ME MM. HER
WEEKLY
Published Saturday
By Nome Mine Workers’ Union, No. 240, International Union of Mine,
Mill and Smelter Workers.
Subscription Price ,
Bit Months .%.$5.00
few Month . 1.00
“To secure to each laborer the whole product of fcls labor, Or as
nearly as possible Is a worthy object of any good government "—Abra
ham Lincoln. .-.i.
Address all communications to Tn -Weekly Nome Industrial Worker.
Box 210, Nome, Alaska. Fhone, Black 134.
All changes in advertisements must reach this office before 9 A. M.
on day of publication to fr.Stfre insertion in same issue.
Advertising rates made kncwn on application.
Entered as second class matter Au^ist 6, 1918, at the Post Office
•t Nome, Alatfka, under the Act of March 3, 1879.
I I I ~ I I.’ -■ . — .
NOME, ALASKA SATURDAY, NOVEMBER, 23, 1918.
FOR HOME
Sam Gompers has been visiting
England. France and Belgium, and
we are told that he has won over the
laborites of those countries from the
deceits of socialism to the viewpoint ’
upheld by the American labor execu-^
tiv'e.
In fact it is emphasized that soc
ialism. more than pacificism, got its
death blow over in Europe from Sam
Gompers.
One thing we may be certain that
nothing of the kind happened. An-’
other thing we do know, that despite
the fact that American delegates were
refused attendance to the Interallied
Socialist and Labor Conference to
which they were invited, the war aims
of the European socialists and labor
ites among the Allies are practically,
identical with those held by American
socialists, at least by a good many of
them.
Here s a booklet entitled A Clean
Peace, by Charles A. M’Curdy M. P.
which with an introductory comment.
gives the complete text of the Official
War Aims Memorandum of the Inter
Allied Labour and Socialist Confer
ence, held in London February 23,:
ililS. i
A prefatory remark by M’Curdy in
timates that “the statement contains
hero and there suggestions which will
be received with more sympathy in
socialist circles than elsewhere-’ but
he hastens to add. “on the great is
sues of war and peace it reveals a ,
close and welcome agreement be-1
tween the purpose and aims of organ
ized labor and those of the British!
government and the' British people.”
Really the main difference between ’
British Labor and American Labor [
policies as administered by Gompers
is that the former has insisted right <
along upon participating in any peace;
negotiations that would be brot about,
while Gompers with self assumed au
thority not authorized by and of the
affiliated labor organizations, appear- l
ed to think that labor must not dream •
of any such matter while the war is i
pending. j '
Furthermore how deeply the soc- i
ialist thought has affected the con-|i
ference and the labor movement in i
Europe is seen in tlie appointment i
of three socialists as a commission i
to secure from all governments a , i
promise that at least one represents-: i
five from labor and socialism be in-^ :
eluded in the official representatives i
at any peace conference and that no
country be entitled to more than four l
representatives at such conference. | t
These commissioners are Vander- 1
velde of Belgium, Thomas of France
aind Henderson of England.
It may be doubted whether the war
aims of any country were so well
stated by its official spokesman as
were the alms of the Inter-Allied
conference in London last February.
It is quite correct that they were
modelled apparently upon the four
teen basic suggestions laid down by
Wilson, but they wefe specifically
amplified and extended so that they
were considered so important as to
be circulated in America, with the ap
proval of the British government and
“with the ctfmpliments of the White
Star Line” they came to this office.
Why should American papers have
pretended then, as they did pretend
that the rims of the British and
French socialists and labor leaders
were so completely an unreasonable
peace at any price, and that America's
great leader Sam Gompers had to go
over to make the crooked straight”
Why, moreover should it have been j
pretended that it was because of the
eloquence of Mr Gompers, the social-!
ists were put to rout and the radical i
laborites who followed Henderson j
were also so completely defeated and
lost so much prestige when as a mat-|
ter of fact, long before Gompers pre
sented any kind of evidence that he J
had any ideas whatever on the sub-!
ject oj his address, the delegates in !
London last February had formulated
a memorandum of the war aims
which Gompers did not even raise
his voice against.
The trouble is this persistent warp
ing and twisting of news to suit some
sinister purpose of those who have no
use whatever for socialism.
They behold the opportunity now
>xists because some of the socialists
who have been acclaimed leader- in j
he past Uetiayed symptoms of pro- j
aotineed Germanist sympathy, to dv
•frov socialism altogether as some-'
hing wholly evil.
