THE CORDOVA DAILY TIMES
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Alaska, as second-class matter
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REPUBLICAN TICKET
For President—
WARREN G. HARDING.
For Vice President—
CALVIN COOLIDGE.
For Delegate to Congress—
DAN SUTHERLAND.
For Attorney General—
JOHN RUSTGARD
For Senator—
E. E. CHAMBERLAIN.
For Representatives—
A. E. LATHROP
JOS. H. MURRAY
R. E. ELSNER
A. H. FRAME.
For Road Commissioner—
PROTECTION’S DEEP ROOT iN
OUR ECONOMIC SYSTEM
When we say that our first tariff
act was introduced by James Madison
and signed by George Washington;
that Alexander Hamilton made a com
prehensive argument for protection
and that Thomas Jefferson’s appeal
for an American marine is quoted
every year; that James Monroe fol
lowed the teaching of his Virginia
predecessors, and that Andrew Jack
son wrote the most concise letter
ever written on the protectionist side
of the question, we have made out a
strong case. It we add that Thomas
H. Benton sought a duty on a local
product, that John J. Calhoun and
Martin Van Buren supported protec
tion until the planters drove them
away from it, that Daniel Webster’s
early prejudices against a high tariff
melted away, that the “American sys
tem” was Henry Clay’s system, that
the Whigs forced the tariff of 1942
on the reluctant John Tyler, and
that James Buchanan, as his term
ran to a close, signed the Morril Tar
iff act, we have given data of im
portance. If we show how the conn
try has grown under protection we
furnish what Grover Cleveland called
“an object lesson,” though not the
object lesson he and his free trade
friends desired.
Pllf aronfirur oil Hr.
7 Q v*** u UU I II 1
portance, is there not a deeper argu
ment for the system that would
guard our capital and our labor from
foreign competition? It’s merits were
recognized by English statesmen be
fore Columbus crossed the ocean and
before Europe had a printing press.
Five hundred years before the first
telegraphic wore flashed, England be
gan to develop her industries. By law
after law, by measures always stern
and sometimes merciless, the little
island built up an industrial fabric
which gained for her the title of “the
workshop of the world.” How she
kept her wool at home, how she
barred out woolen clothing, how she
fostered her iron industry, how she ■
started the cotton manufacture, how
she drew skillful craftsmen from
Europe, and how she cut off the
egress of the expert worker, all this
is a wonderful story. One familiar
quotation recurs to memory at every
new discussion of the tariff system.
Adam Smith, who vaguely hoped that '
free trade would somehow and in
some way come to pass, looked on
the vast commercial fleet that owed j
its existence to legislation. When
Adam Smith was forced to say that i
“the Navigation act is, perhaps, the ]
wisest of all the commercial regula- i
tions of England,” the smaller guns of i
free trade are fairly well spiked. 1
Our legislators, who enacted the i
tariff of 1789 and read Hamilton’s re- a
port on manufacturers, were not r
weighing a new theory. More than t
four centuries of British experience
lay behind them. Into the settlements
at Jamestown and Plymouth their
ancestors had brought stories • of the
industrial England that equipped the
fleet that fought the Armada. As New
England "was emerging from its in
fancy, Cromwell was strengthening
the workings as well as the fighting
forces of Old England. Between the
days of Jefferson and of Monroe the
industrial strength of England, no less
than the fleet of Nelson and the
troops of Wellington, saved the
“tight little island” from Napoleonic
invasion. All this was pondered and
remembered. The constitutional pow
er to provide for “the common de
fence and general welfare,” with the
clause empowering the legislature to
regulate commerce furnish authority
for whatever protection we need. It is
as his deliberate opinion that one of
the main reasons for adopting the
constitution was the need of a central
authority that could protect our in
dustry from Old World competition.
There have been hasty statements
like this: “Republican America turn
ed from the effete tariff system as she
turned from a monarchy, from in
herited penalties, and from a religious
establishment,” But this statement
answers itself. The constitution ex
pressly declares for a republic, thus
excluding the crowned head. It is
expressly declared that the consequen
ces of treason do not descend to the
offender’s children. Religious tests
as requirements for office are forbid
den in terms beyond dispute. Pro
tection is not so condemned, and its
constitutionality, so well stated in
Andrew Jackson’s message of 1830,
has been affirmed by our highest tri
bunal. Our fathers might have dis
carded it but they had too much wis
dom to do so.
in isbi tnere was a gatnering or
men who did not wish “to form a more
perfect union,” but to dissolve the
union. Their constitution declared,
“The congress shall have power: To
lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts
and excise, for revenue necessary igj
pay the debts, provide for the com
mon defense and carry on the govern
ment of the Confederate states; but
no bounties shall be granted from the
treasury, nor shall any duties or taxes
on importations from foreign nations
be lai(f to promote or foster any
branch of industry.”
