PRIME MISTER OF BRITAIN
, DISCUSSES TREATY PROVISIONS
LONDON.—The scene in the house
of commons recently when Premier
Lloyd George delivered his address
on the peace treaty recalled some
of the great speeches of the war.
All the seats were taken and every
inch of standing room was pre-empt
ed. The premier had a good recep
tion from all sections of the house.
His speech was largely impromptu
and discursive. He told of the peace
conference’s efforts to prevent wars
in the future, and reviewed some of
the striking restrictions put upon
Germany in the treaty signed at
Versailles.
Discussing the determination of the
allied and associated powers to place
on trial William Hohenzollern, the
former German emperor, as the man
held chiefly responsible for the war,
he declared that if such a course
had been followed after other wars
“there wrould have been fewer wars.”
It was the intention to make such
an example of Germany as to dis
courage others from “ever again at
tempting to repeat this infamy. ’
Personal Responsibility
“Those guilty of such outrages
ought to be punished, for the of
ficers should ’ ave known that they
would be hel personally responsible
for offenses against the laws of war.’
added the premier.
It was not vengeance, he argued,
to take every possible precaution
against a recurrence of the war. The
German people approved the war and
therefore it was essential, in the
terms, to show if nations enter into
unprovoked wars of aggression
against their neighbors, what lies in
store for them.
There was a significant passage
When the premier first mentioned the
League of Nations. Many of the mem
bers cheered, but seemingly nearly
an equal number burst into laughter.
“I beg of you to try it. I beg of
you to take it seriously,” the pre
mier protested.
Proceeding, he declared:
“If it saved only one generation
from the horrors of war it would be
a great achievement.”
One member shouted: “Nobody
wants it.”
The premier paid special tribute
to the work of the British expert
advisers, which, he said, had been
the object of admiration of the na
tions at the conference, and ended
with an appeal for the Victory loan,
with one of his tvpical flashes,
“Don’t demobilize the spirit of patri
otism.”
Restoration
Speaking of the territorial terms
i of the treaty Mr. Lloyd George said
the territory taken from Germany
was a matter of restoration. It was
a restoration of Alsace-Lorraine, he
said, taken forcibly from the land
to which its population was deeply
attached; it was a restoration of
Schleswig-Holstein, the taking of
which he described as the “meanest
of Hohenzollern frauds, robbing a
helpless country in the pretense that
they were not doing it and then re
taining the land against the wishes
of the populations”; a restoration
of a “Poland torn to bits by Rus
sian, Austrian and Prussian autoc
racy and now reknit under the flag
of Poland.” And, he added, “they
W'
are all territories which ought not
to belong to Germany.”
The British delegation, the premier
said, has taken a stand resolutely
opposing any attempt to put a pre
dominantly German population under
Polish rule, as it would be foolish
to have another Alsace-Lorraine in
Europe.
“I do not think anyone can claim
the terms imposed constitute injus
tice to Germany,” the premier said
in discussing the reparation clauses,
“unless they believe jutice in the
war was on the side of Germany.
Having regard to the uses Germany
made of her army there is no in
justice in scattering and disarming
it. If the allies had restored the
colonies to Germany after the evi
dence of ill-treatment of the natives
and the part the natives have taken
in their own liberatio \ it would
have been a base betraya.
After referring to gua ntees in
the treaty, such as disarmament,
which he declared should not be “a
scrap of paper,” the premier spoke
on the bill dealing with the Ameri
can and British guarantee in the
event of an unprovoked attack on
France, saying he did not suppose
any section of the house would op
pose that.
Protection to France
“It is entered into with the ap
proval of the League of Nations,” the
premier asserted. Within living
memory France twice has been in
vaded by Germany. With her popu
lation of forty million facing a hos
tile population of sixty or seventy
million, France nad legitimate reason
for feeling nervous apprehension as
the British and American armies
left. I do not agree that the treaties
showed lack of faith in the League
of Nations. After all, the League
would have no value unless it had
behind it strong nations prepared at
a moment’s notice to stop aggres
sions.”
France was quite prepared, said
the premier, to reconsider at the
proper time the question of the oc
cupation of the Rhine. There was
an understanding with France. But
the moment Germany carried out
her undertaking regarding disarma
ment the cost of the army of occu
pation' shoul not exceed 240,000,000
marks a year.
A Hopeful Experiment
Lastly, there was the guarantee of
the League of Nations, a great and
'hopeful experiment, only rendered
'possible by other conditions. Without
disarmament, the league convention,
like other conventions, would be blown
■ away by the first gust of war.
“Let us earnestly try it,” exclaimed
the premier. “Had it been in exist
ence in 1914 it would have been dif
ficult for Germany and Austria to
make war, and if they had, America
would have been in the first day, in
The premier argued that it would
'stead of two years after.”
The premier argued that it would
have been a mistake to let Germany
into the league while there were ques
tions resulting from the war that still
remained to be settled. It was for
Germany herself to accelerate the
date of her entry, by showing that the
fire of war had purified her soul. The
sooner she entered, the better it would
be for Germany and the world.
I - I—*'
September
_ ' 13
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