Now apart from a temporary abil!
ty to mislead the people, apart |
wholly from he possibility that soc
alist propaganda may be kept away!
rom those who need it, by this pol
ey of misrepresentation or news sup-!
jression, the fact remains that social
sm being an effect in itself of capital
sm, being the historic cnild of cap-j
talisrn, it is bound ultimately to be
inaffected by the very effort now be
ng made against it.
Its advent may be delayed; that’s
rue enough. But it is the inevitable
hat is delayed when socialism is de
ay ed.
LABOR’S POLICY
I’ecause Labor has to a very large
evtent abandoned Its legitimate aspi
rations for permanent betterment so
that there might be no impairment
in the productive output during the
war, publicists devoted to the employ
ing intersts are congratulating them
selves that radicalism is wholly elim
inated and that labor has settled
do\vn to accept the status in which
It finds itself with some degree of,
stability.
Now while labor troubles do oc
cur even In war essential industry
none of them break out except with
out grave cause as in almost every
instance has been surely shown.
But apart from this, the question
whether labor will accept a reaction
ary or even a stationary policy as an
alternative to a progressive or radical
policy with which to guide the move
ment, Is only to be solved by the ques
tion will it redound to labor’s better
ment.
The. basis of the labor movement is
a material basis and it is not founded
on any such thing as sentiment at all.
While such emotional considera
tions as now> and then keep cropping
out and are spectacular enoough ap
pear to be the mainspring of the move
ment, in reality the movement is di
rected by the bread and butter ques
m. by the’ ftcfe <H Afar etfSteWcfe and
6^ ^fe'knewers Wftl Be given to
the demand Whether We tttve reason
to be satisfied with our physical lofll
here below.
Prom time to time, we-may feel the
need of intellectual and spiritual pro-,
vender, but as in more aesthetic linqa
labor is mainly directed by the bread
and butter question, the means where
by we live.
Now if as an actual fact everything
to which we can attain it attained; if
we have sufficient food, clothing and
shelter assured ub; it Our work, o0r
occupations are reasonably assured
us, a competence in old age and tut
earnest against poverty from sicA
ness and accident; if we are guaran
teed that our families and ourselves
Win be afforded at aft times access to
the means of subsistence and our
lives ordered to a great extent by a
necessary social discipline, are none
the less free from a'rb'itary author
itarian restraint either at work or
play—if all these things are generally
brought about by a conservative pol
icy that borders on reaction, we may
be quite sure that conservative pol
icy will be adopted. But if none of
these things come to the labor move
ment by following that policy, we may
expect the labor movement to incline
more and more towards radicalism.
In other words the tactics that will
be adopted must deliver the goods
and must prove that they are Worth
being followed.]
We hear much these days about
efficiency. Efficiency’s sole reason for
existence in industry or anything else
is that it delivers the goods. If it
defeats its own purpose, that is the
purpose for which men adopted it.
it will go into the discard.
We 8haali have to apply that prin
ciple tot he labor movement. The
tactics that are followed must prove
their efficiency and bring home the
bacon. It is quite immaterial wheth
er that bacon is brot home by this
policy or by that or by the adoption
of one now and the other then, we
may be sure that the only test for any
tactics is that it brings home the ba
con. ,
The labor movement whatever may
be the sentimental considerations
that some may be inclined to extend
it. is a material one. It must be judged
by results and only by resplts and
there is no manner of use doing this
or doing that because it is hallowed
by precedent or because it is approved
by this one or by that unless indeed it
makes good.
Anytime any person clings to a
policy because he is afraid that by
changing it he will be termed reac
tionary or the reverse, we may be
cite Sure that he is not acting in an
efficient or intelligent manner.
It is true that we are all more or
less swayed by our emotions, by our
sentiments and by our feelings, but
when we let any of these get the bet
ter of our reason and especially if we
for one minute stop to think what
will be said of us by the other fellow,
we have quit being an intelligent be
ing and organizations or aggregations
that act Hi this nftHndr ai'e nkrt rfct- <
ing intelligently.
It may be Said tttit this is merely i
round about way of saying that the
end Justnififis the means. It will be
recalled thht when people affected to
despise this maxim they were living
|in an era when it was popular to talk
about fundamental rights and truths
and when hence such a maxim was
bound to be condemned. Yet life
itself is the very proof of its actual
truth. How is it men rise literally as
well as figuratively on their dead
selveh to higher things if the Justi
fication is not to be found in that
maxim. •
• Don’t you know that the present
suffering is a perpetual sacrifice to
the future happiness of the world, a
happiness which those living in the
present will never share?
