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WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 19, 1919.
PEACE CONGRESSES.
Viewing the peace conference by
some of the candlelights of history we
ask ourselves what part the purely hu
man equation and what part political
ideas will have in the settlement.
The present council of the powers
invites comparison with the congress
of Vienna, which made many of the
European adjustments which must
now be undone.
At each conference we see a domin
ating personality. Then it was Prince
Metternich; now it is President Wood
row Wilson. Then it was a statesman
schooled in the secret diplomacy
which secured for Napoleon his di
vorce from Josephine Beauharnais so
that he mignt wed tne aaugnter or
Metternich’s royal master of Austria;
which finally overthrew the upstart
empire of Bonaparte and divided the
spoils at the congress held in Vienna
from September, 1814 to June, 1815.
The most natural comparison of
personalities, therefore, is between
Woodrow Wilson and Matternich. In
both intellect is to be observed as the
predominating element, then states
manlike vision of the future, wide
knowledge of world affairs, and a mas
terful ■•lf-poise which in the one case
often enraged Napoleon and in the
other has cooly outgeneraled the kais
er and driven him from his throne
and into exile.
“We shall meet at Vienna,” cried
Napoleon in a paroxysm of fury, in
1813, Metternich coldly refused him
the means wherewith to regain his
lost glory and prestige.
“I shall stand no nonsense from
America after the war,” said the kais
er angirly to the American ambassa
dor
And now the New Jersey school
master, who, it is related, studied in
musty tomes how he might become
president of the republic of the United
States, is to dictate what shall be
done with the empire of William of
Hohenzollern and with most of the
world beside.
“The fate of the world may be said
to rest in your hands,” said President
Poincare of France. addressing him
self to President Wilson at the open
ing session of the peace conference.
At the congress of Vienna the fate
of the world rested largely in the
hands of Metternich.
* * *
At that time the modern movement
was just beginning. The English, Am
erican and French revolutions had
made “liberty” the watchword of
mankind, just as “liberty” and “de
mocracy” are the watchwords today.
But at the congress of Vienna even
Great Britain, which had already
made something of a success of free,
representative government, found
nothing better to do than to divide the
spoils with governments which had
little faith in popular rights and clung
to the doctrine of the divine rights of
kings.
Among those who attended the Vi
enna conference were the monarchs
of Russia, Prussia, Austria, Denmark,
Bavaria and various small German
states.
Among the statesmen were Welling
ton, Castleragh, Metternich, Telley
rand, who tried to bribe our John
John Adams on a mission to Paris;
Nesselrode, Hardenberg and Stein.
Today we seldom hear any of these
statesmen mentioned except Metter
nich, Aalleyrand and Wellington. How
shall it be a century hence when our
successors read that the present con
ference was attended by Woodrow
Wilson, Secretary Lansing, Lloyd
George, Balfour, Clemenceau, Orlando
and the Japanese delegate, Makino.
Which of these names will survive the
wear and tear of a hundred years? .
Perhaps It may be well to mention
some of the judgments of the con
gress of Vienna. The main stipula
tions were:
The retention by France of the
limits subsisting at the outbreak of
the French revolution; the restoration
of the Austrian monarchy without
Belgium, Bresgau and West Galicia,
but with the addition of what has
come to be known in our day as Italia
Irredenta, namely Venetia, Dalamatia,
'etc.; the restoration of the Prussian
monarchy without most of the terri
tory taken in 1807 to form the duchy
of Warsaw and with the addition of
half of Saxony, territories in the re
gion of the Rhine and Swedish Pomer
ania; the formation of the German
confederation under the hegemony of
Austria; the creation of a new king
dom of Poland under the Russian dyn
asty; the establishment of the King
dom of the Netherlands, Including Hol
land and Belgium; the retention of
Norway by Sweden, the retention of
Finland by Russia; the restoration of
the Sardinian monarchy with the an
nexation of Genoa; the restoration of
the states of the church; Avignon and
Venaissin being left to France; the
reconstruction of the Swiss confed
eracy with enlarged limits; the re
tention by Great Britain of Cape Col
ony, Ceylon, part of Dutch Guiana,
Mauritius, Tobago, Malta and Heligo
lanrl • tho ootohllahmant nP a TJniHali
protectorate over the Ionian islands;
the restoration of the Burbons and
other former dynasties in Spain,
Naples, Tuscany and Modena.”
When we scan these terms we can
not but wonder what the people of a
hundred years from now will say of
the terms agreed upon at Versailles.
