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WHAT IS A YEAR l
_
What is a year? 'Tis but a wave
Ou life's dark rolling stream.
Which is so quickly gone Chat we
Account it but a dream.
’Tis but a single earnest throb
Of Time’s old iron heart,
Which tireless is, at^strong as when
It first with life did start.
What is a year? ’Tis but a turn
Of Time’s old brazen wheel,
Or but. a page upon the book
Which death must shortly seal.
’Tis but a step upon the road
Which wc must travel o’er;
A few more steps, and we shall walk
Life’s weary rounds no more.
-—_—
For the I>es Arc Citizen.]
EGOTISM.
From its etymology or derivation, ego
tism means like the optativa mood or mid
dle voice in the Greek grammer, what one
does for himself the pronoun. I, is the
prominent or efficient agent in every un
dertaking. Wo have heard it expressed
thus : *• Big I, and little you,” (u.) ' Did
you ever see any one whom egotism was
very fully developed'! If so, you have a
clear definition practically given. The
phrenologist regards it as the result of pre
dominating self esteem. The fatalist re
gards it as a fixed constituent element of
him or her in whom it is found to prevail.
We regard it as the growth of a neglect
ed or uncultivated portion of the human
braiu, just as an ill weed springs up and
develops itself in some uncultivated or
neglected spot of a garden or nursery.
But in many heads or groups of organs,
„ _.In /Mil 1M./-HV4 1 Iirtllf O L' llin oim.
flower among pinks and violets—it is ever
attended to and cultivated fo the neglect
of other and nobler manifestatsons of the
human mind. Many yield tacitly to the
influence of egotism, or as some term it,
selfesteem. In such, it manifests itself
in various forms of development. In a
military commander, it is the worst species
of tyranny or despotism. In a school
teacher, it is the same self willed master.
In feligion, it shows a persecuting, intol
erant bigot—I am always right, and you
are always wrong. In a politician,-it is
the same uncompromising, self constituted
standard of perfection ; all are wrong who
differ from him with whom there is but
one stand point, ono political observatory
and he stands on the apex or pinacle, and
claims to' see and understand every posi
tion and point, and to call into question
any dogma or political tenet of his, is as
the sin of witchcraft.
In ethics qr morals, the egotist is a
Pharasce, ready to thank God" that he
is not as as other men—he finds fault with
all your acts and doings, and lays down
rules and precedents whose source and au
thor is the great I. In matters of public
enterprise, he steps forward and claims to
shape the action and mould the policy of
other men', and like the Romish Vatican,
or him that wears its ermine, claims infal
ibility in all lie suggests or dictates. If
; you choose to differ in opinion, sentiment
i or feeling from him, you incur his dis
; pleasure or enmity, and may prepare to re
ceive the contents of his artillery, unstint
ed in measure and fierceness. If a failure
attends the efforts of men in any Veil
meant enterprise—you hear the egotist ex
| claim •“ I knew it. 1 told tliem tnus ana
! so." But if success attends the enterprise
then you hear him exulting in his pres
cience or gift in foreknowledge—'“I knew
it would succeed, I always said - so.” The
egotist has clearer optics or vision than oth
er men, he can always see the mote in his
brother’s eye, he has an aptness hi discov
ering the-errors and foibles of his fellows*;
and even a boldness in naming them and
condemning them. He is affected with a
holy horror on seeing others do wrong, 01
oven hearing of the short comings of his
fellow beings—but never dreams of being
in error himself— he criticises on all sub
jects, all professions and all creeds, and is
painfully grieved that men are so incorri
gibly stupid and dull, he is sorely vexed
that men don't come to him and learn les
sons ot wisdom, lie is grieved that men
continue to stumble and blunder along in
their attempts at business, seemingly ig
noring him. astonished that they do not
come to him as they, did in ancient days tc
Solomon, with hard questions.
Such in part arc some of the character
istics of the egotist, and few of us can
J claim entire exemption from it. By yield
ing to it we become its slaves, but by con
quering and overcoming it we gain a great
; victory over ourselves—one of man’s no
blest achievements.
SPEECH OF THE PRESIDENT,
WAsmsuTON-, April 18.
In reply to the crowd of soldiers and sailors
assembled at tfie White House this evening to
pay their respects to' the President, President
.Johnson said :
I confess (hat in the peculiar posture ofpublic
affairs, that yor presence and address give
encouragement and confidence to me in my ef
forts to discharge the duties incumbent on me
as the Chief Magistrate of the Republic.: and
in what I have to say, I Shall address you in
the character of citizens, sailors and soldiers.