It was terrible and evil to be living
in the reign of terror that marked the
high culmination of the French revo
lution, yet the Terror undoubtedly re
lieved Europe of the prolonged curse
of serfdom. Nature seems to act per
petually in that way and although it
is part of ihe hateful paganism of the
bourgeosie that natural selection and
the survival of the fittest are doc
trines of imperishable truth, we may
cheerfully realize that they are as
Spencer would say “adumbrations of
the truth” and reveal the cruelty of
nature in sacrificing the present for
the future even if the future will suf
fer in itself the pains and penalties of
a suffering parentage of time past..
Those who take the fact serenely
to heart as incontrovertible that labor
has now become permanently innoc
uous and inclined to accept its condi
tion with meek and holy humility,
have quite another guess coming.
The present condition is a wartime
condition. Radicalism has now its
innings.
Where it would get too rambunc
tious it would soon have itself gagged
tightt and permanently detained. It
adjusts itself to its Procrustean bed,
but that procrustean bed will bide it
rest during the war and no longer.
In the meantime the movement is
marking time. It neither advances
nor retrogrades. But it is storing up
energy for a greater, a larger and a
more extensive movement than is
imagined by those who so smugly con
vince themselves that labor is now
satisfied and-everything'is lovely.
The employing class, the capitalist
class has had a predilection for in
I dulging in the dream expressed by the
I met “God’s in the Heaven, All's right
in the World”.. When the ledger
| balances so comfortably and dividends
I come so regularly, it is not difficult
I to realize that God's in Heaven and
that the world Is not such a bad place
to live in. The capatilist is the center
whence the whole cosmic existence
has its breath and being. But his mind
has no fourth dimension capacity to
observe what is really faking place
in other world's than his own.
Usually such ignorance has brot
severe penalties, and we have no reas
on to expect that in this case things
will be different.
OPINIONS OF
THE PRESS
ft
(Deductions, notes and comments
are left to the reader himself.)
FREE SPEECH IN WAIl
It was President Wilson himself,
according to Washington despatches,
who intervened to reverse the order
of the Post-Office Department ex
cluding the Nation from the mails.
This action is as creditable to the
President as the original action was
discreditable to the bureaucrats of
the Post-Office Department who
seem determined to set up an intel
lectual reign of terror in the United
Slates.
The offense of the Nation consisted
in the publication of an editorial
which criticised the mission of Sam
uel Gompers to England and com
plained that, inasmuch as Mr Gom
pers went abroad "as neither an ob
server nor a prophet,” we should be
none the wiser about the labor slt
uattion in England after he returned
The Times prints a * dispatch from
Washington which states that "The
fact that Mr Gompers has led labor
ing men of this country to support the
war’solidly, it was held by Mr Burle
son. entitled him to protection from
criticism.” This puts Mr Gompers on
a plane above the President of the
United States, the Supreme Court,
Congress and all the institutions of
the country.
We regard Mr Gompers as a most
useful and patriotic American citizen,
but it is certainly not seditions or
treason to dcelare in print that ‘the
opinion of a Cornish miner or a Lan
caster overlooker would help us more
to an understanding of British labor
than and number of observations
from Mr Gompers." Yet because of
this heretical remark the Post-Olllce
Department proceeded to hold up the
entire issue or the Nation, and Will
iam H Lemar, the Solicitor for the
Department, solemnly made public a
telegram from an anonymous news
paper suggesting that other newspa
pers refrain from reprinting the se
ditions utterances of the Nation.
To say "that this is asinine would
be gross flattery; yet the episode is
wholly characteristic of bureaucratic
methods in dealing with public dis
i cussion of issues relating to the war.
Last Monday morning the local
j newspapers printed a statement from
J Deputy Attorney General Becker of
1 this state carrying the alleged testi
| inony of a nameless interned enemy
j alien at Fort Oglethorpe that the Na
i tion and the New Republic were the
periodicals “most popular among the
Germans and Austrians interned
there.” The intent of this statement
was to make it appear that the Na
tion and the New Republic are so
flagrantly disloyal that they are the
favorite periodicals of interned'ene
my aliens, and that sort of reckless,
irresponsible proscription is carried
on by the Attorney General’s office
of New York which is supported by
the taxpayers of New York!
