did lie speak of lien. Jackson, thSitest
of American bases and statesmen—the ubihicrul
had refused his application for a place in hi binet.
Again, when our minister had returned from|bce,
when a war was threatened, and every prejflSjon
was being made by France, to send a hostifjtet
to block up our sea-ports: Gen. Jackson :>,i
mended Congress to make appropriations to itao
nation in a better state of defence; and win h*.
patriotism of the nation was ready to respond#.
Bell said:
“ How happens it that there is so great an a n
just at this moment? Has a war panic come u
us so suddenly? Must we vote all the appro]d
tion bills without further delay ’ ■'• "
afraid if these bUJe ar.- {Majid uatV g
February, ■ ''ic °fher !nfor**M •n ma
from the other side
satisfy us that * xti.'ii
uuneccss if 1 1*“*'
Clrovrnstniiue:, ullli.S 1 1
a—^ - ' A.
poses as ! have all tided to as the motive which in
fluenced the committee; yet, sir, unless such de
signs arc at the bottom of the movement it is to
me wholly inexplicable.”
Any one who will take the trouble to examine
the history ot those difficulties with France, will
at once say that Hen. Jackson was right, and tliut
the conduct of Mr. Bell was that of a vindictive,
temporizing demagogue.
Again, in 1839, pending the controversy in re
gard to the north-eastboundary question, when the
country was threatened with a war with England,
and a measure proposing to increase our means of
dcfcusc in case of invasion, was under considera
tion, Mr. Bell said;
" If ( Lent Britain intended to as. evt her claims
bv arms, she would give us an intimation of the
fact, or otherwise postpone it, and therefore we
need apprehend no violent collision, until we have
received information from the government.”
So just was the measure that it passed by a deci
ded majority, and the excuse of Mr. Bell for bis
oppo.iiion to it is so palpably aUurd and supreme
ly ridiculous as to merit the contempt of all good
men and pa trip ts.
bell orrosKo the Mexican war.
But when in tracing bis record still on, we come
down to a period less remote—to the Mexican war,
whose thrilling incidents are within the recollec
tion of all, a war in which Arkansas was, perhaps,
as deeply interested as any one State in the whole
Union—whose patriotic sons nobly responded to
the bugle’s sound to arms; weave astounded to find
what Mr. Bell and his abolition associates in Con
gress, said of the chivalrous Yell, who fell covered
all over with glory—of our gallant Pike, who, im
polled alone by patriotism, abandoned a lucrative
practice—a happy home—and nil its attendant
comforts to encounter the hardships of the camp
and the dangers of war—our undaunted Danlky,
who suffered much and will carry to his grave an
imperishable monument, which proclaims in elo
quent though silent language, his devotion to lib
country—and that noble band of patriots who val
iently met the enemy at Buena Vista, and sealed
their devotion with their blood—alas! too man)
with their lives!
While they were thus exposed to fatigue, disease
—climate, and the deadly fire of an enemy or
foreign soil, the federal and abolition journals a1
Boston, said: “ It would be a sad and woful joy—
but a joy nevertheless, to hear that the horde?
under Scott and Taylor, were every man of them
swept into the next world.”
A member of Congress, Mr. Tuck, of New
Hampshire, pending the discussion on the bill for
supplies, men and munitions to carry on the wai
with Mexico said:
“ Let the same vote that declared the war un
necessary and unconstitutionalstarve it to death by
withholding supplies.” [Ap. Con. Globe, 1st Sess.
13th Cong. 21” ]
Mr. Lincoln, The present black republican can
oiuaie mr me nysiuency, niter me nitteresc denun
ciation of the war, and declaring that the Mexi
cans were right and our own country in the wrong,
said:
“ Mr. Pen.k feels the blood of this war like the
blood of Abel crying to heaven against him.” [Ap.
to Cong. Globe, .‘iOtli Cong. 95.]
Tom Corwin, of Ohio, said to the Mexicans:
“Greet the American soldiers witli bloody
[hands, and welcome them to hospitable graves.”—
U Cong. Globe, Vol. 17, 217.]
: But while the abolition journals and senators
and congressmen—Tack, Lincoln, Corwin and
Ithcrs, were thus plotting treason, and giving “aid
Hid comfort” to the enemy, where was John Bull,
■' Tennessee? Did he repel these treasonable
Vaults on the army and the nation? Did lie vin
f ate the rights of the nation and the honor o(
soldiers in battle? NO. He stood side by
f%e with Corwin, Lincoln & Co., resisting the
l'Vmmendntion of the President, and Opposing
til war. He appealed to the Senate to “ stop the
wk” and to the army to “ flee the country as you
w«d a city doomed to destruction by tire from
lieV u.” [Ap. Cong. Globe, 1st Ses. 30th Cong.,
p. *:), et swr.j And, in the same speech, Mr.