This was clear enough, and to make
it even clearer all reference to the
“general welfare” was omitted. But
the old question arose in a new form.
As the blocade cut off foreign goods
the South was driven to make articles
of absolute necessity. The growth of
manufactures wras so rapid that Jef
ferson Davis commented on it in one
of his messages. Had the South won
its independence the question of fos
tering or smothering these infant in
dustries would have been an import
ant one.
We have not learned to survey pro
tection aright unless wre see that it
was part of English law more than
four centuries before Blackstone’s
Commentaries, and over two centuries
before Lord Coke was born. We do
not understand its part in our national
life unless we recognie that those
who sought to dissolve the Union
banished it from the constitution
w^hich upheld slavery as a perpetual
system. It is one of history’s ironies
that in the Confederacy which hailed
cotton as king manufactures grew
until‘Jefferson Davis spoke of their
importance and urged their extension.
AMERICA ALWAYS FIRST
\
Warren G. Harding, Republican can
didate for President, has always been
a staunch advocate of Americanism
and we take pleasure in reprinting
the following excerpts from a speech
he delivered in the United States
Senate:
The first flaming torch of Ameri
canisniY was lighted in framing the
federal constitution' in 1787. The
Pilgrims signed their simple and
majestic covenant a full century and
a half before, and set aflame their
beacon of liberty on the coast of
Massachusetts. Other pioneers of
the New World freedom were rear
ing their standards of liberty from
Jamestown and Plymouth for five gen
erations before Lexington and Con
cord heralded a new era. It was all
American in the destined result, yet
ill of it lacked the soul of nationality
in simple truth. There was no
thought of nationality in the revolu
ion for American independance. The
olonists were resisting a wrong, and
’reedom was their solace. Once it
vas achieved, nationality was the only (
igency suited'to its preservation.
Americanism really began when
obed in nationality, the American
>eople began the blazed trail of repre
lentative popular government. Rep
esentative democracy was proclaimed ]
he safe agency of highest human ]
reedom. America headed the for- l
rard procession of civil, human and 1
eligious freedom, which ultimately <
fill effect the liberation of all man- ]
kind. The federal constitution is
the very base of all Americanism,
the ark of the covenant of Ameri
can liberty, the very temple of equal
rights. The constitution does abide,
and ever will so long as the repub
lic survives.
Let us hesitate before we surrender
the nationality which is the soul of
highest Americanism. This republic
has never failed humanity nor en
dangered civilization.
We have been tardy sometimes,
when we were proclaiming democ
racy and neutrality while we ignored
our national rights, but the ultimate
and helpful part we played in the
great war will be the pride of Ameri
ca so long as the world recites the
story.
We do not mean to hold aloof, we
choose no isolation, we shun no duty.
I like to rejoice in an American
conscience, and in a big conception
of our obligations to liberty, justice
and civilization. Aye, and more, T
like to think of Columbia’s helping
hand to new republics which are
seeking the blessings portrayed ir our
example, but I have confidence in
our America that requires no council
of foreign powers to point the way
of American duty. We wish to coun
sel, cooperate and^contribue, but we
arrogate to ourselves the keeping of
the American continent and every
concept of our obligation. It is fine
to idealize, but it is vef^ practical
to make sure our own house is in
perfect order before we attempt the
miracle of Old World stabilization.
Call it the selfishness of nation
ality if you will; I think it an in
spiration to patriotic devotion.
To safeguard America first,
To stabilize America first,
To prosper America first,
To think America first,
To exalt America first,
To live for and revere America.
Let the internationals dream and
the Bolshevist destroy. God pity him
“for wrhom no minstrel raptures
swell.” In the spirit of the Republic,
we proclaim Americanism and we pro
claim America.
- -
The administration job holders who
kicked Tom Watson out of the San
Francisco convention have got nerve
enough to twist a wild cat’s tail.
The New York Times says the Dem
ocratic presidential candidate is an
ideal leader of a noble cause. That’s
what Tom Taggart, Mr. Murphy and
the other Democratic idealists thought
he would be when they met at French
Lick Springs and picked him for, the
job. :'J*N.
VOICE OF THE ALSAKA PRESS
r .4 *.