[Applause.] We aro to-day involved in one
of the most critical and trying situations that
has occurred since the Government came into
existence. The nation hns another test still
to undergo, that is to give evidence to the na
tions of the earth, and to its own citizens, that
it has the power to restore internal peace;
that it has strength enough to put down treach
ery and treason within its own borders. [Ap
plause.] Wo have commenced an ordeal, and
1 trust in Go4 that we may pass through it
successfully. [Cheers ] 1 feel eumplimeuted
by the allusion of one presentation to the fact
that in the Senate in 1SG1 and 18fS2, when the
nation was entering on this ordeal, l raised
my hand against treachery, treason, mid trait
ors. [Cheers and cries of "good.”] Island
here to-day holding to and maintaining tlie
same position which I then enunciated. [Ap
plause.] I stand itere to-day opposing trait
ors and treason wherever they may be in the
South or the North. [Loud cheers,] Island
here to-day as 1 then stood, using all my
powers, both mental and physical, to preserve
the nation in going through the third phase of
its existence. The organized forces and the
combined powers that recently stood arrayed
against us, arc disbanded and driven from tlie
field. Hut it does not follow that there are still
no enemies against our present form of Gov
ernment, and our fi'Ce institutions, I then
stood in the Senate denying the doctrine of
separation and secession. I denied then as I
now, that any State has the right, of its own
will to separate itself’from the other States,
aud the right, to destroy (lie bunion and break
up the Government; and I think i have given
some evidence that i have been sincere and in
earnest, and now want to know' wliiy it is that
the whole train of slanderers and calumnia
tors have been barking and snapping at my
heels. [Cheers.] Why is it they have array
ed themselves against me? It is because I
stood 'with the people, and when I say the
people. I include sailors and soldiers. [Loud
cheering.] Why is it they are arrayed in tra
ducing and falsity ing and calumniating me?
Where were they during the rebel! ion just end
; dep? 1 answer, at home in bed. [Laughter.]
In the South, I raised my voice against it, and
when it was believed that it would be to the
interest of the nation and would assist in put
ting down the rebellion, then did I leave my
place in (he Senate, a place of emolument, of
ease and distinction, and take my position
where t he enemy Could be reached, and where
men’s lives were in danger. Whilst thus ox
pored personally and publicly, son*e of nty
present fraduccrs and calumniators were far
removed from the foe and were enjoying ease
and comfort. But I care not for them. 1 care
not that slander, the . foul whelp of sin, has
linen turned loose against me. I care not for
all that they may tell you here to-day. Al
though pretty well advanced in life, I feel that
I shall live long enough to live down the whole
pack of t.raducers and slanderers. They have
turned the whole pack loose to lower mein
your estimation. Verily, they can’t do it.
Tray, Blanche, and Sweetheart, little dogs and
all, come along, snapping and snarling, at my
heels, but I heed them not; ha! The Ameri
can people, citizens, sailors and soldiers, know
that, from my advent into public life, to pres
ent moment, I have always stood unwavering
ly the advocate and defender of their rights and
interests. [Cheers.]
We are now in the nation’s third ordeal.
We are not yet through. We denied that the|
States could go out of the Union. Wc denied
the doctrine of secession, and we have deraon
a<rated that we were right; we demonstrated
it by Btrong arms. Yes, the Soldiers and the
sailors—God bless them-^-have demonstrated
by their patrotism and strong aihns that the
States have not the power to leave the U nion.
The Confederate armies were overpowered and
disbanded, and there was a willingness on the
part of the people of those States to cotjte
back in obedience to the taws, and acknowl
edge the supremacy of the Constitution of our
fathers. For what have we passed through
this ordeal? It was to prove the principle
tfiat.no State had the power to break up the
Government. It was to put down rebellion.
The rebellion has been put down; and for
what!" Was ft to destroy the States? Verily
never. For whal have all the lives bee sacri
ficed and all this treasure expended ?- Was it
iuriuc jmrpuoe ui uvawu^iug . j.iu.