Bt:| said:
‘t hold, sir, for one, that gentlemen who be
lieve Ids war is unjust, iniquitous, or w bother just or
unjia, that, the further prosecution of it is likely
to iiliet upon the country greater evils than can
lie eckpensated by all the territorial acquisitions
whirl the courage and resources of the country
may luhicve, have a perfect right to arraign the.
out lion of it at the liar of public opinion, anil to
TliWlRT THEM by all the means of speech,
writing and voting, which the Constitution wa r -
rants.'i And, when told that lie and those acting
witli hi| in opposing the war, were giving aid
and coiibrt to the enemy, and that it was calcu
lated toiiiotiact the war unnecessarily, at a great
saeriticelof life; lie said;
“ Sir,|hould the tones of remonstrance against
tliis warAise so high in this chamber as to penetrate
every valtin Mexico, reverberate among her moan
tains, an t Roust: tiik whom: country to a spiri i
or p.esisAnce, there are tiiose who believe that u
greater caamilj may befall tliis country, in th(
further prisecutlon of tlie war, than over sueli re
suits as tilt.”
Thougluin outraged public sentiment was rising
to put to eVrlastiiig shame such moral and politi
cal treason!yet, this same John Bull, who claim:
to be tlie ifely Union saver, now in the wboli
country, colld brook that storm, and, under tin
sanctity of In oath to support tlie Constitution
declared belre Congress—our soldiers in Mexico—
tlie Mexieal themselves, and the world, that t
teas right “ »> thwart ” government in tlie prose
cation of thnvar, even should the tones of re
monstrance tie so high as to reach Mexico, ant
“ itousv: the Vole population to a spirit of resis
tance.”
Mr. Bull hfc been found, in almost every con
trovorsy in wlleh our country was engaged, stand
ing side by Aie witli northern federalists am
abolitionists, VpiKing the administration, and t n
dea voting to ripple it in prosecuting tlie same,
and now he roilrs us to tliis record for information
as to what he aid his party mean by the Union
the Constitutiui, and enforcement of the laws
We are not rcsAusible for the record, lie made
it himself, and !y it lie must stand or fall.
For his oppositou to Gen. Jackson, lie was in
vited to Hartlom and toafifced there by the sarm
federalist® who liirnt the “ Blue Lights ” during
the war of l8l2;(inco which he has been opposed
to his Country in ill *of her ware in fact or pros
pactive. He voted with tlxfin, in 1836, againsl
the policy of the administration in conducting tin
Indian war, and siught to impeach the lmmorta
Jackson. He stocjd by them in opposition to the
policy of the government in her troubles with the
French, when her fleet threatened our seas. iV hen
England threatened us with invasion ot the dis
, puted territory on the N. E. Boundary, lie joined
x them in opposing the policy recommended by the
President. And last, though not least, when the
t war with Mexico existed, anti when our friemh
- |md our neighbors and acquaintances, with com
V bendable patriotism, rushed to the scenes 01
q woody conflict, lie w as ready to “ welcome then
tkh bloody hands to hospitable graves,”—to cn
in any scheme “to thwart** the govern
fet, even if it should be to “ rouse the wholi
V«ican) country to a spIrit or resistance.”
Ivth such a record in times of war, is lie tlu
1 be trusted at the head of public altairs ii
, 11 iac iko the present? “ We speak us unto wist
■ m*%dge ye.”
**■ Ol’rOSED TO the right of suffrage.
'!1 *7, Mr. Bell introduced into the House oi
ReprtSi tjvcs uu odious GAG-LAW. '1 lie pro
V.u10n%vliieli were, that no person holding any
ollice or UQr> trust, or profit under tli* federal
governi* sll0U|,i exercise any of the ordinary
rights oi citizen, hy either speech or vote:
and, in dil jn,r tjie propriety of such a law, he
said: [Ct*,^ vol. 12, part 2, p. 1453.]
“ Let us * , for a moment and inquire how
this subject «.jie interference of public officers
in electicnsW ^ been regarded and provided
against in thejC countnj in which the principle* oj
free gtmernme,„rreclly understood and appre
cwted besides Koirn l mean Great Britain:"
and, utter portr* the beauties of the Em lisli
government, um*vooating the adoption of it.
Kingly and oppi\vc precedents, he exclaimed:
“ Will any man hVfteE affirm that the one hun
dred thousand oiiiS0](|crs> agCnts, contractors,
and dependents on l „0veniraent in some form
or otlicr, are any V,7r TO be safely tkusteu
with the right of sufJl ,, /y elections of a Jrei
people' Sir, the frieni.f t|ie purity and freedom
ot the elective 1 ranch! in ti,is country shouk
take aleraonupon this V.jeet, from the praclict
\ -1^
»'i « 1 t WO'*t Oj pa .
ggg- L .mX—L -L—ill
MR. bell's ANTI-SLAVERY RECORD.
