RUE imilL WORKER
WEEKLY
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HIm Workers’ Unioa, Mo. 34«. IntmwtfoMl WaHm ct Ml re,
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“To secure to each laborer {ho whole product of Mi labor, or n
nearly so peBstbte Is a worthy object of any foot government"—Abra
haat Lincoln. *
Address all communications to Trl-W«ekly Nome Industrial Worker.
J Box Sid, Nome, Alaska. Phone, Black 134.
.. - 1' r ' " .
All chaoses in advertisements must reach this office before 9 A. M.
On day of publication te insure insersion In same issue,
, Advertising rates made knevn on application.
Entered as second class matter August 6, 1918, at the Post Office
•t Nome, Alaska, under the Act of March 3, 1879.
NOME, ALASKA SATURDAY. MARCH, 8, I»10.
THE PEOPLE ABE GETTING
OUT OF KABO EVERYWHERE
•’T1
HO MILITARISM IS PUT FORWARD
AS SURE FOR ALL COMTLAINTS
(By J. S. Woodsworth)
In hia recent book, “Democracy Af
ter the War,” Hobson points out that
military force even before the war
had become necessary to defend the
existing system and that he prop
ertied classes are not likely after
the war to let such a valuable instru
ment as the army slip from their
grasp.
"Militarism thus means, in the first
place that, the propertied classes who
furnish the command possess and are
aware ,of possessing in the army a
final and sure bulwark of defense
against any really dangerous attack
upon their political and economic
power, 'the interestacracy,' either in
the way of mob violence, a withhold
ing of their labor power, or constitu
tional reforms.”
In Great Britain, even before the
war loomed on the horizon, there was
a steady, widespread and vigorous
campaign afoot thruout the country
for compulsory military service in
which all the Conservative interests
were actively enlisted. Readers of the
Conservative press know that mili
tarism is intended to stay. Colonel
Mir AgustUB tntz-lieorge said in 1915,
“Compulsory service was necessary at
this time when the people were get'
ting out of hand" and Meut-Col. W.
H. Maxwell wrote in the Outlook of
September 1915, "Trade unionism—
that shelter of slinking slackers—is
imperilling our existence, and by its
action a rot of our national soul has
set in. One remedy, and one alone,
can eradicate this state of rot—mar
tial law will cure it."
“Our national soul"—and who are
we that we set ourselves over
against “the people”? Surely it
would seem in these days that “we”
are afraid of “the people”! Who are
“we"? The politicans and boards
of trade and manufacutrers* associa
tions are very fond of talking as if
they represented the interests of the
nation at large, and yet in the next
,„J'reath they deplore the attiude of
bAu r an<1 ,ake Precautions lest “the
people should become infected by
radical
“The peop le setting out of hand"—
Yet we live ill ♦"'■•professedly democra
tic country—a cou.’1tl’y in which the
people rule. That usv'i be the
1 meaning of democracy batc.re the in
terestocracy began talking' about
“our nation.”
vi’he newspapers contain interesting
i reacting these days. In a recent num
H>w of the World the leading editor
ial is devoted to “The Menace of Rev
olution.” Europe today is in a fer
ment of revolution.* * * Germany has
a socialist government. * * * German
Austria is Socialistic * * * In Russia
Socialism is growing daily. * * * The
same is true in Finland. * * * In
Switzerland a general strike of a rev
olutionary character is in force today.
* * * in Holland * * * in Sweden, * •
France and Italy. * * * Surely the
people are getting out of hand!
But the World would reassure us
by stating that in Britain there is
little or no taint of Bolshevism.
Well, Bolshevism is simply revolu
tionary Socialism. Is there “little or
no taint” of that in Great Britain?
Let me quote a few paragraphs from
“The Aims of Labor” by Rt. Hon.
Arthur Henderson, M. P.
“The outstanding fact of world
p^liclllas at the present time—and
when peace comes this fact will be
made still more clear—is that a great
tide of revolutionary feeling is ris
ing in every country. Everywhere
the peoples are becoming conscious
of power. They are beginning to sit
in judgment upon their rulers.”
“It will not be a democratic vic
tory if it results merely in the res
toration of the capitalistic regime
which the war has discredited and
destroyed. Victory for the people
means something more than the con
tinuance of the old system of pro
duction for the profit of small own
ing class, on a basis of wage-slavery
for the producing classes.”
“The producers have been robbed
of the major part of the fruits of
their industry under the individualist
system of capitalist production.
“A real people’s International * * *
must be founded ,on an unshakable
faith of the nations in the spirit of
democracy.”
Not much reassurance for the prop
ertied classes or norrow nationalists
.'n ‘-iich statements from one of the
•emervative of the ^uglisn Labor
leaders!
Even before this appears iu print
ilio people in Great Retain may also
show signs of getting out of hand!
