THE CORDOVA DAILY TIMES
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H. G. STEEL
EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR
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THURSDAY, JULY 10, 1919
THE UNITED STATES IN MEXICO
Once more clashing with the Mexi
cans, despite our efforts to maintain
peace and to establish a League of
Nations to assure permanent peace
for the world, we have a chance to {n
dulge in some moralizing and much
hard thinking.
By way of parenthesis it may be
remarked that the American people
are getting into a fiery furnace of con
troversy over the League of Nations,
and are displaying a bitterness of feel
ing which should be avoided. The
supporters of the league bristle with
rage at every criticism, and cry out
on partisanship, although the Demo
cratic chairman has challenged the
Republicans to make the league a
party issue. Very wisely the Repub
lican chairman declined to accept the
dare. Surely the American people
have not become so sensitive that they
can not endure criticism without de
manding a duel to the death.
The League of Nations is not a par
tisan issue, and should not be dis
torted into one. Up to date both sides
•—or rather the three sides—have been
sincere, but there is danger of hypoc
risy. The defenders of the league are
trying to assume for political purposes
that all who oppose the league abso
lutely or who continue to ci'iticize the
covenant are animated solely by po
litical animus. They take this unfair
position in face of the fact that the
original covenant which they defended
has been radically altered, although
they were willing—almost ferociousy
willing—to accept it word for word.
If we are to arrive safely at some
desirable goal, now is the time to hold
our tempers and to argue this ques
tion to the end as dispassionately as
possible. Thus we shall be doing our
country a patriotic service and our
selves no end of benefit.
This by way of prelude to a discus
sion of the Mexican affair. The ten
dency will be to make partisan cap
ital out of the invasion of Mexico,
to so read events that they shall re
flect evilly upon the administration’s
handling of the problem. If it is to
be war and constant turmoil in Mex
ico, with our army involved, criticism
will have a legitimate place, but it
should be kept studiously within the
bounds of reason and fair play.
If we remark, therefore, that had
the administration adopted six years
ago the forceful policy now being fol
lowed there probably would be no war
fare today, we are emphasizing an
error of judgment which deserved
criticism, but it is an error in which
thousands of us shared. We have
learned more about the Mexican lead
ers and they more about us. We are
less pacifists than we were in those
days. If we confess frankly we shall
say that we look with less horror on
the shedding of blood in a rightful
cause. And 'some of us may be so
much less idealistic than we were that
we shall boast of the tendency of
Americans to assert their rights by
arms when necessary.
At the risk of evoking cries of pain
and accusation from the defenders of
the League of Nations, may we not
ask what help such a league can be
to us in an imbroglio like the pres
ent?
If we should invite the Carranza
government to join the league for the
purposes of the dispute, as one of the
covenant articles permits, of what
avail would it be? Our troops have
not been fighting the Mexican govern
ment, but the revolutionists who at
tacked El Paso and killed and wound
ed some of its inhabitants.
Suppose that we had adhered to the
spirit of the provision which requires
a three nionths’ “cooling period” be
fore going to war. At the end of such
a period the number of dead and
wounded Americans probably would
reach into the hundreds.
Would the. league solve for us the
Mexican problem? Would it prevent
j
warfare? Would it do anything ex
cept, perhaps, bring European inter
meddling in our affairs? And in the
end would we not be doing just what
we have done?
We put these propositions in the
form of questions because the obvi
ous answers may be the wrong ones.
Perhaps President Wilson, when he
begins his tour of the United States
in defense of tho league, will be able
to answer the questions so satisfac
torily that all of us will throw up our
hats for the league and cheer the
American President who brought per
manent peace to the world, even
though he did not keep us out of the
war.
But meantime the Mexican question
is before us. It has not been solved
after nearly ten years of revolution
in Mexico, the murder of many Ameri
cans and the destruction or confis
cation of. manay millions of dollars’
worth of American property.
We may be sure that our fight
against the Villistas, which saved
Juarez for the Carranzistas, will win
us no credit with Carranza, that de
voted servant of German Junkerism
who thinks in terms of Lenine and
Trotzky.
When Pershing invaded Mexico to
run down Villa the Carranza govern
ment put every obstacle in his way
and continued to insult the govern
ment at Washington. When he be
came intrenched in power Carranza
continued his insults, and when the
European war broke out, was delighted
to take up the German cause because,
in his pig-headed mind, he thought he
saw an opportunity to annoy the Unit
ed States. He has been excused on
the ground that he must keep himself
in accord with violent factions of the
Mexican people, but there was no de
mand among the Mexicans that Mex
ico join forces with Germany. Never
theless, throughout the war Carranza
strove to make our position as diffi
cult as possible.