The question ot slavery was regarded as nn in
stitution to bo fostered by one section of the coun
try* ftnd opposed by another, at a very early period
in our country's history. It was a subject of dis
cussion mid negotiation in the convention that
formed the Federal Constitution. Hamilton and
his followers, who were chiefly at the North, viewed
it with jealousy and suspicion; Jefferson and the
democratic (then republican) party, were chiefly
in the South. They contended for the reserved
rights of the States, and of their perfect equality
under a written compact. The latter .succeeded,
and from that day till this, the same spirit has ex
isted, in some shape and under some name, in op
position to democracy, and the seat of its power
with those who have always* shaped its destiny,
was in the Mull, which locality him given birth to
all the various isms that have divided ami dis
tracted the public mind from the days (if federal
ism down to know nothingism, the last great, politi
cal bantling, unless the presentUnion saving
party,” can be considered a different organization.
Among the many isms to which the North gave
birth, at nn early period, was abolitionism, in the
shape of “ abolition societies ” and “ anti-slavery
societies.” These, at first, were regarded by the
South (Ute only party interested) ns perfectly
harmless; but soon they began to gatherstrength—
the leaders became arrogant, ami began to petition
Congress on the sirbje' t; but the systematic agita
tion of slavery did hot fairly set in until about the
year 1835, when the notorious British emissary,
George Thompson, made a tour through Ihe North
ern States, and preached the abolition doctrines of
Wilberforce.
John Q. Adams was tdieri the leader of the
federal party, and aUo die champion of abolition
fanaticism. Early in December of that year, Mr.
Adams presented various petitions, praying the
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia,
winch were promptly laid upon the table—Mr.
llm-L voting with the South; but petitions nucumu
lated—debates commenced—excitement ran high;
and, on the 8th day of February, 1836, Mr. Pinck
ney, of South Carolina, introduced a resolution
declaring that Congress had no power to interfere
with slavery in the States, and that it would be a
violation of public faith, unwise, impolitic and
dangerous to the Union to abolish it in the District
of Columbia. The matter was referred to a com
mittee, who were instructed to report in accordance
with the sentiment contained in the resolution.—
On the 18th day of May following, Mr. Pinckney
reported three resolutions; in substance that Gun
great had no ColMitutinned power to interfere with
slavery in any of the States; that Congress ought not
to interfere in any way with slavery iii the Districtof
Columbia; that in order to cease the agitation and
restore tranquility to the public mind, no further no
j tine should be taken of abolition petitions than to lay
j them on the table; which resolutions were taken up
and, on the question “shall the main question be
now put?” Mr. Bell voted with Mr. Adams arid
A.F.. wn. ,1.!.; c,. ,: 1.: . . 1 .
open the door to discussion and anti-slavery agita
tion.
The next session of Congress was full of ex
citement. Tito POth day of December, 1837, ac
cording to the report of Mr. Benton, was indeed
a memorable day: “ The most angry and porten
tous debate, which lias yet taken place, occurred
at. tliis time in tlie House of Representatives. It
•was brought on by YVm. F. Slade, of Vermont,
who, bysides presenting petitions of the usual
character, and moving to refer them to a commit
tee, moved their reference to a select committer-,
with instructions to report a bill in conformity to
their prayer. This motion, inflammatory and irri
tating in itself, and without practical legislative
object, as tlie great majority of the House was
! known to be opposed to it, was rendered still more
| exasperating by the manner of supporting it. Mr.
! Slade made it the pretext for discussing the merits
of slavery. Several attempts were made by
: Southern members to get him down, by calls of
order, and motions to adjourn, hut to no effect;
still Slade kept tlie floor, and continued to speak,
southern men were insulted, and withdrew from
the hall, and-iaxited all to- fwBow. At Inst Mr.
McKay, of S. C., made a point of order, which
urns sustained, w hen another member moved an
adjournment (Slade still standing, and ready to go
on), which was carried; 63 members voting witli
Mr.'Adams against the adjournment, among those
voting against die adjournment was John Bell,
while the whale South voted far the adjournment.
“ This opposition to adjournment,” says Mr.
Benton, “was one of tlie worst features of that
unhappy day’s, work—tlie only effect of keeping
tlie house together being to increase irritation and
multiply tlie chances for an outbreak. From the
beginning, southern members had been in favor of
it, and essayed to accomplish it, but were prevented
by tlie tenacity with which Mr. Slade kept tlie
floor; and now at last, when it was time to adjourn
any way—when the house was in a condition in
w hich no good could be expected, and great harm
might ho apprehended, there were 63 members,
being nearly one-third of tlie house, w illing to
continue its session.”
