- ' "T I
.. ,. i j|i. i
m\tl ta Hems, ^olitirsVigriru'Anrr, inriol ^rogm _ ^nnnfnrtnving, Cummerri _
| pfmLISHEiTEVERY FRIDAY, AT DES ARC, PRAIRIE COUNTY, ARKANSAS, BY,/c. IORRILL..TERMS--S2 PER YEAR. If ADVANCE.
5=--==-- - - • ••• 7C V vit-ra 1859 3STOMJiER 17.
VOLUME A . BES ABC, ABKAN &A.S, AI ABC 1 1 ! ’ *' -1, '__
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OUR JOB PRINTING DEPARTMENT.
We have supplied ourselves with a good
assortment of Printing Material, and are
readv to execute all kinds of Joh Printing, on
reasonable terms.
We are prepared to print Pamphlets, Cata
logues, Posters, large or small, Cards, Ball
Tickets, Bill Heads, Blanks of every descrip
tion, for Clerks, Sheriffs, Justices of the
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J S onrusox,
SADDLE, BRIDLE
DI5S AUO, ARKANSAS. | .
r HESPECTFULLY informs
I,, the citizens of Prairie and
adjacent counties, that he has on hand,
and is prepared to manufacture to order.
Saddles, Bridles. Martingales, Buggy.
Carriage and Hack Harness,
As well as every other description of work
usually done in such establishments.
qar Shop on Lyon street, back of Frith &
Jackson’s store. ^ '_•*_
- - E.~U.‘ MCI* H unsos,
COUNTY SURVEYOR.
4 LL persons wishing my services in
A. this department of business, will please
address me at Brownsville. Prairie founty,
Ark. Every call will be punctually filled.
novl3-ly _______
“new”K E ST A U R A N TIN
COSMOPOLITAN !
Corner of Buena Vista and Lyon streets,
DES ARC, ARKANSAS,
IS now open for the reception of visitors.—
The best of Liquors, Wines, Ale, Cigars,
etc., will be kept constantly on hand.
*.* Oysters, Game, &c.', will be furnished at
short notice. , . , ■
(fja- This Restaurant will be attended to bj
Messrs. J. C. Tarkinton and J. K. llolce.
janS-thn. C. T. OLDHAM.
HARVEY’S X CHANGE,
Corner of BucnaVistaaiKl 1 ostei
Streets,
NEAR THE JACKSON HOUSE,
DES ARC, ARKANSAS.
HAVING completed our new building, and
opened a first class establishment for he
accommodation of the public, and furnished it
with the best of Liquors, f ipars,
Tobacco, etc., the undersigned tlatter
themselves that they will continue to receive
the patronage which lias been heretofore be
stowed upon them.
Ijr3“ Adjoining their Exchange they keep a
general assortmentof FAMILY GROCERIES.
Also, Cove Oysters, Sardines, Fine Pickles,
Catsups, Pepper Sauce, etc., etc.
jy21-tf HARVEY & MATTHEWS.
S. HARRIS,
€ SB - .T# .1 K E IS
AND
TEWELiEII..
OFFICE on Buena Vista ^ -ft-jpS.
street, opposite
Nucleus House. Des Arc.
Arkansas. Clocks. Watches and Jewelry
repaired with neatness and dispatch, and war
ranted to give satisfaction. nov20-bm
F E E P TIE N,
CLOCK AND WATCH
■a is ib m
AND
_; JEWELLER,
Buena Vista street, opposite A. Stewart &
Brothers.
DES ARC, ARKANSAS,
Respectfully informs the citizens of
Des Arc and the adjacent country, that lie
is prepared to execute all kinds of CLOCK
and WATCH Work, in a workmanlike man
ner, and to Repair and Clean Jewelry, &.c.
jan30-tf
JAMES 76 HNS0N.
Gunsmith,
DES ARC, ARKANSAS.
CLIi Having permanently located myself
TjCl I am pi epared to manufacture GUNS
Xx PISTOLS, Jcc., to order.
8@“ All kinds of Fire-Arms Repaired
on reasonable terms.
LOCKS repaired, and KEYS made
In fact, any kind of work in my liue v*-:f' ‘
promptly attended to. ' P 7
Sfer-T
©3?EECH[
OF
©©La ¥a ©a HD® MAN,
Oa Federal ansi Arkansas Politics:
Delivered at Little Rock,
ON THE 15TII FEBRUARY, 1859,
IN
REPRESENTATIVES HALL.