Will they say that the United States,
although it set out in a crusading
spirit to make the world safe for de
mocracy, was content simply to re
constitute the dynasties of Belgium
and Serbia, to enlarge the kingdom
of Italy, to divide the lands of the
Moslems among various competitors',
to reconstitute Poland, Bohemia and
Rumania; to establish Jugo-Slavia
and to give Great Britain the German
colonies? Or will they say that some
grand ideal such as the league of na
tions was a result, a concert of the
powers to maintain peace and interna
tional justice. Will they say that the
peace conference made the world
safe for democracy or that it merely
resulted in a reactionary movement
similar to the holy alliance which was
a concert of the powers to maintain
the dynasties of Europe, to save Spain
its American colonies and eventually
to crush out republicanism in the new
world.
* * *
In these days we are somewhat
losing sight of the fact that the gov
ernment of the United States is a re
public and not a democracy, a repre
sentative government and not a gov
ernment directly by the people.
Sometimes our British cousins are
fond of describing our government as
a “monarchical republic” because they
discern in it strongly centralized ele
ments which, in their opinion, make it
much more enduring than a pure de
morcacy.
It is perhaps necessary to keep this .
distinction in mind if we are to view
the proceedings of the peace congress
and its conclusions in a clear light.
At the time of the congress of Vi
enna men were mouthing the word
“liberty,” for had not the French
revolution fired the world with new
ideals and aspirations and had not the
power of republican Institutions?
Even Metternich talked of liberty, al
though his main purpose was to estab
lish a modus vivendi which would re
store order and permanent govern
ment for Europe.
Much of the radicalism preached by
those we colloquially call the “Reds”
today goes by the name democracy.
Men of such differing minds as Wood
row Wilson and Lloyd George on the
one side and Trotzky, Lenine, Debs
and Mooney on the other call them
selves “democrats” or "social demo
crats.”
Will the “Red” democracy be as
popular a hundred years from now as
republican—that is to say, representa
tive institutions—are today? Will
radicalism have asserted its suprem
acy and will the men of those days re
gard Woodrow Wilson as a reaction
ary like Metternich?
There are some reasons for believ
ing that history will not repeat itself
in this regard. Remember, that rep
resentative governments as exempli
fied by Great Britain and the United
States were already successful insti
tutions of the time of Metternich. To
day social democracy has disclosed
itself in the collossal failure of Rus
sia. Nowhere has social democracy
won a success which entitles it to
claim that it is among civilization's
permanent institutions.
It is an odd sidelight on the two
conferences that each began with the
discussion of the Slavic question. It
required only a few days' discussion
of the PollBh problem to throw the
congress of Vienna into confusion.
Will the Russian question cause a
split In the Versailles conference—
jr is it to be called the congress of the
Qua! D’Orsay.
• * * *
Mottemich found for the discord a
remedy which our ally may resort to.
The prince was a believer in gay di
verstisement as an offset to the dis
putes and quarrels of the congress
and he devised most intriguing and
elaborate festivities to keep the dele
gates in a good humor. In fact, it be
came a criticism of those days that
Metternich’s festivities seemed to be
the chief object of the congress. But
by this and more statesmanlike means
the brilliant prince succeeded in
bridging over all difficulties and in
obtaining a settlement which was sat
isfactory to his imperial master, the
Emperor Francis of Austria.
* * *
Perhaps we shall find it dull to re
call some of Metternich’s maxims so
that we may compare them with the
familiar maxims of the author of “The
New Freedom.”
In his "Political Testament” Metter
nich writes: "To me the word free
dom has not the value of a starting
point, but of an actual goal to be
striven for. The word order desig
nates the starting point. It is only
on order that freedom can be based.
Without order the cry for freedom is
nothing more than the endeavor ol
some party for an end it has in view.
When actually carried out in practice
that, r.rv fnr frAorlnm win i«/.TrttnKiu
express itself in tyranny. At all times
and in all situations I was a man of
order, yet my endeavor was always
for true and not for pretended lib
erty.”