The southern members held a meeting, and it
was proposed to abandon their seats and return to
their constituents; but more moderate counsel pre
vailed. They adopted a rule to be presented to
tile House, tiiat no more abolition petitions should
be received, which resolution was introduced by
Mr. Patton, of Va. Adams w as opposed to the
rule, Patton moved tlie previous question, and
the 63 who voted against the adjournment, includ
ing Mr. Bell, voted against tlie previous question.
The rule, however, prevailed by a vote of 122 to
74; Bell refusing In vole an the call.
The passage of tliis rule cut oil' exciting debate,
and quieted agitation for a while; but in June,
1838, Mr. Adams took occasion in a speech to de
clare that the slaves had a right to petition for
their freedom, and saidhe would cheerfully present
such petition. The .Speaker called him to order.
He appealed to tile House. The Speaker was sus
tained—ermj member voting to sustain him, ex
Early in the Session of 1838,-'9, resolutions
were introduced by a member from New Hamp
shire, asserting “that the government was one of
limited powers—that it had no jurisdiction over the
States—that petitions to abolish slavery in tho
District of Columbia, and in tho Territories,..and
against the removal of slaves from one State to
another, was a part of a plan set. on foot to abolish
slavery—that Congress had no right to do that in
directly which it could not do diaectly—that tho
continued agitation of the question, by petition
and otherwise, was a breaeli of good faith—that
the Constitution rests on the broad principle of the
equality among the members of the confederacy—that
ail movements to the contrary were destructive to
the fundamental principles on which the Union of
the States rests, and that all petitions, papers or
memorials relating in any way to slavery or the
abolition thereof, shall be laid on the table without
being read, printed or iefe*|Rjd.” Immediately,
upon tho reading thereof, Mr. Bell moved that
the House adjourn, but (having just convened)
tho House refused; and Mr. Potts, of Pennsylva
nia, a notorious abolitionist, moved to kill the bill
by laying it on the table; on which motion, Mr.
ki i.L voted with Adams, Potts, Slade & Co., to
lay on the table.
On the 31st December, 1839, a resolution was
introduced to raise a select committee for abolition
petitions, and, on a motion to suspend the rule,
Mr. Pill voted with Adams, Slade, Truman,
Smith 8 Co., fur the suspension, hut the motion was
fortunately lost.
Abolition petitions accumulated and it became
necessary to take decided action in regard to them.
On tho 28fh January, 1*40, W. Cost Johnson, of
Md., a whig—offered what was afterwards known
as tho “2Ut Rule”—declaring that no petition
to’uelii ig the abolition of slavery in any of the
States or Territories, or in the District of Colum
bia, should be received by the House or entertained
in any way whatever. Mr. Johnson said:
“ That the resolutions which had been presented
by others on the subject, were too vague to meet his
approbation, and therefore worded this so as to
leave no ambiguity, so that when a gentlemen voted
he couli not deceive his constituents, and mould clearly
define his position. He called upon those opposed to
the abolitionists, to vote for it, and to kill the,hi
abolition in an instant, in sucli a ms » t j
could not germinate its species.”
The question was then t,sj-ir. ' r
to amend the rule of tin s, , ii
company with Ada f s, mi.au. Pr ,\ 8m
voted against the 1 t du/ioae \
The fori ,'ungXii. eons ‘ « e ui Mr. V l’b
record on the si. VhC o, I' ll. .vben
’ '.ATeft y tvfep" >i'»: almost unbroken
art.
• Septemb
■ > aborsbi ■ veue. 8 °f to-day amou
i , f Mi-. Bc.liKS iu the “* W. Whisky_s
----V11'™
ate—a bill came up for the organizenWfMvfi*the
Territories of California, New Mexico and Oicgon. |
After groat difficulty arm much excitement a com- L
mirtec of eight,four from the North and lout frorh |
the South, was raised to report a hill that would i
harmonize the conflicting and exciting elements. |
Mr. Clayton, of Delaw are, was chairman of -that j
committee, which after great labor at last agreed !
upon a bill, which wag presented to the Senate and
is known as the Clay top-compromise hill. By it
all questions of rightful jurisdiction w ere given to
the territorial counsel; but, without the power to
legislate on the subject of slavery, and “vesting
the right to introduce or prohibit slavery in the
territories in tiik constiti tTon, as the stitnc should
he expounded hy the judges, with aright of appeal to
the Supreme Court of the United States.*’
Many amendments were introduce to this hill,
and it was on the consideration of it, that was had
the memorable session which lasted twenty-two
hours—at last the vote was taken on the questions
“shall the bill bo engrossed, and read the third
time.” it was decided in the affirmative by thirty -
three ayes to twenty-two noes—Mr. Bell voting in
company with Corwin, Hale, Hamlin Co*, in
the negative. [See Journal page 503.j
During flic debate, pending the passage of this
hill Mr. Clayton said: “//«> hill bares the entire
t/tsration which is in dispute to the Judiciary.—
There is no great principle sacrificed. Any
MAN WHO DESIRES DISCORD will oppose tiik bill;
but he w ho docs not desire to distract the country
by a question merely political w ill be able by voting
tor this bill to refer the whole matter to the judi
ciary.”