CORRESPONDENCE.
Little Rock, Feb. 12, 1859.
Col. T. C. Hindman—Dear Sir: The un
dersigned respectfully request you to deliver
a speech on Federal and Arkansas Politics, in
Representatives Hall, on Tuesday, 15*h inst.,
af 7i o’clock, P. M.. and hope yon will find it
convenient to do so.
Respectfully,
C. F. Hemmingway, M. Douglas,
B. T Duval, D. McCreery,
M. M. Duffie, Wm. A. Jones,
R. K. Garland, J. S. Trimble,
J). L. Kii.i.gore, R. W. Mecklin,
Nat. Bussey, W. B. Marshall,
Samuel Gray, W. H. Mammond,
Poindexter Dunn, R. M. Gaines,
D. P. Saxon, J. B. McColloch,
Sam. Mitchell, J. B. Carlisle,
J. Brewster. W. Robertson,
VV. M. H. Newton, M Beshoar,
Henry Heffington, Sam. T. Abbott,
Israel BunNS, E. A. Murphy,
S. A. Cook. W. Y. McCammon,
John McCoy, Bent. Vaughan,
Thos. Bateman, II. Reynolds,
Jas. Childers, L R. V enable,
W. VV. Edwards, E. Baxter,
G. Hammond, Jno. S. Shaver,
Geo. C. Gordon, J. J. Green,
S. M. Hays, De Rosy Carroll,
R. E. Doak, Benj. Abbott,
II. R. Torbett, VY. A. Erwin.
Little Rock, reb. 11, lootf.
Gentlemen—It will give me pleasure to
speak on the subjects, and at the time and
place, designated in your note of the 12th inst.
Very Respectfully,
T. C. HINDMAN.
Messrs. Hkmmingway, Duval, Douglas,
McCreery, and others.
Fellow-Citizens: — As a freeman,
horn and bred in our Southern land of in
dependence, and as a State-Rights Demo
crat, without fear and disdaining conceal
ments, I have not felt at liberty to decline
the invitation to address you here to-night.
I have had no wish to decline. On the
contrary, gratified by the compliment of
the original request and at its endorse
ment by such an audience as this, I re
joice that I am enabled, under such aus
pices, to proclaim boldly, in this metro
politan heart of Arkansas, whose pulsa
tions are reputed to reach the uttermost
borders ol the Stale, words of truth and
honest counsel to the people—words of
warning and brotherly entreaty to the
Democracy—words of rebuke and stern
defiance to the enemies of both.
The time was when I had greater
strength physically, and was therefore
more at ease as a speaker. The rude jars
of accident have shattered nerves that
once were firm, and sickness and pain
have weakened a voice before unused to
hoarseness. But, though the body be bro
ken and its forces gone, the will ol that
man who is conscious of light never falters
or succumbs. His defence is stronger
than battlemented wnlls and armor of
triple steel. No circumstance can take it
from him; no assailant and no assault can
lessen its supporting influence. That
proud consciousness I have, and by its
promptings—regardless of the nice strate
gies of policy—i tun here to speak to you
If any persons are predetermined to con
demn and misrepresent what 1 may say, I
have no appeal to make to them; their
censures,their perversions and themselves
l shall equally disregard. My hope is
that citizens who come to listen fairly will
at least be led to useful reflection, wheth
er my remarks have their entire approval
or not. And may I not indulge the same
hope in the case of our fair country-wo
men, whose beauty and smiles are the or
(laments of the occasion, and whose purity
would suffice—if aught in human nature
cou|,j—to transform into a limpid and
health-giving Slloam even the cess-pool
of deniagogism and heresy of which I
will speak hereafter.
FED E R A L PD I. IT I Cfi-CE N'TRALIS.M
AND STATE RIGHTS
In the consideration ol federal politics,
I shall leave out of view those questions
which, however great in their consequen
ces, are hut secondary in their nature, and
will go beyond them to the principles
from which they eminate and which un
derlie the system. Every government is
the seal of a conflict, lasting during us
life-time, based on the efforts made to en
large ns powers at.d the struggles to con
fine it to its appropriate functions. I he
pages of history are one unbroken record
of these contests, which are as continuous
and implacable as die moral war between
good and evil. Ttie classic annals ot
Greece and Rome, and all the dead na
tions of antiquity—the archives of mod
ern empires and kingdoms—might be laid
under contribution for proofs. But that is
not requisite. The history of our own
country affords evidence enough, and that
evidence is the only elucidation ol our
politics. It is therefore proper, and I
trust will not be tedious, for me to discuss
some of its leading facts.