The Nation has a bilious brain and
it often irritates us mightly. The
New Republic is so deeply concerned
about the fate of democracy in Rus
sia that it shudders when anybody
undertakes to lay an impious hand
upon theb utchering brethren of the
Bolsheviki. but it ought to be appar
ent. even to the mind of a third rate 1
bueaucrat, that this is not reason or ,
sedition, and that people have a right 1
to think, in time of war, even though I
they arrive at unconventional con- <
Tt to one thing to £ntfttofe utter
ances Jfke those of the I. W. W. lead
ers and Debs and Mrs Stokes, which
incite resistance to the laws of the
country and which are aimed to in
terfere wrth the successful prosecu
tion of the war. It is quite another
thing to undertake the Prussfaniza
tion of American public opinion by
trying to goosestep every citizen’s
views about every collateral issue.
The intellectual life of the United
States can and must not be stifled by
such official processes.
Only a few days ago a large num
ber of books was placed on the index
expurgatories of the cantonment li
braries, without any evident rhyme or
reason in the rule of exclusion. It
was not done at the request of the
War Department, but by some extra
official person who appears to have
reached the conclusion that the Uni
ted States Army consists of 3,200,000
weak-minded young men who believe
everything they read and whose pa
triotism would inevitably be sapped if
their mental activities were not
strictly supervised. In the United
States Senate an official of the Gov
ernment is savagely attacked for hav
ing once written a magazine article
urging that the Bagdad railroad be
internationalized, and the country
is asked to believe that such a sug
gestion is pro-German. And this
heresy-hunting, this witch-burning,
this lynching of ideas, goes on every
where.
The American people have proved
themselves 100 percent loyai in this
war. The manner in which they are
supporting their 'Government is one
of the miracles of the conflict. It is
the thing which has confused and
confounded German autocracy beyond
everything else. The public sentiment
which is responsible for this glorious
support was formed before there were
censore of any kind or before the
Post-Office Department was empower
ed to curb or stifle the free exchange
of opinion.
Nobody will deny that there must
be a rigid censorship of all military
niformation that might be useful to
the enemy, and that there are circum
stances in which even critical articles
should be confined to the country
and denied foreign circulation, altho
such instances are rare. Yet the mili
tary censorship is made more or less
farcical by the fact that any Senator
or Representative can freely reveal
the gravest military secrets of the
Government and secure their publica
tion in the Congressional Record,
which seems to be read in Germany
far more seriously than it is read in
the United States, while ordinary dis
cussions of incidental issues is sternly
repressed by the heavy band of a
blundering bureaucracy.
The World has no reason on its
own account to complain of any act
of the censorship or the Post-Office
Department of the eager zealots of
the New York Attorney General’s of
fice. On that account it is in a posi
tion to protest, without a suspicion
of prejudice, against their excesses
and their un-American attempts to
manhandle everybody whose way of
tfhinking does not happen to be their
way of thinking. This is a large j
country, made up of all kinds of peo
ple, but it is quite capable of taking!
care of itself and arriving at its own j
conclusion about every phase of the :
war.
We have made an end of the Ger-!
man propagnda. It is time now to;
make an end of the new process of j
Prussianization which is being Im
posed upon the country under the pre-j
tense of a super- patriotism.—New !
York World. October 5, lilis.
SOME PROFITS
The United Staten Steel Corpora
tion made for the first quarter of the
year profits slightly in excess of
$157,000,000. This is at the rate of
$000,000,000 a year. The man that
would classify such enormous gains
under the head of profiteering must
have a very comprehensive concep
tion of the possibilities of one word.
Some new one will have to be coined
to meet the situation, or will we have
to fail back upon the simple words
of a simpler people who called a spade
a spade and knew what theft was un
mistakably when they saw it?
GET THE VKWS RIGHT. REAL
THE WORKER.
Subscribe 'or Mr Worker.
NOTICE OK APPLICATION FOR
PATENT
M. A. No. 033 9
M. S. No. 1215
IN THE UNITED STATES LAND OF
FICE AT NOME, ALASKA.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, that ,
Archie McDonald, a citi2en of the
United States, residing at Nome. ;
Alaska, and whose post office address ,
is Nome, Alaska, has made applies- j
tion before the United States Land
Office at Nome, Alaska, for a United
StaMto latent fo> the P^tJTlTS AS
SOCIiiWcfo PLACER nrtnini ctiim
situate tin the lef£ Hinit of Dry Cretek.
between the heads of Pelufc Greek and
Franklin Gulch, about 2 % miles N. E.
of the Town of Nome, in fhe Capa
Nome Mining and Recording District,
Alaska, Second Division, being Min
eral Survey No. 1215; said claim being
more particularly described in the
field notes and plat of the official sur
vey thereof now on file in said Land
Office, at Nome, Alaska, as follows:
Beginning at Cor. No. 1, identical
with Cor. No. 3, Sur. No. 1209, Mead
ow Associaton Placer, a fir post 4 ins.
sq., 2 ft. above ground, in earth
mound, scribed M.-3-1209 and 1-1215
P. whence U. S. L. M. No. 19 bears
N. 78 deg. 34 min. E. 4822.4 ft;
thence S. 22 deg. 43 min. W. (Var.