The people of Alaska will no doubt
suffer kinks in their necks froim now
on watching the skies for a sight of
the army airplanes that are diie to
fly over the northern scenery within
the next few days.—Douglas News,
While the Anchorage Woman’s club
is taking a deserved rest from a
strenuous and successful year it
might be well for the energetic mem
bers to plan some way to improve
the local school grounds for the safe
and sane play for the children.
Anchorage is keeping in step with
other advancements and why not a.
children’s play ground.—Anchorage
Times.
CENSORSHIP OF MAIL
RECEIVED FROM PERSIA
PARIS, Aug. 4.—Proof that Persia
has ceased to be a nation and be
come a colony of Great Britain is
provided by the Paris newspaper
“La Liberte,” one of the most
conservative journals in France,
which publishes the evidence of an
autocratic British censorship over
Persian mail.
According to “La Liberte” a promi
nent French diplomat received a let
ter from a French offical in Erzen
gali. Despite the fact that the con
tents of the letter was marked strict
ly “confidential” and “diplomatic”
the envelope was cut open and care
lessly stuck together again by the
familiar wartime sticker printed
“Opened by Censor.”
“What right,” asks “La Liberte,”
has Great Britain to impose a cen
sorship on a peaceful nation, and es
pecially on letters of subjects of
friendly nations?”
George Grubich has filed suit at
Juneau against the Admiralty Alaska
3old Mining Company for money al
eged to be due him for wage in the
imount of $2,857.
Ponciano Rouge, a Filipino at the
Ridden Inlet cannery was drowned
ast week when he went in bathing.
Re was seen to be in difficulty but
>efore his companions could roach
tim he went down. His body was re
rnvered and interred at Ketchikan.
Ris parents reside in the Philippines.
LEGAL ADVERTISEMENTS
NOTICE OF FORFEITURE
To Clarence Henry Golden, his
heirs, assigns, administrator and to
all whom it may concern.
You and each of you are hereby
notified that the undersigned co-own
er of Clarence Henry Golden in the
Alsac, Amazon, Francisco, Felly, Mc
Kenzie, Columbia and Yukon claims,
situate on the left bank of Chokosna
river, about eight miles from the Cop
per River Railway at Mile 158, and
found in the records of the Valdez
Mining and Recording district at
Valdez, Alaska, has expended in labor
and improvements upon said claims
the sum of $1400 during the years
1913 and 1914, and that Clarence
Henry Golden being the owner of a
one-third interest in the above named
claims, and having failed to do or per
form any labor, or expend any money
for the same, there is now due and
owing from you, your heirs or assigns,
one-third of $1400, as your proportion
of the amount necessary to be ex
pended for the years 1913-1914, to
hold possessory right and title to
the said claims under the provision of
section 2324 of the revised statutes
of the United States and the amend
ments thereto.
And if within ninety days after
this notice by publication is com
pleted you fail or refuse to con
tribute your proportion of such
expense as before stated, your inter
est in the aforementioned claims will
become the property of the subscrib
er hereto, and under the section of
the law above mentioned which gov
erns assessment work on lode mining
claims.
TOM KINNEY.
First publication Aug. 4, 1920.
Last publication Nov. 3, 1920.
SUMMONS
In the District Court for the Territory
of Alaska, Third Division.—Louise
Dorothy Hegg, Plaintiff, vs. Roy Ed
ward Hegg, Defendant. No. 1047.
Summons.
The President of the United States of
America, Greeting—To the Above
Named Defendant:
You are hereby required to appear
in the District Court for the Territory
of Alaska, Third Division, within thirty
days after the completion of the pub
lication of this summons, to-wit, within
thirty days after the 12th day of
August, 1920, and answer the com
plaint of the above named plaintiff in
the above entitled action, wherein said
plaintiff prays that she be granted a
decree of absolute divorce from you,
the said defendant, forever dissolving
the bonds of matrimony now existing
between you and said plaintiff.
| And unless you so appear and
answer the said plaintiff will take
judgment against you for want thereof
and will apply to the Court for the
relief demanded in her complaint as
hereinabove set out.
The date of the order for service by
publication herein is June 30, 1920, and
such order was duty made and entered
and filed herein on said date.
The date of the first publication of
! this summons is July 1st, 1920, and the
date of its last publication is August
12th, 1920.
Witness: The HONORABLE FRED
M. BROWN, Judge of said Court and
the seal of said Court on this 1st day
of July, 1920.
(Seal) ARTHUR LANG,
Clerk of the District Court for the
Territory of Alaska, Third Division.
By Thos. S. Scott, Deputy.
Donohoe & Dimond, Attorneys for
Plaintiff.
First publication, July 1, 1920.
Last publication, August 12, 1920.
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