After the war of the revolution, its
blood-dyed “articles of confederation”
were laid aside, like a dismantled battle
ship, on the score of non-adaptation to xlw
needs of the constituent Stales. The par
ties to that league had made the govern,
merit resulting from it their agent. givme
it such powers as the “articles” expressed
When those powers were resumed by the
principals, the agency ceased and tin
agent died. That resumption of^ an
was the separa'e act of.egg^oa ,|le’ pnrt 0|
independent soyflfied to wiiat is termed
each Sion —a right then deemed cleat
,<irid unquestionable, but since vehemently
. denied. Simultaneously with the demise
of the oii confederation, a new compact,
called the “h.iQu,” was formed, with the
“constitution of in. United Slates” for its
organic law. It still <.xjstS( holding its
lease of life and a,t its pow.^ghy the same
tenure its predecessor did—in. consent of
each sovereign State whose agent ', jg.
The men of that generation, who \.<>re
eye-witnesses to this summary destruction
of one government and creation of anoth
er, by separate State action, could not rea
sonably question the right of a State tc
imitate that precedent in the future. They
would naturally incline, one would think,
to respect the creative power as first in
dignify and importance, and to regard the
creature as subordinate and dependent.
The Union had been too recently made to
be exalted above its makers. The facts
within their own personal knowledge es
tablished, as the true theory, the doctrine
that each Slate is a star of the first magni
tude, and the Union the satelile of them
all. Had this wholesome teaching been
universally concurred in and carried oul
—had it been made the touchstone of eve
ry act and question—the shibboleth lor all
parties and politicians—comparatively few
of the internal troubles that have been the
bane of the confederacy would have been
known. The same faaternal love that
hound the States together in their early
struggle for freedom would still unite them
with its strands of gold. There would be
no geographical parties—no sectional en
mities and dissensions—no alienation of
me nuilll tlllU OUUIII. ao Ulic iiuhhuuiwuc
band of brothers—animated by like im
pulses of patriotism — protected equally,in
all our rights, by a just and well adminis
tered government— we would now be
marched on, irresistibly, to unbounded
greatness and prosperity.
But, unhappily, this was not to be. The
same fierce thirst for power that had dis
played itself elsewhere was destined to
exert its baleful influence here. By an
error of education, of temperament, or ot
the times, many leading spirits of the re
volution honestly doubted the capacity ot
the masses for self-government. It was
this sentiment, at the close of the war ol
independence, that seized on accidental
discontents in the army and shaped them
into a movement for the erection ol a
monarchy, with Washington for king—
which movement the “fath r ot his coun
try” annihilated by a frown. The same
sentiment magnified the defects of the old
confederation and contributed largely tc
its displacement—chiefly because of the
jealous strictness with which its articles
guarded State Rights. The same senti
ment, in the convention of 17S7, proposed
a monarchical plan, in lieu of the system
adopted by the convention and acceded to
by the States. The same sentiment,
when the Union had been established, in
duced those entertaining it to desire the
absorption by that agent of all the sover
eignty of its principals, as the ouly pre
ventive of anarchy and a relapse under
European control. The part these men
had taken in the revolutionary contest was
dictated by a sincere hatred of tyranny,
and they were as true to the cause as the
most faithful soldiers of liberty; but they
had no enmity towards the British form of
government, administered according to its
usages, customs and laws, denominated
the “British constitution.” Willi very
slight changes, they wished to assimilate
our government as nearly as possible to
that. Central strength, in tne nanus ui
the favored few. was their ruling idea;
State Rights and popular self-government
their aversion.
Of this class, John Adams and Alex
ander Hamilton were types and leaders.
