NOME INDUSTRIAL HEfi
TRI-WEEKLY
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By Nome Mine Workers’ Union, No. 240, International Union of Mine,
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Address all communications to Tn-Weekly Nome Industrial Worker.
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Entered as second class matter March 1, 1911, at the post office at
Rome, Alaska, under the Act of March 3, 1879.
NOME, ALASKA THURSDAY, AUGUST, 23, 1918.
HOLY RUSSIA
The man who reading from the
daily fiction dished up in this country
under the guise of morning or even
ing papers, would affect to have a
knowledge of the Russian situation
even approximately accurate would
be feigning to a degree.
Confusion worse confounded may
exist in Russia, but it is not a whit
more confusing than the confounded
•dispatches which come from there,
or are supposed to come from there
thru a number of sources fairly well
tainted, well seasoned, well censored
for popular consumption.
What between the White Guards
as the monarchists call themselves,
the Red Guard as the Bolshevist sup
porters are named and the Black
Guards as the Tzecho-Slovaks may or
man not appropriately term their
troops, the reader is in a quandry.
To add to the medley of dispatches
we see Allied troops marching south
from Archangel pursuing retiring
Bolshevist troops, and German troops
•entering towards petrograd advanc
ing on the soldiers of the Red Guard.
Nor is this all. The Bolshevist
government breaks with the Allies,
Swedish representatives look after
the interests of the Americans and
the Entente, while it is now announc
ed that Germany also breaks with the
government of the Soviets. The
Bolshevikist control apparently looks
evil to them all. Dispatches had
hardly tired of announcing that the
Soviets in extremely well and care
fully conducted elections in Petro
grad where ihe utmost freedom of
voting prevailed, elected over a hun
dred Bolshevist candidates while but
fourteen of the rest were returned
from all parties, shapes and factions
of men, when the news comes thru
the wires that the workmen who are
the government under the Soviets are
guilty of parading and rioting, de
manding food and down with the Bol
sheviki, in other words, down with
themselves.
To the puzzled layman there is
no such thing as accepting the news
as it comes out of Russia beyond the
•easily determined facts that reaction
is endeavoring in Siberia thru General
Horvath to co-operate with the Tzecho
Slovaks and making himself ruler at
the same time.
This Horvath is an interesting ad
venturer who issued a proclamation
on establishing a so-called provision
al government in Siberia and which j
proclamation declares for everything!
hat made the old regime detested for
its policies. The abolition of every
thing’ in the way of socialization, the
restoration of all rights and privileges
and consequently all the evils of Rus
sian landlordism are unequivocally
asserted. It was small wonder that
ho BritiSh an l Japanese commanders
ure reported as urging upon Ilorvatn '
to withdraw his dictatorship and pro
testing that his proclamation would
do more harm than good especially
Jn view of the greater importance
-,il the Tzecho Slovak movement. So
,vt least a dispatch from Pekin as
serted. When the whole country was
in this extraordinary state of confus
ed ignorance concerning Russia, the
indefatigable news correspondents at
home in America got busy and as
serted that some “plan of gigantic
scope, militarily, economically and
strategically carried out had been re
-uJved upon but in the very nature
•of the circumstances all hints ot
these must be kept from the enemy"
and yet further “certain facts are
known but the publication of them
would constitute a betrayal of the
cause ot the United States amounting
to treason at this moment.” That Is
quoted word for word from a news
dispatch with a Washington date line,
■sent out last July and appears to
feave been so much more buncombe
added lo the pile of stuff had been
gathered on the Russian situation.
One fact stands out strongly and
that is that in Great Russia, the
Soviets have still an earnest hold on
the people; that they are still the
people and the government; that
slowly and steadily they are under the
most difficult circumstances not very
satisfactory to other than Russians
evolving some degree of system, some
degree of stability which is being
just as slowly and steadily and pre
severingly being menaced by hosts
without and hosts within.
Never in all the world had a gov
ernment such an effort to stand on its
own pins. Never in all history has a
revolution such effort to establish it
self without man or horseback and
whiff of grapeshot and without re
action and dictatorship.
