EX-SENATOR HUSTING’S PROPHECY
' Ercerps taken fro mthe speech of
Senator Haul O. Hus ting, of Wisconsin
•Who passed away a short time ago.
'Taken from La. ftallette’s Magazine.
Hunting was very much In favor of
financing the war on a strictly -business
basis, and did not believe that we
should use our credit until compelled
to do so.
MORE IN TAXES MEANS BETTER
CREDIT
Mr. Hustling. Of course we want to
have our corporations go on prosper
ing and expanding and increasing
their industry, but if we raise the
■money we ned on bonds and little
taxes, I do not think we can raise
mare taxes later on nor sell os many
bonds. I think Just the contrary. I
think if we bond ourselves down, to
thirty or forty billion dollars, we will
have a hard time selling the bonds to
those who have the money, because
they will not think it is a gaad invest
ment.
It has been said here that we must
have bonds. It is true we must have
bonds tor every dollar- that we do not
'raise by taxes; hut the contrary is
true, that every dollar that we do
raise by taxes means a reduction of
pne dollar in bonds. Not only does it
mean that, but it means the interest
on a billion dollars’ worth of bonds.
If we bond ourselves $30,000,000,000
and have to raise interest to 5 per
oen t, it means not only that we have
got a bonded indebtedness of $30,000,
000,000 but an annual interest bill of
one and a half billion dollars that is
to say, one billion and a half a year,
which is more than one Congress us
ually votes for the whole running ex
pense of the Government.
I think this Is a truism. I do not see
how there can be any question about
the provision that the Jess bonds we
sell now and the more money we raise
by taxes the better our credit will be
and the easier it will be to sell those
bonds when we have got to call upon
our credit for the money necessary
to conduct the war.
1 <llo not think it is good financiering
to levy small taxes and issue immense
bonds until and unless we have to.
I do not claim to be an expert in finan
ciering. 1 am a more layman on that
proposition; but it seems to me as
plain as day that we ought to raise
os much by tuxes as we can consistent
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with the prosperity of business and the
prosperity of the people. We ought to
go to the very limit and we ought to
reserve our credit until such a time
as the conditions may make It neces
sary for us to call upon that credit.
We ought to conserve our credit now as
much as possible for future use.
If a farmer, instead of making a col
lection, or getting money some other
way, mortgages his farm, when the
crisis comes he has not got any credit
left to take care of his financial sit
uation.
I cannot understand the logic of
those who soy not to tax the people
because we have got to have bonds.
That means to say that we must not
take the money for taxes in order that
we may borrow it :ind put ourselves
into debt. Those who make that ar
gument seem to think that going into
debt is a privilege and a blessing
which should seek and welcome. It is
not good logic; it is not good financier
ing. So I say to start off, it seems to
me that we ought to have as large a
tax as possible under the circumstanc
es.
MANUFACTURERS IN SERIOUS
THREAT
Now, no one cailms that this is tax
ing anyone to the limit. No claim is
made that the bill wiil to anything
except that some day that it will dis
courage a man from continuing to man
ufacture. I listened with a great deal
of interest and admiration, as I always
do, to the distinguished Senator from
Illinois (Mr. Lewis), but he said some
thing. this morning that I should dis
like to believe. The Senator’s argu
ment was something to this effect, that
the large manufacturing institutions
in Chicago and in other parts of the
Unted States if taxed to high would
quit manufacturing and go out of busi
ness. Now, what does that mean?
That is a pretty heavy indictment to
make against the manufacturers of
Chicago and the United States. It
means that unless they get the price
and that unless they dictate the condi
tions under which they will do work,
unless they can dictate the taxes of this
country', they will not go along; that
they will quit.
Now, let us apply that sort of logic
to the drafted man. Wo could not
impute such a thing to a man who was
drafted, Here is a man drafted, he has
got to go to war. Suppose he said,
"Well, how much are you going to
pay me for going to war?” “We are
going to poy you $.160 a year.” "Well,
then, I won’t fight; I will quit. Unless
you give me the amount of pay that
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I always sot, plus 200 per cent, I will
not fight." We call that man a slacker.
We disgrace Mm; we put him in jail.
Now. is not his life pust as precious
to him as the money is to the manufac
turer? Does not the man who has got
to fight in the army think as much
of his life as these manufacturers do of
their dollars?. Is he not entitled to as
much consideration as the manufactur
er or the taxpayer? Let me put it in
another way. The man who is drafted
is not asked how much he will take
to fight for his country. He is told that
he will get $360 a year. He is drafted.
So the manufacturer or business man
must be told the conditions upon which
we expect him to fight in the industrial
or manufacturing world to back the
country in this war.
The amendment offered by the Sen
ator from New Hampshire (Mr Hollis)
leaves to the taxpayer the income
which he enjoyes before the war and
all the income that he is deriving by
reason of the profits be is making
which are due to the war; leaving to
Mm still over 54 per cent plus his
normal profits; yet we are told that
the tax is excessive, that it is to high.
COMPARES TAXPAYER TO DRAFT
ED MAN
Now, let us apply that to a man who
is drafted—who h;us got to go and fight
in the trenehes. We will take the case
uf a man in business having an in
come, we will say, of $2,000 a year.
Let us assume that he has a profes
sion; that he is a lawyer, a dentist, or
a doctor; or, let us assume, he has a
store or a faim or anything else from
which he mokes $2,000 a year. When
you draft that man. you pay him $360
a year; he does not get what he earns
in normal peace times. No man who
enters the army gets from the United
states Government what he earns in
normal years. He is reduced from the]
sum which he earns in normal years
down to $360 a year, to $30 a month.