Mexcio became the refuge of Ger
man spies and terrorists who fled
from this country. Carranza welcomed
them and permitted them and their
subsidized newspapers to plead the
cause of the Hun. One journal, El
Universal, took the side of the United
States so brilliantly and effectively
that Carranza ordered the editor out
of the country. Editor Pallavicini was
compelled to dispose of his property
| as best he could and quit Mexico.
When the cruisers Ozark and An
■ napolis, at Tampico, took Americans
! and foreigners under their protection
to save them from murderous Vil
listas the Mexican government inso
lently resented the act and declared
that such protection was “strictly the
function” of that government. And
| yet it had done and was doing noth
ing to afford protection. In fact, fed
| eral soldiers had joined in the war
fare against foreigners.
Whether his purpose was to harass
I the allies or simply to steal their prop
erty, Carranza changed the constitu
tion so that he might seize the oil
wells. Under the guise of a tax law
he made confiscation possible and was
only interrupted in his plans by the
stern protests of the allies and the
United States government. Then Car
ranza began a propaganda of his own
to denounce the allies as tax dodgers,
and he was especially virulent and vin
dictive in his attitude toward the Unit
ed States. His plan was to take more
than a billion dollars’ worth of prop
erty acquired legally by Americans
and foreigners under the guarantee
of the constitution of 1857, a consti
tution, by the way, which he had
pledged himself in the “plan of Guad
alupe” to restore and keep in force.
On the other hand we have Villa
and his banditti. They have placed
at their head General Felipe Angeles,
a pure-blooded Indian of ability, who,
as an officer in the French army, was
on detail in the United States during
the war. No doubt they reckoned
that he would increase their prestige
and cause the United States govern
ment to forget the Columbus and Sanfa
Isabel massacres.
The Mexican problem, therefore, is
filled with complexities. If it were
simply a question of two factions with
definite principles a solution probably
would be easy, but it is complicated
always by personal equations, by such
stubborn equations as Carranza and
Villa, or worse.
HOBO COLLEGE
J. Eads How, confessed millionaire
hobo, has opened a hobo college on
the famous boulevard for bums, the
Bowery, New York city, U. S. A.
One is startled to hear that the col
lege will teach the hobo, hitherto so
sensitive about asking for a job, how
to get work. It is startling because
it seems quite apart from the purpose
of hoboing, which was, and is, as it
were, to hold up the palm for a hand
out. What is to become of this coun
try if our 1,000,000 hoboes, including
the I. W. W., go to work?
But lest we mourn the passing ot
all the good old customs, J, Eads How
hastens to reassure us. After teach
ing the tramps how to ask for a job
so as to really get the job, the hobo
millionaire will instruct them in pub- -
lie speaking. Obviously we are not f
to lose our soap-box spellbinders. They
will be with us more numerously than f
ever and will speak to us in the lan- f
guage of Harvard rather than of I
“Yell.”
One can imagine how devotedly a I
hobo, so fond of mental labor, will 1
take to economics and sociology, in- I
dustrial laws and history. When far 1
from the classic shades of “Dear Old 1
Hobo” he will ensconce himself on 1
the blind baggage or the chassis of a f
freight car, a book of economics in 1
oue hand, the other hand gently hold- |
ing a tomato can filled with watered 1
alcohol, known as “white line.” 1
Through the torrid fumes of the 1
“white line” he will, to use a bit of 1
hobo slang, “get a good line” on eco- 1
nomics.
Tub and shower baths at the Holden 1
pool room barber shop. 9-tf 1
Electricity for service, that’s why 1
we sell electric waffle irons, toasters, 1
grills, toast-stoves, immersion heaters, |
curling irons, cozy-glow heaters,
and everything. Northwestern Hard
ware company.
Electric irons, 3 pounds to 6 1-2 l
pounds. Prices $3.50 to $6.50 at the |
Northwestern Hardware Company.
Home portraits of quality. Agency 1
Cordova drug store. Scarborough, pho |
tographer. 14-tf |
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SHOE REPAIRING
Red Cabin (Ocean Dock)
Men’s Shoes half-soled and
heels sewed and nailed.$2.76
Rubber heels and soles. 2.76
Ladies’ Shoes half-soled.2.00
Heels, rubber and leather.76
, Men’s haf-soles . 2.25
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soles .. 2.60
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TOKENS OF RESPECT
A well conducted funeral Is a
token of respect to the deceased.
Our methods of conducting a
funeral have given us an oppor
tunity to serve you In a manner
that will command respect. We
are equipped to serve you satis
factorily.
E. E. HOLDEN PARLOR
Second Street, between
A and B Avenues