It was for the purpose, of preserving theUnion
of the States. That is; what we have, been
contending for, and to establish the fact that,
this nation can lift its own head above and be
yond internal wars and treason and traitors
at home. When the rebellion in Ma achu
! setts was put down, did that put Massachusetts
I out of the Union anddestroy the State? When
the rebellion in Pennsylvania was put down,
did that destroy the State and put it out of the
Union? So when the great rebellion was put
down and the Constitution and the laws of the
i country'restored to the States engaged in the
' rebellion it/baing crushed, the law restored,
I and the Constitution acknowledged in them,
i stood in (lie Union and the Constitution a por
! tion of the glorious and bright galaxy of
j States. In passing-through this ordeal, which
I has been done in them under tho direction of
i my lamented predecessor, we commenced this
i work of reform. We succeeded, before 1
• came here, in restoring the relations which
j had existed between Tennessee and the rest of
'the Union with one exception—the rostora
: tion of representation. I came to Washing
j ton, and under extraordinary ’circumstances
succeeded to the Presidential chair. The Con
gress of the United States had adjourned with
out prescribing any plan. I then proceed as
I had done in tity own State in reconstructing
the Government, to restore the otner States.
And how did we begin V We found the peo
ple had no courts, and we said to the Judges,
District Attorneys and Marshals, go down »nd
hold your courts—the people need the tribu
nals of justice to be opened. Was there any
thing wrong in that? The courts were open
ed—and what else? We looked out and saw
that the people down there had no mails; they
had been cut off and interrupted by the oper
ations oftlie rebellion. We said to the Post
master General, let tho people havfe facilities
: for mails, and let them again begin to under
stand what weall feel, that we are one people.
Wo looked out again, and snw tliat there was a
blockade. We said open (he doors of the
custom houses, and let the pursuits of peace
go on. It was done. Wc thus traveled on,
step by step, opening the custom houses, ap
pointing collectors, establishing mail facilities
and restoring all the railroads tiiat had boon
interrupted by the rebellion. Was there any
thing undertaken to bo done here that was
not authorized by tho Constitution, nnd that
was not justified by the great necessity of the
case, that has not been clearly consistent with
the Constitution, nnd with the general spirit
of our Government.
I want to seo measures of policy brought
forward that, will advance the intcrosts of the
people, and that, portion of tho people who
constitute tho gallant, and bravo men, who in
both branches of the service, who have upheld
the nation’s tlag, and sustained the country in
the recent struggle. Let us go on and restore
tiic Government. Let us enlarge the area, of
our commerce and trnde, nnd let us not only
inspire confidence at home, but respect abroad
by letting tho nation resume, its career of
grcatucss. I know that some will find fault
with me, and say I am too kind, too lenient,
nnd all that, If wc were all to be put to
death, or punished, or thrown away for one
offense, or for the second offense, and woro to
lie lost and .excluded from society and com
munion with our follow men, how many of us
would be left? Wc must reason with each
other, and understand our natures, nnd what
Is necessary to restore peace and harmony
and concord to a distracted and divided peo
ple. In time of war it is right to burn vil
lages, sack cities and desolate fiields, to lay
waste a country and cripple and reduce the
enemy; but in time of peace the reverse of
that cohrse is precisely the right one, nnd the
true policy of the ijation is to rebuild its cit
ies, restore its villages and renew its fields of
agriculture. I know there are somo who have
been at home during, the war, who bring to
tbe consideration of the questions of pcaoo,
harmony and the avocations of civil life, all
tbe fecliugs of resentment which animated us,'
when the war was running high, but take
the brave men, who sustained the flag on the
field and on the wave, and you will find better
"feelings and better judgment on these ques
tions, than you wilt find with those who have
been sitting in the closet, and never smelled
gun powder. [Cheers.! Yes, from private
to tbe general, they know bow.to treat the
present circumstances better than any of
those closet patriots and humanitarians, Then
oountrymen, fellow citizens, and soldiers and
sailors, let us rejoice that peace lias eomo.
T.et us rejoice that the relations of the States
•are about being restored.' T.et tjsmako every
effort weean, on proper principles, to restore
the former relations between the federal Gov
ernment and tho States. I thank God that
peace is restored. I thank God that oifr bravo
j men can return to their families and homes,
and resume their peaceful avocations. I thank
God that the bancfVil planet of fire nnd blood,
which a short time ago was in the ascendant,
has been erased away by tho benignant star,
of peace, Now, that, the star of peace is sus
pended in the heavens, let us cultivate the
earth, and 'the relations of peace, und all
those associations that, appertain to men in
peace. The time is not distant when weean
have a political mileuium, a political jubilee,
and when we can proclaim to all the nations
of the earth, that again we are a united poo
dle, and that, we have triumphantly parsed
through our third ordeal; have peacoat home
and power to bid defiance to the world [lioud
cheering.] Remember one thing, gentlemen,
in my past; although slanderers may misrep
resent me, none can say that I ever deceived
ar betrayed them. It, will be for you to see,
in the future, wbo will redeem all his promis
es, and who will be most faithful. .1 thank
you, gentlemen, for tie compliment you have
paid me. What remains to be done?" One
thing remains, to show (lie oivilized world
that we have-passed Successfully through the
third ordeal of our national existehcc, and
proved that our Government, was popular. A
. great principle was restored, which was es
tablished in our revolution, when our father*
were contending against the power of Great
Britain. What was one of tho principal caus
es of their complaint? They complained of
taxation without representation, Ono of the
great principles laid down by our fathers, and
which fired their hearts, was, that there should
bo no taxation without representation. How,
then, does the matter stand? • Who has been
defeating the operation of tho Constitution?