The hill was satisfactory to the entire Soidh,
because it proposed to have the coustitutioffai
questions involved decided by the Supreme Court,
and the South never did, nor does she now ask for
anything but what she is clearly entitled to under
the (.'oust it at ion. Even that great, southern states
man Calhoun was satisfied with the provisions of
the hill, lie s lid in reply to the abolition argu
ment that “ the Constitution did not apply to the
Territories:”
“Sir, there arc some questions that do not admit
of lengthened discussion. This is one of them.—
The mere statement is sufficient to carry convic
tion with if . and 1 am rejoiced to hear gentlemen ac
knowledge, by implication, if not by more than that,
that the extension of the Constitution of the United
States to the Territories would be a shield to the
South, upon the questions in controversy between
us and them.) I hold it to be the most important
concession. It narrows the ground of controversy
between us. We then cannot be deprived of our
equal participation in tliq Territories, without be
ing deprived of the advantages and rights which
the Constitution gives us.”
Yet Mr. Bell, though a southerner, wrasopposed
to conceding to the South, any acknowledgment of
her equal right to participate and enjoy the. common
territory, but by his vote declared, that the protect
ing a?gis of the Constitution did not extend to
these territories—and yet his advocates claim that
he is the only man upon whom the South can de
pend for her equal rights under the Constitution!
x no iunj.iit.?> wi cii.ib win uu\v ucuii ujwiiijjunnuv
sustained by the Supreme Court of the United
States, and yet the opinions of Mr. Beil are un
changed !
Notwithstanding the bill passed thq Senate it
was defeated in the House, the entire black repub
lican abolition free soil vote, being cast against it.
In lieu of it the House passed a bill for the terri
torial government of Oregon, containing the Win
mot Proviso, and when it came to the Senate Mr.
Bei.i. advocated its passage, but when the vote
was taken he \oted against it, on account, as he
said at the time, ‘‘of the feelings of the friends with
whom he teas associated.” [Congressional Globe,
1st session, UOth Cong, pages 107*1—5.]
But the bill passed and Mr. Bei.i, afterwards, in
a speech at Murfreesboro, in favor of Gen. Tavlor
wherein lie reviewed his course upon the Orogon
bill said: That he Was not willing in di font that hill
by any direct vote, or movement on his part. Ho
therefore voted against the proposition for post
ponement. Ho was glad the bill had passed, ns ho
.believed its defeat .would have done mischief at the
North.” He did not feel called upon to vote for it,
though he was not. charhj certain that Congress had
not the powir to dispose, of the whole subject.”
Hero Mr. Hell, co operated with (he abolition
ists upon a question of vital interest to the South,
and advocated the adoption op the Wii.mot Pro
viso, which goes to the full extent of what is asked
by the whole abolition party, and in a public speech
in the ^outli—in his native State, publicly pro
* claimed that, he was gi.aii the him. had passed.—
And thus lie has placed himself upon the record as
the advocate of Congressional intervention, not
to protect against mat—or unfriendly legislation, as
is demanded by the South,, and nutioiijti men . erv
where, and warranted by'the Costitution; but of
intervention to forever «EXCLUDK the slave
holder and slavery from territories.
During the presidential canvass of 1 Hd8, tliopeo
ple desired to know the opinions of General Tay
lor on the subject of slavery, and of the applica
tion of the Wilmot Proviso to the newly acquired
territories. Mr. Bell in attempting to quiet their
clamors said:
“That be neither knew nor cared to know Gen.
Taylor's views upon the subject.”
And when told that the democratic candidate,
Gen. Cass, was fully committed against the odious
Wilmot Proviso, lie said :
“Sir his (Cass’) objection to the Wilmot Pro
viso, being founded on his opinion of what the
Constitution authorized, and not upon any opinion
favorable to the extension of slavery, it would, have
been an act of unusual BOLDN USti to hare, declared
that he (Cass I would disregard, the former practice
of the (/orrrninent a nd give no weight to the precedents
of the Missouri Compromise, and the Oregon Ter
ritorial acts.”
Here we have clearly defined the course Mr.