Whether the revolution will be
bloodless depends so much on the
stupid “we. iis and company." Let
me again quote Henderson:
“Failure to appreciate the fact
that the minds of the people have
been deeply influenced by equalitar
ian ideals, to under-estimate the
popular resentment of class privileges
whether based on the accident of
birth or upon the possession of wealth
which the war has strengthened rathe
than mitigated, will be fatal in the
future to governments and political
parties alike.”
uy peaceable methods, or by di
rect assault, society is going to be
brought under democratic control.
“It barricades are indeed erected
in our streets they will be manned
by men who have learned how to light
and not by ill-disclipined mobs un
versed in the use of modern weapons,
likely to be easily overcome by train
ed troops. Revolution, if revolution
is indeed to be favored on democracy,
will be veritable civil war.”
Of this rising tide of revolution our
seif-constituted, "leaders" in Canada
seem to be quite unaware. They
think, or profess to think, that “the
taint” is confined to a few foreigners.
So under cover of unearthing a gang
of desperadoes, Canada is to be sad
dled apparently with a system of mili
tary police. In the same issue of
the World is the following from Ot
towa.
“To deal with the menace which
the authorities believe threatens the
very basis of Canada's social and po
litical existence it has been suggested
that the present Dominion police be
greatly enlarged.
‘It is felt that in the coming year
or two, when employment is likely
to be scarce, and a field created for
agitation and reVoIntitf
ganda, the need will be |
measures to guard #e
Government action along
dicated may be expected shortly.
"Is that not choice transition
is easily made from the foreign con
spirators to be unemployed workers.
The people are in danger of getting
out of hand. Bring in military force.
Great is democracy! If the people
are unemployed and hence starving,
why not a revolution?" ...
The Province, in an article of the
seme date, explains “The thing Amer- I
leans as a mass do not and cannot i
understand is that to the German add
Russian Socialist the American torm
of democracy seems more hideous '
than their own expiring autocracies.”
Possibly more of the people see it
than the blind, “interestocratic”
newspapers imagine!
Yes, my comrades, I call them
"blind.” They’re not clear-headed
enough to be hypocritical.—British
Columbia Federationist.
WHAT ARE THE
BRITISH POLICIES
By George Bernard Shaw.
It la only a few wee&s after the
armistice, we have hardly got over
the habit of dancing promiscuously
with everybody we meet in the street,
when we suddenly find that there
is a loud outcry in America to build
a larger fleet than the British fleet.
This I hope will bring home to the
British people the fact that, now that
Germany is defeated, England, the
.British empire, has succeeded to a
very terrible inheritance—the posi
tion of being the most dreaded armed
power; and it behooves us to walk
with extreme care, because, as surely
as the use Germany made of her
power led to her downfall, or rather
to the downfall of the party fn Ger
many which made use of her position
so surely will our downfall follow
if we allow our armed suppremacy
to be used as It was used in Germany;
and there are plenty of people in this
country who want to use it tha£ way.
We do not get very much from
the politicians. Mr Lloyd George
;ays that he w'hnts an honest gov
ernment and I am rather stru?k by
that. If a man came up to me fn the
street and s^id: “I beg your tijflon
will you blease understand thrft I
•am not a pickpocket?” I shoulAook
after my watch, because it would at
once occur to me, “Why should-' he
think I have supposed him to^e a
pickpocket?" y I
I assume a government of English
| gentlemen is honest until they
that they are not^whfcETGey Some
times do. by the way. But when the
leader of a party comes up and prac
j tically declares that he is specifically
and extraordinarily honest, and that
what he wants is an honest govern
ment, I rather want to know more
about that government.
For instance: If we are goin^ to
be a very honest and straightforward
BLIND i LEADERS
OF THE BUND
By SCOTT NEARING
Our leaders have failed us.
The educated, trained, responsible
men and women whose duty it was
to show the way to their fellows, lost
the way themselves. They were blind
guides. When the great test came
they proved by their own actions that
as shepards of the flock they were un
worthy of trust.
.Our leaders did not tell us the
truth. Their mouths were full of
words and phrases, but the words and
phrases were lies.
They told us that we should let
well enough alone. Things were not
so bad. A little patience and they
would Improve—and they were to do
the improving by sharing profits;
building shower baths in the base
ment; “regulating” railroad rates;
contributing to the Children's Aid
Society, and praying to God on Sun
day. “We have things well in hand.”
they Baid. “Follow us. We know!”
They told us that the system of
society under which we live could en
dure, with its monstrosities and pov
erty. prostitution, child labor, unem
ployment and monotonous, endless,
grinding loll. It was possible, they
said, to continue a scheme that en
abled the few who were booted ^nd
spurred to ride the many, who were
saddled and bridled—gouging us for
our coal and wheat; robbing us for
the rent and plundering us for the
dividends on watered stocks. Such
a society, they insisted, would hold
together—even if the hand of every
man was raised against his neighbor.
While we plundered and enslaved
the weaker peoples, the “backward”
races; while we raided those too weak
i
to resist our assaults; while we spread
desolation and terror over the face
of the earth, in order to pay a profit
of six per cent or better on the in
vestments of our ill-gotten gains—
while we slapped Justice and Brother
hood in the face, they contiually told
us that God was on our side.