Their deserved reputations as patriots and
their abilities as statesmen gave them a
commanding influence. The friendship
of the great Washington covered them
also with his mantle of power, and, before
the close of his last administration, they
built up a political party, controlling the
government. The whole firmament then
became tinged with the color of Central
ism. Office holders and office hunters
made haste to profess the faith in public,
and thereby the entire weigh; of the fed
eral system was brought to bear in favoi
of centralization. The most heterodox
notions were the ofF-shoots of this tenden
cy of things. It was insisted, in gross
violation of all the facts of history, tha
the Union was formed, not by compac
between the several States, but by the
people of all the States, en masse and a:
one people; that the constitution should hi
construed favorably towards governmenla
assutnptionc of power; and that the gov
eminent was the sole judge of the exten
of its powers. These heresies led to oth
ers and one excess in error followed 01
the heels of another. Very soon, tin
sense of responsibility to the people wa
reduced to a shadow—the idea of account
ing to them for official conduct was den
ded as'deinagogueical.or as the wild vagar;
of a lunatic.
Thus, without the consent of the State*
and without asking their consent, thi
character of the government was effectual
ly changed and the constitution virtual!
nullified. But one short step was lacking
in order to substitute the kingly sceptr
for the republican liberty-pole. The one
humble saielite blazed with a radience S'
brilliant and dazzlimr ti-* - ol“‘
were dun m00ns- sheddlnS a
rowed and murky light, and revolving ol
sequiously around their magnifieient, vi
talizing sun— the Union.
c--u wasCeniialism, and such were n
effects, under the teaching and practice c
the old Federal party. Had it been mad
lastingly predominant, how vainly woul
the blood of our forefathers have bee
poured out on the colonial battle-fields! T
prove this, let me refer you to a chapter i
the history of those days—whose incident
uro often flippantly styled threadbare, y«'t
had then, and have yet, and must contin
ue to have an influence on the rights of
the Stales and the liberties of their p -ople
second,only, if at all, to that of the seces
sion of the thirteen colonies from Cxieat
Britain.
The French revolution, will) its saturna
lia of blood, burst on the nations like
so*ve frightful comet, filling the minds of
men vith horror. Monarchists in the old
world, :.-,d their kindred Centralists in the
new, gloawd over its excesses, as proof
that the masses could not govern them
selves. This wt-sthe prevalent sentiment
though were those nt,0 thought and said,
that much-might be pai-J0ned to the spirit
of liberty, frenzied by the wrings of gt'ey
centuries and reeling under the intoxica
tion of tyranny's overthrow. Republican
France, beleaguered by the armies of the
kings of Europe, called on her American
sister for a return of the aid given by La
fayette and his sovereign. To have acce
ded to this request would have been mad
ness, and it was refused. But there was
many a sympathetic response,ns well from
native-born citizens, as from French re
fugees then in the United States. The
fervor of those responses irritated the
Centralists in powpr, who resolved to sti
fle them by legal pains and penalties. In
pursuance of that determination, they
passed, in June, 1798, “an act concerning
aliens.” The constitution at the time
guarantied the right of jury-trial in all
criminal prosecutions, hut this act nullified
lhat guaranty by empowering the Presi
dent. hv 11 is mere order, to drive into exile
any alien obnoxious to him. Willi the
same view, they passed, in July, 179S, an
act usually called the “sediiion law.” The
censtilution prohibited Congress from ma
king “any laws abridging the freedom of
speech or of the press,” but this law set
aside those provisions, and made it an of
fence for any person to be concerned in
“writing, printing, uttering or publishing”
words calculated to bring either house of
Congress or the President into disrepute.
Arrests were made and punishment in
flicted under these alien and sedition laws.
There was no grim and fearful Bastile in
America, like that then just demolished in
France, yet many a victim of Central ty
ranny groaned despairingly in the poison
ous jails of the country. There was no
remorseless Jeffreys, to enforce a despot’s
behests with hand and heart of iron, yet
that English butcher had his imitators in
our vaunted “asylum of the oppressed."
There was no anointed king, exercising
sovereignty in his own right, yet, by the
predominance of Centralism, the elected
President of the Union and his judicial
appointees, were vested with authority
over the free people of the States, almost
equal to that of the Russian Czar over his
serfs.
Patriots were justly alarmed at these ra
pid strides towards absolutism and tremen
dous assumption of powers not delegated.
At this juncture, Thomas Jefferson, the
cannomzed “Apostle of Liberty,” appear
ed as the Savior of State Rights and the
Restorer of Freedom in America. Exert
ing all the enthusiasm of his warm nature,
the force of his great intellect, and the in
fluence of his world-wide reputation, he
caused to be passed, by the Legislatures
of Virginia and Kentucky, the immortal
resolutions of 179S.