These words, rea* in the light of
present events, sound like prophetic
denunciation of that form of liberty
which degenerates into anarch v It
has no regard for law, order, justice
Dr morality. It seems to argue that
whatever is is bad and that it is neces
sary to destroy existing institutions,
to throw all order to the winds before
any attempt'should be made to estab
lish an ideally free civilization. But
fortunately for the world the forces
of anarchy have made out no case for
themselves. On the contrary they
have been a warning to the world that
it should hold fast to the good things
of old until some of these amazing
new ideas have proved themselves
has learned it up to date, is that order
and liberty must go hand in hand. In
that, at least, tha iucas of Meuernich
and of Woodrow Wilson and the other
allied statesmen agree.—R>.‘
-♦
President Wilson is keeping the
peace council in good humor by tell
ing the story of the Kansas farmer
who kept on buying farms so that no
one would have land contiguous to
his. That farmer, like Wilson, took
in too much territory.
-»- '
If the allies will admit they are
whipped the Bolsheviki will consent
to talk with them.
-♦
Japan wants to keep Kiao Chow.
Japan is always after more chow.
-♦
A dispatch says Bryan may go into
vaudeville. When did he stop?
--♦—-_
The whole country is going dry.
That is the sober truth
-♦-.
SHORT RATIONS IN LONDON
OF CLEAN LAUNDRY
LONDON, Feb. 19.—London is on
short rations of clean laundry because
of the influenza which has depleted
the staffs of the public laundries. Con
sequently the public is compelled to
make continuous purchases of new
shirts and other washable clothing
and the dealers therein are rejoicing
In a boom trade.
-•
MEXICO BECOMING
UNHEALTHY FOR REBELS.
PUEBLA, Mexico, Jan. 22 (by mail).
It is reliably reported that Emiliana
Zapata, former rebel dictator of Mo
relos, is proceeding by forced marches
to the coast of Guerrero for the pur
pose of embarking for foreign parts.
Numerous Zapata leaders, including
Maurilla Mejia Zapata, a nephew of
Emiliano, are said to have asked for
amnesty.
-•
Fresh shipment of Brookfield saus
age arrived on this boat. Blum,
O’Neill Co.
EXPATRIATED GERMAN
LEFT LARGE FORTUNE
TO TOWN IN GERMANY
HONOLULU, T. H„ Jan. 25 (by
mail).—H. Wilhelm Wolters, who
came to Hawaii nearly forty years
ago from Bremen, Germany, as a poor
clerk and accumulated a fortune of al
most half a million dollars, made a
will four months after the United
United States had entered the war
against Germany bequeathing almost
all of his estate to the ‘‘Free and
Hansa town of Bremen, Germany.”
Wolters died recently and his will
has just been made public. Under its
terms the estate, valued at $455,000,
is to be held in trust for ten years,
during which certain annuities are to
be paid two brothers and other rela
tives, and, after a few other minor be
quests are paid, the residue is to go
to Bremen for charitable, educational,
scientific and other purposes. '
Richard H. Trent, representative
in Hawaii for Custodian of Enemy
Alien Property Talmer, is of the opin
ion, however, that Wolters’ wealth
may never go to Bremen. Mr. Trent
is placing the case before the authori
ties at Washington. Wolters for many
years had been a naturalized Ameri
can citizen. He was a heavy owner in
the old Hackfield, Ltd., a concern
which was recently Americanized
under the American Factors, Ltd.
This concern made a score of expatri- |
ated Germans wealthy. I
WEST AFRICAN NATIVES
ARE HOARDING SILVER
LONDON, Jan. 10 (by mail).—The
hoarding habit of the natives of West
Africa are causing much difficulty
among interests trading in that coun
try. As soon as a supply of silver
is let loose it disappears. Paper
money has been introduced in one
pound, ten-shilling and two-shilling
notes, but the native is not keen for
these, and much prefers silver. Now
the experiment is being tried of issu
ing one-shilling notes, which will be
legal tender, and if the natives takes
to them the problem will be largely
solved. ( •
In the meantime the West African
currency board is buying as much
silver as possible and’ shipping ft by
every steamer to West Africa.
-*
DANISH SCIENTISTS
TO STUDY MEXICO.
MEXICO CITY, Jan. 20 (by mail).—
A combined commercial and scientific
expedition is en route to Mexico from
Denmark, according to advices re
ceived by the department of foreign
relations. It is headed by Carlos Vatt,
a Copenhagen millionaire. Extensive
studies will be made into Mexico’s
relics of the stone age. What the ex
pedition's commercial plans are has
not been made public. I
-«
MASONIC MEETING
A meeting of Mount McKiinley
Lodge No. 183, F. & A. M., will be
held Thursday evening at 8 o’clock.
D. Tl PHILLIPS, Secretary..
---«
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Ponder on this utterance and let it be a guide to your
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