It seems to be as unpopular with
all those classes in Russia which en
joyed power, influence, prestige and
privilege under former governments
as it is in bad with all the powers
of the world which are .fighting on
either side. Likely enough if it ever
attemped to establish itself, so radi
cal and revolutionary and subversive
of all conventional notions are its
methods, in a world of peace it would
last as long as a snowball in the hot
test corner of Hades. As it is, it
struggles along, with effort, hesitat
ingly and much protest from itselt,
from others and to others day by day.
That it is leaving an imprint be
hind on the shifting sands of these
uncertain times none the less may
hardly be gainsaid. It is securing the
support and sympathy of the labor
party in England, even Austrian soc
ialists and workers have adopted de
spite governmental suppression its
ideas as to councils and even the Ger
mans, it is leaking out. are adopting
similiar plans.
In this crazy quilt of conglomerate
ideas covering a warring, struggling
world the red patch of Bolshevikism
shines forth vivid enough and fasci
nating enough, with what degree of
permanence no person can however
say.
New stars appear in the firmament,
glow with a brighter glow than the
brightest of the fixed stars and vanish
dead worlds, their light but a mem
ory. -heir purpose, destiny vainly!
conjectured. Rut stars of immense
size long creating, shine also new born
suns of wonderful brilliancy, none
the less brilliant and permanent be
cause the light was a long time reach
ing us. It will be the historian’s part
hereafter to tell which indeed was
Holy Russia.
THR SEW I)HART 1511,1
The opposition of organized labor to
the amendment of Senator Thomas
whereby labor that strikes is con
scripted attracts more than ordinary
attention to the new draft bill.
In other respects the new draft
bill merely extends the limits of those
lo be conscripted and if conscripted
is justifiable and necessary, this bill
needs no further argument.
But it is quite another thing when
such a clause appears as that put in
by the Senate amendment whereby
labor in industry becomes subject to
conscription; if they strike and the
strikers are within the limits as to
age prescribed in the draft.
What might appear justifiable at
once becomes matter for controversy
and the serious charge that Senator
Thomas introduced this amendment
at the behest of United States Steel
and the Colorado Fuel and Iron Co,
introduces the obnoxious element into
the national need, of private profi
teering. Quite obviously the work
ers would then, in the industries pri
vately owned, be reduced to a condi
tion of peonage and slavery and the
result would not be likely to further
the ends of production at all. .
If conditions, for example, are j
maintained by private owners,
whether corporations or individuals,
wherein the workers owing to in
creasing costs of living find their
wages unequal to the task of provid
ing them with the necessaries of life,
and in many cases that condition is |
closer than most imagine right at the
present time owing to the tremend
ous increase in prices within the past
few years, and in the event of employ
ers refusing to grant an increase,
there is no alternative but to strike
to better conditions. It will be said
that the soldier does his bit for thirty
dollars or so a month and many pa
pers, marked for their unswerving
hostility to labor, have repeatedly j
emphasized that fact, why cannot j
the workers be content to receive the !
same modest wage.
The argument will not hold. The
soldier in addition to his pay receives
his food and clothing from the gov
ernment. He is housed free of renli
and his comforts are looked after to
a degree that no workmen ever had
attended to free by the fairest em
ployer in all industrial experiences.
That is as it should be as far as
the soldier is concerned, his life is
insured generously and his family
looked after.
On the other hand the soaring
costs of living seldom leave the la
borer sufficient over after the month
at steady work the year around to put
as much by as can the soldier, and
while the latter is unaffected by in
creased costs of food, clothing and
shelter, the worker is constantly raid
ed in his pay envelop by grocers and
butchers and rent profiteers and dry
goods man and shoemakers and what
not.
The businessman in war industry
enjoys a condition wherein, often
enough, his profit regardless of the
industrial costs is assured by the
government under the system of costs
plus ten per cent. The worker has
to take his chance from private own
ers many of whom are piling up
profits that make the mouth of the
avaricious water.
To introduce such an amendment
then as is opposed by the Senate
is to take away the only protection
the worker has got. It Is not so
much the strike itself as the fact
that the employer knows that unless
he grants the necessary increase in
wages he will have a strike on his
hands that brings companies to time.