What now remains to be done to complete the
restoration of those States to all their former
relations under tho Federal Government, and
to finish the great ordeal through which we
have been parsing ? It. is to admit repfesen
! tntion. yjlicnrs.] When wo soy admit rop
| resentation, what do We mean? _ We .simply
j mean representation in the Constitutional and
law abiding sense which existed at the begiu
! nintr of the Government. The Constitution
declares in express terms that the .Senate and
House of Representatives, each acting for it
self, shall be judge of the returns of elec
tions, and the qualifications of i ts own mem
bers. It is for each House to settle thatqucs
tion under the Constitution and under the sol-*
emn sanction of an oath. Can we believe
that either Houso would admit any member
into its body to participate in the legislation
of the country, who has not been qualified?
They have the power—not the two Houses, but
one House for itself. The Constitution furth
er declares that no State shall be deprived of
its equal suffrage in the Senate of the United
States, without its consent. Where do tye
stand? All that we have need of is to finish
the great work of restoration, for the two
Houses respectively to decide the question,
i Oh! but, some one will say, a traitor might
come in. The answer to that is, that each
House must be (lie judge of it, and if a traitor
presents himself I cannot help it. The House
will know that ho is a traitor; and if he is a
traitor they cun kick him nut of doors and
send him back, saying todhe people who seat
him, you must send us a loyal man. [Cheers.]
Is there any difficulty about that? If a trait
or presents himself to the other House, can
not that House say to him: "No ^-ou cannot
be admitted into this body. Go back. We
deny not your people the right of representa
tion; but they must send a loyal representa
tive ” [Cheers.] And when the States do
send loyal representatives, tan you have any
better fidelity to the laws and the Constitu
| don ? There is no one learned in the Constitu
! don and the laws who will say that if a trgitor
1 happened to get in Congress, that body can
not expel him after he gets in. That makes
assurance doubly sure, and conforms the ac
tion of the Government to the Const iuiMon of
our fathers. Hence, I say, let us stand by the
1 Constitution, and in standing by it, this Gov
ernment will be preserved. While I have boon
contondingngainsi traitors’and t.ronsmt secess
ion and the dissoluticm of the Union, I have
been contending against the consolidation of
powerhere. T think the etrws'olidation efpow
er here equally dangerous With separation.
The one would run into anarchy, while the
other would concentrate and eventuate into a
monarchy, lint there is an idea abroad that
one man can be a usurper. Mr. Jefferson the
apostle of liberty tells us, and so does common
sense, that tyrany and despotism can be' exer
cised by many woro vigorously a^d mtoro ty
rannically than by one. What power has
your President to attain-? What can he do?
What can he originate ? Why, tjunr saytiJbo
exercises the veto power. [A voice, "to put
down the negro,"—Laughtor.] Who is your
President? [Several voices, "Andy John
son.”] Is lie not elected by the people?
The President is the tribune of the peoplei" In
olden times when tribunes Were first elected
in the Roman Republic, Ihc people chose , a
tribune and placed him at thodooTS of the Sen
ate, so that when that body ventured an op
pressive act, lie was clothed with the power to
say “veto! I forbid!" Your President now,
is the tribune of the people. I thank God I
am, and intend to assert the power which tUo
people have given uie. Your President stand
ing here day after day, and discharging his
duty, is Tike a horse on a tread, wheel ;.and be
cause ho dares to differ nv opinion' in fegard
to public measures, he must be denounced ne a
usurper and a tyrant. Cali he originate any
thing under the veto'powei*? I think th<?’voto
power conservative in its character and effect,
and operation. Ail that can be dono by the
veto power is to say When legislation is im
proper, hasty, unwise and unconstitutional;
stop agtion ; wait.till it,can bo submitted to
the people,’arid let them consider whether it
is right or wrong. [Applause.] That is all
there is in it; hence I say that tyranny and
power ertn be exercised somewhere else than
by the Executive. He is powerless. All that
he can do is to cheok legislation;, to hold it, jp
a state of obeyanco until the people can con
sider and understand what is being done.