Bell will pursue, if elected, when taken in con
nection with the fact that he. in opposed to the exer
cise nl the veto power: with an abolition Congress be
wouldwot only give them the aid of bis sympathy,
mu me tun oeneni. oi ms approval m any law moy
might pass: lie would not be so bold "us to disre
yard the former practice of the yooernme.nl" as fore
shadowed “in the Orryon territorial acts," contain
ing the YVilmot Proviso.
But if any doubt remains as to what would be
his course; his line of policy is clearly defined in
his speech .'iOth July, 1850, in which lie fully ex
plains why he voted with the abolitionists for the
Wilmot Proviso, on the Oregon bill—he said:
“That the first questions connected with tho new
territory should be adjusted as speedily as possible
and secondly that the adjustment when made should
be final anil IRREVOCABLE; for these reasons l
was not satisfied with the Clayton Compromise."
And consequently he advocated the amendment
which did not submit the matter to the courts and
the people; but which settled the matter finally,
by incorporating in it, the Wilmot J’rooiso, and
thereby established a precedent, that would require
more than ordinary "boldness," in future Presidents
to disregard, in the settlement of other tlriuto
kial questions in all future lime.
In pursuing Mr. Bull’s record a little further it
will appear that, thouyhut present tailing under that
banner, he is not such a stickler for the hup
KNVORCEMK.vr.MK THE LAW'S,
touching the question of slavery; as one would
suppose from reading the journals in his interest,
or hearing a stump speech in bis behalf—the Su
preme Court ill the celebrated Dred Scott case de
cided the favorite measure of Mr. Bell and his
black republican associates—the Wilmot Proviso;
to be unconstitutional and unjust, because it denied
to one-half of the States of tho Union rights guar
anteed to them by that instrument. Now what
does Mr. Bell say in regard to that opinion? Does
he adhere to it? Does he hold it to he of binding
force? In his speech against the admission of Kan
sas under the Leeompton Constitution, speaking of
that opinion, he said: “Whatever maybe the decis
ion of the Supreme Court on the powers of Con
gress to interfere with the question of slavery in
the Territories, and however clear and well found
ed in principle and authority itsdeeision may be. I
have supposed that inasmuch, as it is a question of
const! e .. uUi Construction <>r inter ire!aticC. ail
1 • o the jurisdiction and the power iaj
ways more or less unde: the influence at "..qf*7
td-imi .„ . ■■ rottitt'' d*
Ti , i.i,,. ‘••ville; Gobu - et Son^L virile:
- alo.rill, Des Arc. \ anaetl.,
- It is the intention of the proprWIM A'11
lish agencies throughout the State, i’e't,
Br 18 wishing information with regard to a»em
ited to ,tC’’ ?o“,addreSi K- p- WATSON,
ales yf a. , , Memphis, Ten
1 23T Needles for sale at $1 ner doz; II
meis, $o each. * J
Amply to pronounce all questions in which the
ogro is involved “praeticrl question of consfUu
hnal £vit*iri)ctif)n and interpretation"—-to, d-sygg*^1. 1
lie qpUiionol thc*Bupreme t ourt. aiUJ&Vcii^miuii
ios a majority MAY think proper.” rn^'^fri'.tical
effect of which would be to break down every con -
(titutional guarantee, and leave theStatcs and eiti
urns in the minority, at the mercy of a fanatical
md corrupt majority.
KANSAS AND NEBRASKA BILL*
Pending that long and exciting debate, on the
Nebraska and Kai.sasbill, Mr. Dixon, ot Kentucky,
t whig, introduced an amendment, iu express terms
repealing the Missouri Compromise. Mr. Hw.t.
•'otedfor this amendin' nt in obedience to instructions
from the led slat nr e of Tetincesee. This was the
most obnoxious feature in tin* bill to those who
opposed it. 'The “National Intelligencer”—the
argiln of the whig parly, was opposing the bill, and
the whig members, fearful that that paper would
mislead the minds of their constituents, held a
laiueus, composed of tjie southern whigs, Mr. Bki.i.
included and jnissed unanimously the following
resolution:
“Resolved> That we disapprove of the course of
the “National Intelligencer’1 upon the Nebraska
bill, and that in our opinion it do< * not truly re
present the whig party South;” and it was further
agreed that. Mr. Badger, who was going to speak
on the bill the next day, should declare authors
lively that the whigs of the South, were a unit in
favor of the bill. Vet to the surprise of every
southern whig in the Senate, after having voted
for the most objectionable feature of the Dill—in
the very teeth of his caucus resolution, mid indi
rect opposition to his instructions Mr. Bki.i. aban
doned the South, and voted with twelve of the
worst abolitionists in the country, and otic South
American or know nothing, agni list the bill. There
were but fourteen vote.*} east against it, The fol
lowing are the names:
“Nays—Bell, of Tennessee; Chase, of Ohio;
Dodge, Fressendeu, of Maine; Houston, of Texas;
James, of Rhode Island; Seward, of New York;
Smith, of Connecticut ; Sumner, of MnssachuBetts;
Wade, of Ohio; Walker, of Mississippi,”
This treachery was justly censured bv the leg
ifilature of Tennessee—they never have forgiven
him—they never will, and the ides of November
will roll up such a majority against him as will as
tonish his friends, and will tell future statesmen
that the South will not again confide in one who
has thus betrayed their trust.