The Virginia resolutions were drafted
by James Madison. I quote from them
as follows:
“That this assembly doth explicitly and
peremptorily declare, that it views the
powers of the federal government as re
sulting from the compact to which the
States are parlies—as limited by the plain
sense and intention of the instrument con
stituting that compact—as no farther valid
than they are authorized by the grants
enumerated in that compact; and that, in
case of a deliberate, palpable and danger
ous exercise of other powers, not granted
by the said compact, the States have the
right, and are in duty bound to interpose,
for arresting the progress of the evil and
for maintaining, within their respective
limits, the authorities, rights and liberties
appertaining to them.”
The first of the Kentucky reso'utions is
in these words:
“R'isolved, That the several Slates com'
posing the United States of America, are
not united on the principle of unlituilet
submission to their general government:
! but that by compact, under the style and
: title of a constitution for the United Slates
aud of amendments thereto, they constitu
, ted a general government for special pur
poses—delegated to that government cer
tain definite powers, reserving, each Statt
, to itself, the residuary mass of right u
• their own self-government,and that when
i soever the general government assume:
. undelegated powers, its acts are unaulhor
. itative, void and ol no force—that to thi:
I compact, each State acceded as a Stale
and as au integral party; that this govern
merit, created by this compact, was no
made the exclusive or final judge of ih<
. extent of the powers delegated to itsell
f since that would have made its discretion
and not the constitution, the measure of it
. powers; but, that, as in all other cases o
, compact among parties having no commoi
i judge, each party has an equal right t
> judge, tor itself, us well of inlractions a
- of the mode and measure of redress ”
These are the words of Jefferson him
- self—they were written by the same hani
that wrote the Declaration of Indepen
s donee, and flfe entitled to as high a plac
f even as that renowned and sacred marri
» festo in the affections of the people. A
j it embodied an affirmation of the inalien
i able rights of freemen, and pavpd the w.v
) to their maintainance, so they embody, ir
1 terms that prove themselves, an asserlioi
s of the sovereign rights of the State?
Without wnicn muiviuuiii iigii.o
have no protection.
On the issues thus made up, the great
Presidential contest of 1800 was fought,
between Centralism, represented by
Adams and the Federal party, and State
Rights, represented by Jefferson and the
Democracy. The enemies of State Rights
then initiated a mode of warfare to which
their descendants have since closely ad
hered. It was to prefer the unfounded
charge of hostility to the Union against
every man who insisted that the States
ought to resist infractions of the constitu
tion. Their persistent and false clamor
of “disuniouist,” “ultra,” “traitor, and
the like, had then—as it has had in later
times and is designed to have in the fu
ture- the effect to embitter many good
citizens against the only doctrine really
preservative of the Unton as formed. Hut
Jefferson maintained himself against these
aspersions. He demonstrated that the
true Siate-rights-rrmn is the only friend of
a constitutional Union, and that the Cen
tralist, who submits to federal usurpation
and thereby invites other aggressions, is
an enemy to the Union, however boister
ous may be his professions of devotion to
it. The intelligence of the people was
equal to the emergency. The Federal
party was defeated and Centralism repu
diated,—Stale Rights principles were en
dorsed and Democratic supremacy firmly
established. Another somewhat more
distant result, was the dissolution of the
old Federal organization and the aban
donment of that party-name forever.
Put flinnnrlt thni first dumminn ot CVn
trnlisin has long been sepulchered in the
goJgOtha of heresies, yet Centralism itself,
still lives and grasps as greedily us of
yore at the rights of the Slates and at the
rights of the people. Its most formidable
developments lias been in the agitation of
the slavery question, and the right arm of
its present strength is that mighty anti
slavery party of the North, callin'] “Black
Republican.” Should that pariy obtain
control of the government, and administer
it according to the declarations ol its au
thoritative platforms and recognized lead
ers, what would be the consequences ? In
the first place, the immense lever of of
ficial patronage would he wielded directly
against slavery in the States,—every fed
eral appointee, from the highest to the
lowest, would Vie selected because of his
hostility to slavery—Black Republicans
would he imported, fresb from Yankee
land, if necessary—and the means would
thus be provided for implanting, fostering
and strengthening anti-slavery sentiment
in the midst of slaveholding communities.