Not only that, but he has got to
turn his key in his door; he Iras got
to lock up his business; his business
stops; his practice ceases; and he goes
to war. He leaves the comforts of
home; he breaks up his family ties,
and when he gets hack, if he gets back
alive, he finds his practice gone, his
business gone;; he has lost the income
he was enjoying in times of peace,
and he has got to start all over again.
That is what we have said and done
to the drafted man; that is what he
is cheerfully suffering to be done with
him without any threat on his part
that he is going to quit. But if he
took the attitude that certain men take
in regard to their money, or if we ac
cept the arguments that are mode up
on the floor ot the Senate in regard to
taxes and apply It to the draft, we
could not get a (man to fight In the
army. Who, if he had his choice and
was noit mindful of his duty to his
country or whose heart nas not fired
with patriotism of the highest order,
would voluntarily leave his home life,
his comfort and ease, his business life,
or would leave his associations and go
and lay down his life on a battlefield
ncross the sea? Yet, I say, the soldier
must do all those things.
'• We are told here, however, that
when it comes to a question of taxation
when it comes to a question of per
mitting these taxpayers to remain at
home enjoying their profit, not break
ing up their family ties, not breaking
up their business, not only continuing
to earn all they ever would have earn
ed if there had been no war, but then
giving them 50 per cent of the excess,
we are told that these men would re
fuse; that they will say, "We will not
play at all; we wil lock up our factor
ies and let you fight the war yoursel
ves.” If we are to assume that to be
true, we must assume further that
when it comes to money, when it comes
to business, men are so selfish, are so
unpatriotic, that they . let the coun
try go to destruction before they will
let he government take only a portion
o ftheir money to defray the expenses
of the war; we much assume men are
wdllingfoatethhv e qhcsatfes.po ,tm
willing to have their sons go and be
killed in the army cheerfully, if they
are called but object to making a sac
rifice which touches their pocket
books; we must assume that men are
mare prodigal of their own flesh and
blood than they are of the golden off
spring of their business I refuse to be
lieve such a tiling as that. I do not
believe that we have the right to as
sume that our taxpayers are that kind
of Dr Jekyls and Mr Hydes. I do not
believe that the men of wealth, the
men who are able to pay taxes here in
this country, are so lost to all sense of
fairness that they are not willing to
pay whatever in all reason and justice
they are called upon to pay for the con
duct of this war and to make sacrifi ■< s
in a measure commensurate with those
uf the man who carries a gun and lays
down his life in the trenches without
a murmur.
(To be Continued tomorrow)
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about time that you did.
i
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NOTICE OF APPLICATION FOR
PATENT. NO. 0331.
In the United States Land Office at
Nome, Alaska, March 1, 1918.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
that DAN CONNOLLY, a citizen of
the United States, whose post office
address is Nome, Alaska, has made
application for a United States Pat
ent for placer mining claim known
as No. 10 ABOVE ON DRY CREEK,
PLACER, in the Cape Nome Mining
and Recording District, Territory of
Alaska, Second Division, being Min
eral Survey No. 1226, which said pla
cer mining claim is more fully des
cribed as to metes and bounds by the
official plat and by the field notes
of survey thereof now on file in the
office of the Register of the United
States Land Office ,at Nome, Alaska,
with magnetic variation 20 deg.
00 min. to 20 deg. 10 min. E., as
follows, to-wit:
Beginning at Cor. No. 1, identical
with N. E. location corner and with
Cor. No. 4 Sur. No. 719, left fork
of Dexter creek, placer, a fir post
4 ins. sq. in earth mound, scribed
4-719 and 1-1226 10 A, whence U.
S. L. M. No. 4 bears N. 32 deg.
12 min. E. 5930 ft; thenqa S. 7
deg. 00 min. W. 373.40 ft. to Cor.
No. 2, identical with location cor.
and with Cor. No. 4, Sur. No. 1214,
Last Resort Bench, placer; thence
S. 4 deg. 37 min. W. 849.40 ft. to
Cor. No. 3, identical with location
cor.; thence N. 81 deg. 48 min.
W. 485.70 ft. to Cor. No. 4; thence
N. 3 deg. 08 min. W. 1268.00 ft.
to Cor. No. 5, identical with loca
tion cor. and with Cor. No. 3 Sur.
719, No. 3 Left Fork Dexter creek;
thence S. 79 deg. 54 min. E. 674.80
ft. to Cor. No. 1 and place of
beginning. Total area No. 10 above
on Dry Creek placer, 16.217 acres;
area in conflict with Sur. 1214,
Last Resort Bench Placer, 0.209
acres, which is not excluded.
The foregoing claim is situated
on the divide at the head of Dry
creek, about five miles Northeast
erly from tho town of Nome, in the
Cape Nome Recording Precinct,
aforesaid; U. S. L. M. No. 4, to
which this claim is tied is a lime
stone block about 4 x 6 ft. 6 ft.
high chiseled U. S. L. M. No. 4 on
top surface with cross cut on same
and is situated on South or right
bank of Dexter creek about 140 ft.
South of same and about 1,000 ft.
Westerly from the mouth of Joe
i Gulch, in Lat. 64 deg. 35 min. N.
Longitude 165 deg. 19 min. W.
The adjoining claims are, on the
North Sur. No. 719, No. 3 Left
Fork Dexter creek; on the South
No. 9 above Discovery on Dry
creek, unsurveyed; on the East Sur.
No. 1214, Danielson claiment and
other unsurveyed cliams; on the
West, unsurveyed claims, claimants
unknown. Location notice of said
claim is recorded in Volume 14,
Page 121, records of Cape Nome
Recording District, Second Division,
Alaska.
THOS. McGANN.
Register.
Date of first pub. March 9, 1918.
Date of last. pub. May 9, 1918.
Nome Scavenger
Company
All Orders Receive,
Prompt Attention
PRO.NR MAIN 79.
ED. BREDESO.N
- • Prop*