18 deg. 03 min. E.) 1473.60 ft. to Cor.
No. 2. a fir post 4 ft. long, 4 iris. sq.
in earth mound scribed 2-1215 P;
thence N. 63 deg. 05 ihiri. W. (Var.
18 deg. 10 min. E.) 1218.10 ft. to
Cor. No. 3, identical with Cor. No. 2,
Sur. No. 1209. Osiris Placed; thence
N. 17 deg. 51 min. E. (Var. 18 deg.
03 min. E.) 1226.70 ft. to Cor. No. 4,
identical with Cor. No. 1, Sur. No'
1209, Osiris Blacer; thence S. 74 deg.
16 min. E. (Var. 18 deg. 03 min. E.)
1329.30 ft. to Cor. No. 1 and place of
beginning; containing an area of 39.
253 acres. Total area applied for be
ing 38.401 acres.
That said claim is in conflict with
and overlapped by Survey No. 1209,
Meadow Association Placer to the ex
tent of 0.589 acres, and by Survey No.
1209, Myrtle Claim Placer to the ex
tent of 0.263 acres, all as shown by
the official plat and field notes of sur
vey thereof, but that said areas so in
conflict with the Plutus Association
Placer are hereby excluded from this
application and patent for same is not
hereby or hereunder applied for.
That said claim is situated on un
surveyed ground on the left limit of
Dry Creek, between the heads of
Peluk Creek and Franklin Gulch,
about ZVz miles N. E., of the Town
of Nome. U. S. L. M. No. 19, to which
this claim is tied, is a fir post, painted
white, 6 ins. sq. 5 ft. above ground,
scribed U. S. L. M. No. 19. in earth
mound, situated on the right limit of
Otter Creek, about 50 ft. from the
railroad and 2 Vi miles North of Ber
ing Sea, in Latitude 6 4 deg. 32 min.
North, Longitude 166 deg. 17 min. W.
That the original notide of location
of said claim is recorded in Volume
190, page 5 of the records of the
Cape Nome Recording District
Alaska.
The adjoining claims are; On the
North. Survey No. 1209, Mrytle Claim
Placer and Meadow Association
Placer, Eskimo Gold Dredging Co.,
Claimant; on (he East 40 Acre Tract
Association, unsurveyed; on the
South claims unsurveyed and claim
ant unknown; on the West, Sur. No.
1209, Osiris Placer, Eskimo Gold
Dredging Co., claimant.
THOS McGANN
Register.
NOTH 'K OK FORFEITURE
To J. N. Flack, Nome Kougarok Con
solidated Mines Company and Jacob
Zeman, your heirs, executors, admin
istrators and assigns:
You and each of you, are hereby
notified that the undersigned has ex
pended in labor and improvements .
the sum of one hundred dollars dur
ing each of the years of 1914, 1915,
1916, and 1917, upon the following
described placer mining claim, situate,
lying and being in the Kougarok Re
cording District, Territory of Alaska,
to-wit: The upper one half (%) of
Creek Claim Number Three on Dahl
Creek in the Kougarok Mining Dis
trict.
You are further notified that it
within ninety (90) days after the
publication of this notice you fail or *
neglect to contribute your proportion
of such expenditure, your interest in
said mining claim if any. will become
the property of the undersigned, your
co-owner, under section 2324 of the
Revised Statutes of the United States.
AD CAREY
Co-owner.
Published—-Nov. 23, 30. Dec. 7, 14,
21, 28. Jan. 4. 11, 18, 25. Feb.l, 8,15.
FI NAD NOTICE
In the IT. S. Commissioner's Court
for the Cape Nome Precinct, Sec
ond Division, Territory of Alaska.
In probate.
In the matter of the Estate of
WILLIAM SCHROEDER, deceased.
Notice is hereby given that James
J. Stokes, Administrator of the Es
tate of William Schroeder, deceased,
has filed his final account as such
administrator and his petition for the
final distribution of said estate, and
that Friday, the 22nd day of Novem
ber, 1918, at 2 o'clock P. M. of said'
day at the courtroom of the Probate
Court in Nome, Alaska, has been fix
3d as the time and place for the hear
ing of the said account and the ob
jections thereto, if any, and for the
Retribution of the residue of the
laid estate.
JAMBS J. STOKES.
Administrator.