In the second place, the inter-State slave
trade and slavery in the District ol Co
lumbia would he prohibited. In the third
place, slavery would be forbidden in the
territories, and no new slave State would
be admitted into the Union.
The idea that the agent may rightfully
commit such acts of war on its principals,
or any one of them, is preposterous.
The claim of right must rest on an utter
denial of agency—on denial of a compact
between the States—on the bold and dan
gerous assumption that the powers of the
general government come to it directly
from the whole people of the Union, as
one consolidated nation. This is the doc
trine of the Black Republican parly. It
is Centralism, in its most unmitigated
form.
If admitted, the power is thereby con
ceoea to me teaerai government. nui uu
ly to overthrow slavery, but also to ab
rogate any other domestic institution, and
to destroy any other property right what
soever. It annuls the constitution—sub
stitutes rnohocracy for its savintr checks
and balances—and makes the will ol an
unbridled majority the arbiter of all State
and private interests. This may account
for the fanatical furor with which the
agrarian masses of the so-called “ free
States” have embraced it ; and the land
owners. the merchant-princes,” the “ sol
id men” of the North may yet rue the
day when they warmed this adder into
life. It may sting them as venomously
as it now stings the South.
Against Centralism, thus resurrected,
but one parly offers opposition. It is the
same that Jefferson founded,and has now,
as in 1800, his doctrine of State Rights
for its corner-stone and main support.
Between these parties, in 1860, a battle
will he fought, as portentous and fearful
as any combat of the bloodiest war. Com
pared with it, the Revolution, which es
tablished, and the contest ol 1800, which
restored our liberties, will lose their grand
proportions anti be dwarfed almost to me
diocrity. It will be the life-and-dealh
grapple of the constitution with its foes—
. the Armageddon, in this government, of
: Centralism and Slate Rights. It Black
. Republicanism triumphs, its shout of victo
i ry will be the dirge of the Union. I he
Southern Slates have been so often driven
. to the wall by the ferocious, brute force ol
t the North, and have so begirt themselves
> with solemn pledges and recorded vows to
resist this crowning outrage, that they will
scarcely humiliate themselves by further
< retraxits and surrenders. It not, ••the die
f is c'ast.”
) ARKANSAS POLITICS—FUSIONS AND
, COALITIONS.
- Of our own State politics, fellow-citi
zens, I have little to say, except, that in
• order to be prepared for the terrible dan
1 ger that menaces the sovereignity of Ar
■ kansas, the Old State-Rights Guard should
• muster and drill its forces—organize its
• strength—place its standard in the hand:
s of the “ bravest of the brave,” and, with
shields interlocked, rally around that stan
dard and those leaders, resolved to die
i rather than surrender. As for any hope
) of aid or comfort other than from genuine
> State-rights-men, I have none. My own
so fnr back as that of grev haired vet
erans among us, is yet, like theirs, of
such a character as to forbid all reliance
on fusions and coalitions. In nature, wa
ter and oil will not mix. In politics, there
must be absolute concurrence in principle
to ensure success. The attempt to blend
conflicting elements in one mass will sure
ly lead to dissensions, to schisms and final
ly to defeat.
1 well remember how* it was iu Missis
sippi, prior to and pending the controver
sy about the so called "compromise meas
ures” of 1850. In October, 1819, no
immense “ no-party” convention was held
at Jackson. By preconcert and to pro
mote harmony, there was an equal divi
sion of officers and committee-mon be
tween the Whigs arid Democrats—the
once hostile colors of the two parties were
lovingly entwined together—the organi
zations of both were laid aside—n grand
“ Southern Rights Party" was formed,
irrespective of previous issues—and, un
der that name, both the old parties pledged
themselves to resist the admission of Cali
fornia, with her fraudulent “ squatter sov
ereign” constitution, “ at ull hazards and
to the last extremity.” The expected
wrong was consummated j by force and
iby fraud, California was thrust into the
Union, and her golden gates were shut
forever on the South and her institutions.
The hot blood of the Mississippi Democ
racy boiled at the outrage- Words of de
nunciation fell illicit and fast from their
lips.
Meanwhile, the prudential “ second
thought” quickened the apprehension of
the body of the Whig allies. They saw,
afar off, a chance to retrieve their political
fortunes, outside of the “ Southern Rights"
investment, and, with keen foresight, set
their house in order for the enterprise.