Labor is now well organized and
looks after itself with more or less
efficiency. But that organization
would be useless if it is to stand be
fore the profiteer helpless and ernas
| eulated of all its power and as one
| would say “do thou with us what
I thou wilt.”
Besides and furthermore and yet
above all: such labor conscription
as is proposed would lead to auto
matic slowing down, loss of morale
and a general inefficiency ol output
that would not only be worse than a
strike, but would almost inevitably
destroy the co-operation now so satis
factorily works out between labor
and the government of the United
States.
THE SLICKER
I delight in talking fightin’
Why, there’s nothing I delight in
Quite so much, when I get started you
would think I’d never stop
And of strategy and tactics
My knowledge quite exact is
From Foch's latest movement to go
ing o’er the top.
I get a noble strut on
I wear bond and service button
And I’m there in making speeches
when I tell them to come thru
I can wave the Flag so splendid
And tell others to defend it/
Yes, I have not got a uniform, of
course that’% very true
BUT
I feel I serve the nation better—■
Make all citizens my debtor
By staying at home in business where
my brains I make to pay—
It’s unnecessary to mention
That I’ve claimed a full exemption
And I’m here to talk of fighting, and
I think I’m here to stay.
Of course I’d like to go to France—
With the rest and take a chance
But here I render better service to
good old Uncle Sam—
That’s the way I feel about it—
i I don’t see why some doubt it
! But since I’m making money, why
should I care a -.
I’ve no family cares to mingle
With my business for I’m single
And my coin I loudly jingle while
my mouth it stands a-jar
In good standing in my party
Healthy, young, and hale and hearty
I’m the Alec that’s a smartee when
it comes to talking war.
HOME 1
Kciltu rizeci
PAID A1) V EKTI SEME NTS'
WASHINGTON STATE I
FEDERATION OF LABOR
EXECUTIVE AND LEGISLATIVE COMMITTEE
EVERETTE, WASH. Sept, 9th, 1916.
To Trade Unionists of Alaska,
Greeting.
Ordinarily we would not think of making any sugges
tions to you concerning political candidacies in your Territory
but in the present situation we feel justified in doing so. The
interests of labor in the entire northwestern group of states
and particularly Washington, is closely allied with the interest
of labor in Alaska. We have watched with growing concern
the efforts of large corporate aggregations to tighten their
hold upon the wealth of your country and have watched the |
splendid fight waged in Congress by your Delegate Mr Wick- I
efsham. I
It is because we believe Mr Wiekersham is fighting in I
Congress against the exploitation of labor and the great nat- I
ural wealth of Alaska by powerful private interests, that we I
are taking the liebrty of urging our fellow unionists in Alaska I
to rally to his support in his campaign for re-election.
Knowing that you will accept this communication in the jj
spirit in which it is written and assuring you the continued co
operation and good.will of your fellow trade unionists, we beg
leave to remain,
Fraternally Yours,
E. P. MARSH
President Washington State Federation of Labor.
CHAS, U. CASE
Chairman Legislative Committee, Seattle Central Labor Council.
J. C BROWN
President International Shingle Weavers’ Union of America.
WILLIAM SHORT
Sec.-Treas. Dist. No. 10, United Mine Workers of America.
S.S.ABM. WATSON
'AUG. SAILING CANCELLED’
THE LAST SAILING DATE WHICH
WILL BE FROM SEATTLE DURING
SEPTEMBER ANNOUNCED IN NEXT
ISSUE.
Pacific S. S. Co.
L. C. Wolfe .
Agent==Nome
SUBSCRIBE NOW FOR
THE WORKER
j Charles L. Ross
I Milling, Lumber, Contractor
HAVING TAKEN OVER THE FREIGHTING & TRANSFER
BUSINESS OF W. STEIGELMAIEK AND OF LEO KENT,
FREIGHT ORDERS AND TRANSFER CONTRACTS WILL RE
CEIVE PROMPT ATTENTION.
3RD AND I? STREET. PHONE BLACK 162.
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