CIVIL RIGHTS & LEGAL WRONGS
CIVIL. RIGHTS BIUL OF 1983
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A package of legislation called “The Civil Rights Act o'
1963” now is pending in the United States Congress.
The title is a misnomer. This bill is but ten per cent
civil rights. The rest—SO per cent—is an extension of Fed
eral executive power created at the expense of individuals.
States, and municipalities. The bill is, in fact, the blueprint
for a controlled system of life; it would establish new princi
pies of law of drastic and far-reaching irrv!icat:onn.
Consider the bill’s principal provisions:
Under the cloak of “Civil Rights"—if this bill becomes
law—the Federal government henceforth will dictate to whom
you may sell or rent your home.
If you are the proprietor of an establishment that offers
goods and services for use or hire—not just public accommo
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dations (hotels, restaurants and such) but any kind of business
that offers anything to the public—then, under this bill, your
business would be subject to Federal Control.
In like manner, the bill covers all "contractors and sub
contractors’’ in every program or activity where direct cr in
direct financial aid is rendered by the government. It will ap
ply to you: If you borrow money from or deposit money in a
government-insured bank; if you have an FHA, VA or Small
Business Administration loan; if you are a realtor or developer;
if you are a farmer who has financial dealings with the Farm
Credit Administration, the Commodity Credit Corporation, or
the Soil Conservation Service, or if you have Federal Crop
Insurance, or deal with the REA or participate in any agricul
tural program involving Federal funds.
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EMPLOYERS & EMPLOYEES
Under this Act, all employers who participate in any
of these programs can lie told by a Federal FEPC whom
they shall hire, fire, promote and demote, and how they
shall handle their employees.
Under this Act Federal inspectors would he empowered
to rule that racial or religious imbalance exists in a busi
ness. Thereafter, that business could not employ or pro
mote the people it might prefer but only such "‘racial" or
"religious” individuals as the Federal inspector designated.
His ruling could require that "racial” or "religious” bal
ance be obtained and apply to all job classifications: to
common laborers, to skilled laborers, to the secretarial
staff, to supervisory employees, and to vice presidents, all
alike. A Federal agency would be prosecutor, judge, jury
and executioner.
ENFORCEMENT
Enforcement of the Federal inspector's findings would
be simple: failure to comply would mean the end of all
participation in Federal programs. Your loan could be
called: you could lie blacklisted for further loans from
banks or financial institutions insured by the government:
and you could be prevented from taking part in any
activity that had to do with Federal financing. In certain
injunctive situations, an employer could be jailed without
the protection of a jury trial.
And that is only part of it.
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UNIONS
The bill rocs on: In giving the Federal government
new control over the hiring, firing, promoting, demoting
and payment of employees, the Act also would give Fed
eral Commissioners new j rs to destroy not only the
seniority system of unions, l also an employee’s rights
within the company for which he works. This is so be
cause the Act gives full and unlimited power to Federal
inspectors to determine who shall be hired, promoted, de
moted or fired, whenever a charge is made that racial
and/or religious imbalance (‘‘discrimination”) exists.
VOTERS
Nor id that all. The bill boldly seeks for the Justice
Department unprecedented powers to sain Federal control
of the electoral machinery.
In 1961, the United States Commission on Civil Rights
recommended—contrary to express provisions in the Con
stitution—that the Federal government irripose new con
trol over the qualification and registration of voters. “The
Civil Rights Act of 1963” would implement these recom
mendations.
It follows, then, if this Act were made law, a politically
minded Attorney General could go into an area where the
voting might be close and swing the election. See how it
would work: The language of the bill allows the Attorney
General, at his'own discretion, to file a “discrimination’’
suit and, without proof of his allegations, register tens
of-thousands of voters. The ballots, then, could be cast
and counted and the election won, even though the At
torney General’s action, later, were determined by the
Courts to have been invalid. i.
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S PROFESSIONAL AND
SMALL BUSINESS |
“The Civil Rights Act of 1963“ would also bring undbr
Federal control individuals and businesses never before
thought to he constitutionally subject to such regulations.
Under the bill's Title 11, any person who pays a business
license to a State or municipality could be included.
Thus, the Act brings under Federal supervision almost
every profession and every business—lawyers, realtors,
small establishments, doctors, restaurants, gasoline sta
tions, theaters, hotels, motels and lodging houses. The
smallest “soda fountain" would be covered.
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EVERYONE
A careful reading of .this Civil Rights Act of 1963, we
believe, will convince the impartial citizen that the ad
ministration is here proposing, under an emotional and
racist appeal to "civil rights," to destroy age-old liberties
of the individual and to cast off constitutional restraints
upon Federal power. The bill would intimately and im
mediately affect every parent of school-age children, every
businessman, every professional man, every home-owner,
and every wage earner in the United States.
Many of the provisions of the Act, in our view, violate
the Constitution of the United States. They are also con
trary to existing decisions of the Supreme Court of the
United States. But. no one can foretell what the Supreme
Court would hold, if Congress were to make "a legislative
finding" in the areas mentioned—that is, if “The Civil
Rights Act of 1963” were passed by Congress.
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SCHOOLS
The bill boos even farther. If this Act should become
law, between 100 and 200 statutes now in effect would be
amended. Everyone who has dealings with Federal educa
tional programs, for instance, would he subject to new
requirements. Under the provisions of the Act, the United
States Commissioner of Education could influence the
transfer of children from one school to another—back and
mu unt‘l racial balance and religious balance existed.
(The correction of “racial imbalance" is of such impor
tance to the sponsors that the phrase appears eight times
in a single brief section of the bill).
Under the authority proposed in connection with Fed
eral financing, school lunch programs, research programs
the building, of schools, Hill-Burton hospitals—all such
programs and organizations would be subject to new Fed.
eral controls.
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THE SO CALLED “SOFTENING AMENDMENTS” PROPOSED BY ATTORNEY GENERAL KENNEDY DO NOT ACTUALLY
CHANGE THE EFFECTS OF THE BILL
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If you do not want such controls to apply to you, if you Civil Rights Act of 1963" is not Civil Rights at all, but Federal
do not want your personal liberties snatched from you in the control. Do this and you will stop this grab for power. Fail
areas covered by the bill, if you want to preserve liberty un- to do it, and the legal foundation will be laid for the most
der the law, then write to your Senators (both of them) and to revolutionary change in our country’s history. You have “civil
your Congressman, today. Ask thorn, earnestly, to vote against rights" too. Put them to use in a fight against this bill!
this legislation. Tell them the truth, that 90 per cent of “The
Sponsored by The CO-ORDINATING COMMITTEE for FUNDAMENTAL AMERICAN FREEDOM
Suite 520 • 301 ^irst Street, NE • Washington, D. C.
WILLIAM LOEB, Manchester, N. H. Chairman JOHN J. SYNON, Richmond, Va. Director