In view of that, when a Democrat would
express his sentiments pf resentment in
their hearing, they would sanctimoniously
draw hack Iron) him, looking strangely
and muttering about “ ultras” and “hot
spurs.” Finally, with one accord and
must vociferous melody, they began sing
ing that syren song composed by the old
Federalists, set to music by Clay nnd
tauglit by the mountebank, Foote—be
ginning and ending with tho words—
“ Union! Glorious Union !”
The sequel you know. It is matter of
history. The deceptive “ Union” cry was
successful—the Democracy were beaten
down—the heroic Quitman was driven
from the field—the gallant Jeff. Davis
was overthrown—Thompson, Feutberslon
and McWi lie were slaughtered—and, for
two long years, the State was given over
to Whig domination and misrule. Such
were the consequences of the “ Southern
Rights” fusion of 1849. Since then, the
Democracy of Mississippi have not been
at all favorable to a repetition of the ex
periment. Their bitter experience would
have proved a poor teacher, indeed, if they
bad been.
It is self-evident that a party actuated
by principle can derive neither honor nor
advantage, nor accomplish any real good,
by coalescing with men hostile to its creed.
Whenever it repeals or suspends its old
principles—and that must be done to form
a coalition—whenever it nullifies its an
cient usasres—whether this be done under
the fancied pressure of new issues, or for
the disreputable purpose of individual ag
grandizement—inevery such case.it does
hut sow the wind, to reap the whirlwind.
Looking to the sectional contest of 1860,
and to all other contingencies, my fixed
arid unchangeable conviction is, that the
Democracy of each State—Arkansas
among the rest—should stand by their sep
arate organizations,—meeting in exclusive
party conventions as formerly,—giving
testimony of fidelity by always re-affirm
ing the old faith and practice,—nomina
ting staunch and tried State-vights-inen
to office and supporting those nominees
against all opposition. If persons who dc
not approve our principles and policy are
afterwards inclined to vote with us, it is
l ight for them to do so, aud we ought 1101
to repel them,—but they have no righi
and no business in our conventions, where
our nominations are made. Every just
man will admit the correctness of this po
sition. Small demagogues may stigma
tize it as “ ultraisin.” and stupid conserva
tives may style it “intolerant” and “ ra
dical,” but wherever there is honest frank
ness among the opposition, or genuine
Democracy in our own party, it will be
fully endorsed. The reason of it pro
claims itself. State Rights principles art.
vested with life only less than eternal.
Whether this government continues a day
or endures ten thousand years, they will
be as fresh and vigorous at its dissolution
as when it was founded. Under the ex
isting Union, or under a new Southern
Confederacy, they will he as useful anc
as necessary after I860 as they have beer
before. Without them, the people of th«
States would he left unshielded and de
fenceless against that ravenous Centralist!
which always lies in wait to devour con
stituent rights, and which as plainly de
' velops itself in the place-clutching auc
| homage-craving lust of petty oligarchic!
in the States themselves, as in the usurp
ing tendencies of the federal system
Who will preach State Rights doctrines
j—who will champion and enforce them,—
by whom will they be administered,—il
' the doors of the only party that inculcates
and truards them be thrown wide open tc
every applicant, without exacting endorse
meni of our creed and repudiation of con
llictin<* tenets, as a condition precedent t<
admission ? Whenever that miserable
suicidal policy is sanctioned and made ou
rule of action, we will cease to be a partj
of principle,—we will ,tio longer he i
great brotherhood, of one belief. Ueresj
|trnlisin will sleep in the bed of Stale
Rights, and a rnisihtpen, li>atlitsome brood
| of isms will be spawned, to feed on tLo
I dead body of Democracy.
He would be deemed a stupid com*
! inamler, indeed, who after a series ol bril
jliant triumphs, should relax the reigns of
!discipline and permit strangers to enter
his camp unchallenged, on the ground that
n still mightier buttle was to be fought.