Kansas, in JS57, applied to be admitted into the
Union as a State, with a constitution adopted by a
convention regularly held, called by a legislature
regularly* elected, and every way authorized; yet.
Mr. Bell, check by jowl with Sr.ward, Mali:,
Hamlin, Chare, Sumner & Co., opposed with all
the force of his intellect, and his vote, the admis
sion of Kansas with the Lecorupton constitution,
because it was in conflict with the precedent he had
aided his black republican associates to establish
in Oregon, excluding slavery therefrom*
WHY MR. DELL 110-01 Lll.lTED WITH THE ABOLITIONISTS.
Seeing the North expanding westward, filling
up and occupying the territories, which by virtue
of the Wilmnt proviso, witB fast destroying the equi
librium of the States, and with commendable fore
sight, beholding the great advantage a man living
in the South and advocating northern sentiments
would possess, Mr. Bell was-willing to sacrifice
Ills friends and his native South then, in order Unit
lie might, by the aid of northern support, triumph
in the. future. That ho saw, or thought he saw the
period approaching when southern recreancy would
lie rewarded by a dominant North, is evident from
the following extract of his speech, fnailo on the
compromise measures of 1850. Ifo said:
“I cannot forbear further to remind my northern
friends, that in the South, and in the South w est
there is a body of men, who for a long period hove
continued faithful and just to yhf.ii in their FA -
VOR1TF, POLICY, throuoh every vicissitude of
political fortune.” And again:
“While that protracted domination of the South
which has been so long and so keenly felt lit the
North, was always more imaginary than real, no
southern man having ever attained the Presidency
vxeept try the couciutcih-c often times of more
than half, mid always of a large division of the
North; yet it cannot bo disguised that the period
of southern ascendancy, if it ever had a real exis
tence, approaches its end, Political power and
ascendency, in a sectional view, have already;ir/»s
ed Jrom the ,South forever, and this is so evident that
a senator w ho spoke in this debate could not for
bear taunting the South with the prospcctof their
declining fortunes. A change, lie said, had taken
place in the. political vocabulary. It was now no
longer the South and the North—it is now the
North and the South.”
That same North w ith whidr Mr. Bell had so
consistently acted in opposing the Indian war—the
French difficulty—the north-fast boundary—the
Mexican win—upon all questions connected with
slavery “through every vicissitude of politic!:! for
tune,” he beheld now Vising and about to reach ita
culminating point; and when the infamous Sumner
tauntingly spoke of the “declining fortunes of the
Soub,” Mr. Bell was the first ami only southern
senator recreant enough to his na tike South, to rise
in his place, and in affirmation of the truth con
tained in the. taunt, to add insult to injury. “That
protracted domination which has been so long and
so keenly felt at the North,” ho said, “approaches
its end,” and boldly asserted, to the infinite joy of
his abolition friends, that “political power and as
cendancy' have already passed away from the South
forever." And now he appeals to the North to
whom he had “continued faithful”—“sustaining
them in their favorite policy through every vicissi
tude of political fortune,” to n number their friends.
abolitionists’ opinion OF MR. BELL.
That the abolitionists fully appreciated the ser
vices of Mr. Bell, and were not w holly ungrateful
for such distinguished sacrifices, will appear by
w hat they have said of, and were willing to do for
him. Mr. .Seward said, “At lust a voice issues
from your own region—freon the South—from the
Siiivc iiiiu |uun nin >'<111 nauin jin ■
sistence in this mini enterprise, [the extension of
slavery,} and admonishes you that it must mid w ill
fail. The cohorts [Bell, Ktheridge ct als.[ are
gathering from the South, the men of moderation,
and conservatism, who, as they have heretofore
moderated in furor of slavery and ayainst freedom,
will now BE OB MG ED, in consistency with their
just and well established character, and their patri
otism, to moderate ayainst you in furor of freedom,
and bishop unanimously against slavery.”
Burlingame, whose infamous blasphemy against
the South and religion, was only equalled by Charles
Sumner, who desired to have judges willing to lie
governed by a “higher law” than the constitution,
who wanted an “anti-slavery constitution—an anti
slavery Bible, and anti-slavery God,” said, “/ felt
proud to hear the speech of the, dislinyuished senator
from Tennessee, Mr. Bell!”