Then what has been done? 1 have done what
| conscience, I believed, required mo to do.
[Applause ] SO believing, I intend to stick
to my position, relying on the Judgment and
intelligence of the people—the soldiers and
the suitors especially. [Cheers.] Then, for
my life, l ean not see whore there ib any tyran
ny. It is very easy to impugn motived, and
suspect me purest iiFia ^csc nets t oi ft
life. If you come forwardwnd’propose' h cer
tain thing, your ipotjves are suspected and
condemned ;t end if you withlioldyour opinion,
you arc regarded as being'rtppopcd to the mat
ter. fch>. that it is very hard, to move ope way
or the other, so far ns certain persons are con
cerned. In tbo American people li my hope
. for the salvation of the country. I am with
you, soldiers, sailors and citizens. tVho.lfa,*
sacrificed or pterilod mote? Was not mv ajl.
boen put,on it—‘•myhtfe, my property ,And OVcfy
tiling sacred and <lear to man bas been, staked
upon it; and ctthl now be suspected of alter
ing at the closo of this-third ordeal of the na
tion? Where is he who in public or private life
lias sacrificed more, or who has devoted more
of his time and energies to theadeontplishmcht
,of the great end than I? from the promptings
of my own heart I believo I was right, and
with your hearts, your countenance hud your
encouragemout, I shall go through on tbfct
line. [Cheers and laughter.1 And whom I
come to talk-, sailors and soldiers, abdtVtWis
to fie dono aud that,to he flOpe, all I want is *
for you to wait and sco. So, far as you are
concerned, wait and see it I don’t standby
you, altliough every othor man may faltorand
fail. [Cheers.J
■ —;—~-1»>-— ' ‘1 ‘; ‘
Enirisu a PAven.— Editing a paper is »
very pleasant busjnopg. , i: f! oil
If it contains too much political matter, peo
ple won’t have It.
.Jf tho. type is .tpo lafige, it dpn't coiitain
enough reading matter,
If the type 1b small, people won't road It;
If.wo publish talegrapli,reports, people aay
they are lies. '. ,i
if we omit therfi, they say We have tto enter
prise, or suppress them for political effect
If We have in a few jpkes, people say we are
a mttlehead.
If we omit them, (hey say we are old fossil.
If wo publish original matter, they damn
us for not giving selections.
If we publish selections, men say wo arc
lazy for not writing more and giving .them
what they have not read in some other paper.
If we give a man a complimentary notice,
then we are ^ensured for being partial.
If we do tint., all hands say we are selfish.
If we insert an article that pleases the ladies,
men become jealous.
If wo do W>f cater to their wishes, the paper
is not fit to have in the house.
If we attend church,- thoy say tjs only for
effect.
xi wu uuii v, iM?i*vruuw uo an u«nnii>iut
and desperately wicked.
If we remain in the office and attend to bu
siness, folks say we are too proud to mingl#
with other fellows.
If we go out they say we never attend to
business.
. If we publish poetry, wo affect sentimental
ism, If wo do not, we have no Jiterai'y polish
or taste
If the mail does not deliver our papers
promptly, they say we do not publish .“on
time.” If it does, they are afraid we are get
ting ahead of tho time.
If wc do not pay all bills promptly, folks say
we are not to be trusted.
If we do pay promptly, they say We stole
the niotoey.
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Experiment ftt Grass Culture.—An En
glish farmer writes to the Mark Lane Express
an .account of an accidental experiment in
grass culture; which occurred on his farm a
few years ago. He says that his plowman
mistook orders, and plowed half aq acre h» one
of his grass fields before the mistake was dis- .
covered. This was in the fall, and the land
lay with the roots of tho grass turned up tq the
weather during the winter. In the spring the
sod was turned down carefully and the land
rulleJ. The result was, that the grass grew
richer and higher in the plowed part than in
any other portion of tho field, bo much so, that
the difference could be noticed from i consid
erable distance; The improvement in the
grass of the plowed part has been permanent.
—The Merchants’ National Bank of
; Little Rock has been designated a depository
: for public money, '.
‘j --They are di scussing a proposition for
i tho consolidation of the railroads between
Memphis and NVWOrleans in the latter fcitV,