Yet this 'is the policy uow recommended
to us. Heretofore, under our ancient
standard of State Rights, and our lime
honored usage of close party communion
and straight nominations, we have tri
umphed gloriously over all opposition,
whether assailing us openly, as old Wliig
gery did, or attacking us secretly, as Know
Notbingism did, or sinking us with the
fifth-rib dagger-thrust of the assassin, os
Disorganization did. Victory on victory
has added strength to our strength, and
our name is now the synonym of invinci
bility. With hut here and there an isola
ted exception, our flag floats triumphantly
over every neighborhood in the State, and
we have n popular majority already gi
gantic and last becoming cumbrous. We
are told that 18G0 will demand all our
strength. We tender it freely. The
long array is counted over—the uncon
querable hosts of the Arkansas Democ
racy are numbered, man by man. Of all
the voters of the State, only a few Know
Nothings, who hate Democracy, and a
clan of factious Disorganizers, who have
betrayed it, are not enrolled and do not
muster with our troops. The next word
is that we cannot nglil me greni ngm
1860, without the help of this scattered
mino'ity. Our prompt answer is that they
repudiate our principles and war on our
usages,—that they are hot U3 \>e*
cause 111ey are not of us. Then a voice
cornea whispering from a certain quarter,
that we must say nothing of our old prin
ciples, lest we offend these super-sensi
tive Know Nothings, and must be silent
about our old usages, lest we insult these
! thin-skinned Disorganizes;—that we must
not nsk them to renounce their errors or
to endorse our platform, but must offer
them full and equal fellowship in our
ranks, on the sole condition that, being
unable to elect candidates of their own,
they will vote for ours. If we by these
means “ catch” these lew men ol the op
position and effectually " bag” them, will
it repay us for the great outlay ol con
sistency, self respectand principle ? Will
not the lasting injury to Democracy ex
ceed the temporary benefit to Democratic
candidates ? When the principles of our
party and the supposed interests ol our
candidates are in conflict, which ought to
givowny? Iti an issue between our
measures nnd our men, where do we place
ourselves ?
Fellow-citizens, the time lias been when
the bare asking of these questions, would
be deemed a gross insult by every man in
Arkansas, calling himself a Democrat.
That time—uias, that it should be so!—is
past and gone. In these latter days, many
fulse prophets have arisen, preaching
strange doctrines. By their precepts and
practice, they say to us that the end justi
fies the means, and that men should bo
preferred over measures; that it is not
always expedient to proclaim our prin
ciples, and is lawful and proper to ad
mit the unregenerate Know Nothing
and the unrepeutant and traitorous utsor
gantzer into the Democratic sanctuary.
Verdy, if such teachers and s.ucli prose
lytes as these are of the household ol faith,
and the Father of Democracy was here in
person, lie could not recognize his own
children!
But, dispensing with figures, and
illustrations, let us lift the veil and
look directly at the unclean thing
which lhe-e makers of graven images
have set up for us to worship. It i* due to
you—it is due to the occasion, to truth and
myself, that I should be clearly understood.
1 intend that none shall mistake my mean
I ing, except such as wilfully close their
ears; that none shall fail to behold tlio
leprous monster I allude to, except those
who are blind from choice.
I have reference to the legislative cau
] cus held here on the 9th of November,
1858, which nominated a candidate for
| United Stales Senator. On the afternoon
of that day, 1 saw posted, at the street
■ corners in Lmle Rock, a flaring hand-bill,
which announced, under the shade of the
spread eagle’s wings, that a "Democrat
ic Caucus” would be held that night in
this Hall, I came here to witness the pro
ceedings. What those proceedings were
is Fet forth, with an accuracy creditable to
the Secretary, in the primed official report
j which 1 hold in my hand. By that report,
and by equally authentic fads, let the
j members of the caucus, and politicians out
side of it, who shaped its action, be judged
| by the country. Avowing here the kind
i eat feelings towards many of those gen
tlemen, and expressly disclaiming all in
| lent to be personally offensive to any of
I them, I shall yet exercise my Democratic
right and perform my Democratic duty of
investigating their acts and plainly censu
ring what I disapprove, be the consequen
ces what they may. I Ireely admit how
ever that the responsibility for those acts
rests on the leaders, not on the rank an(I
! file who are not politicians. V\ ilh these
explanations, I have no further preiace to
! offer, except that if the truth hurts, the
: fault is not mine.
I The first resolution offered in the cau
cus was the following:
1 Resolved, That all questions to be deter
i mined by this Convection shall be determined
• by a majority of those who ara present, in
person, or by proxy
The mover of this resiutiou (-!//'. GriJJia
of Hempstead,) was prominsut among th*