Horace Greelv, who edits the leading organ of
Lincoln, joined in singing praises of Mr. Bell for
the self-sacrificing part he had taken In behalf of
the North. lie said: “Ho (Bell) is asrobustand
hale to-day as when lie bearded and conquered (?)
the old lion, Andrew Jackson, in his den, and as
resolute, and ready to do service as when, single
handed, he bravely encountered the whole South
upon the Nebraska bill, and cahiued terror into
their ranks,” and lie concludes by expressing a
hope that Mr. Bell’s commanding and conauendiny
talents may be “long exercised it; the Senate, or in
[some higher capacity where the country may
equally enjoy their advantage.”
BLACK republican* in favor of bell for the
PRESIDENCY.
What Mr. (freely meant by the “higher capaci
ty” to which he desired to see Mr. Bell exalted,
may be easily divined from the following editorial
leader of his in 1858, in which lie discussed the
claims of various persons a-suitable to place on
the black republican ticket for the Presidency in
I860: .
“Most certainly we would ppefi r an eriyinaU
republican—Gov. Be ward or Gov. Chase, for ii/>
stance, hut we WiimI heartily and zealously
port one like John Bell, i,Vward Bates or df hy
M. Bolts.’' / wl
Vain: In speaking of the conteraplate<kf,0 of
tic convention, and the probubilitie asj| a se
a i t be tbe nominee, the New Yoik jCj’ro
,v publican paper, said: “The oandU{JAME. be
the convention are Skna^.„,»„b se
VVm. L. Havt/Xura,um re
Crittenden, (iov. Bant (a
lied as the 11
|£ jgj
w
i I
h -nettrw
■m
sep5jf *
% • 1.
* ... * ; 'flat
# •
;»•«>•.! ’» fovn iir.r the whole gramd of t.ln*.
very Agitation, and pledged the strength of thcl
rt < -1 i he. candidate a hose reeoi
it would $t: **
I— Those who originally opposed the repeal o
Ncbra.-ka Kansas bill, and arc s|iil hostile to tkm*l
measure. .
II— These who resisted The Kansas policy of
Pitttci, and now condemn it.
III— Those who denounced the Leaompton Eng
lish bill, and still repudiate its authors, apologist,*
and abettors.
IV— Those who will resist strenuously and per
sistently the acquisition of foreign territory in order
to increase the area of slavery in the republic.
And in enumerating the distinguished iitrlividu
iIs South, whose political record endeared them to
flu* North, placed them upon this platform and cn
illcd thepi to support, he said: “A/, the South, un
less ire niisunderdand their posit ion, it would em
brace such nu n as JOHN HELL, Edward Hides,
II. Winter Dari*, John M. Holt*, Emerson Ether
[dye ami Kenneth Rayner ”
And in the same.article, the N. Y. Tribune soft’
l,inm s: “Is there any inconsistency—any insupera
ble obstacle in the way of a cordial co-operation
in the coming contest betw een republicans and per
sons holding the opinions these gentlemen are sup
posed to entertain in respect to the acquisition of
foreign territories lor the purpose of planting sb
very thereon—the re-opening of the African slave
trade, uml congressional intervention for the estab
lishment of slavery in the territories? cannot they
combine to overthrow the nuHificrs and propagan• ;
lists of the Cauioun school, in their efforts to over
ride the constitution and make negro slatere the
iomimiting interest of the country ? Arc not these
}he issues upon which the presidential contest is to
him? Do not Seward, HEEL, Chase, Hates, Col
fiu, Hickman, Enltnn and Clarke noon nu:r*mEi,v
rm: same hV.ntiaik.nts in relation to these? And
-hall these gentlemen, and those who think with
them unite atm give efficiency to theia common
orjNio.N, in the next national administration, or by
warring on each other, insure a triumph to their
common foe (the South?”)
We submit to the people of Arkansas^ and espe
cially to the democracy, if they can, in these try
ing times, support for the high office of President
ol these United Slates, a man whose whole politi
cal life is thus characterized by a reckless betrayal
of their dearest rights—a man " hose anti-southern,
anti states-rights, and State-equality views, speeches
mid votes, have won for him the confidence,of
their old bitter and sworn enemies—the abolition
ists, who were willing to make him their standard
rearer, w hose delegates eo-operated harmoniously,
and voted for him in the Hait i more convention
which nominated him? for a man who was willing
to receive the nomination of the. block republican con
vent ion, as was evinced by permitting his name to be
used for that purpose in the Chicaoo convention
that nominated Lincoln?
f‘an any one doubt, after looking at these facts, ;g&
that if the South should become so disunited In the
niiAunnl t.\ I.., It .. I)... . ..—I. .a£
to read the following extract of a recent
li cored at Smith,HU, Tot.no,,oe, hy