Can it be possible that they did not
understand that civilization is built
on our side.
Can it be possible that they did not
understand that civilization is built
upon the united action of men? Did
they decieve themselves so completely
as to imagine that a system of society
would^la3t which “shelters the noble
and crushes the poor?” Could they
not see the whirlwind of human sighs
and groans and the torrent of human
tears that the ferocious system of ex
ploitation and cut-throat living was
gathering about them. Alas, no!
Their education, their experience,
their daily surroundings had blinded
them to the realities of life. Living
in a fool’s paradise of imaginary
safety, they twittered their song of
contentment—as ignorant as the
blind earth-worm of the coming
storm.
They even went so far as to tell
as that we could keep peace among
the nations of the world by building
battleships—if we only built enough
sf them. “Preparedness.” they 1
said, "will prevent war” Every great
nation of the west, acting upon this 1
advice, bled itself, year after year, 1
of its hundreds of millions of dollars 1
to equip an army and construct a navy 1
to devise engines of death, and to <
mobilize its resources for conflict.
Europe waB, for forty years an armed 1
tamp, with the common people sweat- I
government, would It not be rather
a nice thing it we were to make a lit
tle display of our honesty and sincer
ity before Europe? Now in Russia,
after the Revolution, the Russians
published their Foreign Office Cor
respondence. What have the Ger
mans done in Bavaria? They have
published their Foreign Office Cor
respondence without regard appar
ently to the effect on the public opin
ion of Europe. I wonder whether Mr
Lloyd George would entertain the
suggestion that we publish our For
eign Office Correspondence before the
war? ■
I would also like to ask Mr Lloyd
George: Are we at war with Russia
or are we not? If we are at war with
Russia, on which side are we at war?
If, as probable ,the statesmen of the
Coalition should reply: “We are at
war with Russia, on the side of the
law and order.” I should say ‘thank
you! That is your name for the Count
er Revolution. I thoroughly under
stand which side you are on, and I
am on the other.’
Also I would like to ask the Coali
tion whether they have altered in
their opinion since the time when
the; l a' their opportunity, of remov
ing the King of Greece, and actus’ y
did remove him, but immediately put
his sor in liis place. I would like if.
know whether, having abolished tie
leading Hohenzollerns, the object, of
1 our foreign policy will be to redls
^trili^t^ the crowns of Europe among
the distant cousins of the Hohenzol
lerns. All the antecedents of the
Coalition point to precisely this policy
and I should like to understand
whether it is going to aim at undoing
the advance which Republicanism
has made in Europe, or whether it
is trying practically to restore the
thrones as they were restored in 1848.
ng blood to pay tbe bills, and then—
Jien the storm broke.
’^This war too war. It was no child's
day, no flash in the pan; no game
tmong amateurs—but a struggle
imong battle hosts that had been pre
paring for half a century. The pre
paredness of Europe brought on a
war more fearful than any of which
itstory bears a record.
Then the shepards betrayed their
(leek.
All through the years—the bitter
years of exploitation and, outran**.—
they had preached brotherhood and
talked democracy. God was the
father of us all and we as brethren
must dwell together in peace upon
the earth. They told us to love one
mother and to overcome evil with
good. They conmanded us to Jo to
others as we wot Id have other* do to
us.
The preachers, teachers, editors,
and lawyers did not know about ecor
nomic determinism. They did not
understand that when convictions are
placed on one side of the balance, and
income, socal position, and reputa
tion for ‘ respectability” are placed
on the other, the great majority of
men and women will forget convic
tion and stick to income. These many
years they had taken their living
from the hands of the plutocracy—
the wealth power of the United
States.
When the great hour came, the
plutocracy gave the well known cull
and they responded.
They were blind—these leaders of
ours. They did not understand life.
They mixed up the true and the false
unable to tell them apart. They play
ed the game for the plutocrats—lead
ing us to a prefipice and then stand
ing aside to watch, with horror and
anguish while even their own child
ren were carried over the brink. We
trusted them to lead us. They did
not understand. They were blind,
“and if the blind lead the blind both
shall fall into the ditch.”
IDLE BUDDED
FROM VOTING
MOSCOW.—"He that does not
work does not eat” is the chief mot
to of the Soviet republic, embodied
in the constitution, approved by the
fifth all-Hussian Soviet Congress and
just printed and put in general cir
culation.
The right of holding office and vot
ing is confined exclusively to men
and women over 18 "obtaining their
livelihood by productive and public
ly beneficial labor, as well as those
persons engaged In domestic economy
which affords to the former the pos
sibility of productive labor. For ex
ample, workmen and employes of all
catagorles engaged ini ndustry, trade,
agriculture, etc., peasants and Cos
sack farmers, who do not engage
hired labor for profit."
Soldiers of the Soviet army and
navy and citizens who have been
workmen or soldiers, but are inca
pacitated. are also permitted to en
joy the franchise. Foreigners resid
ing in Russia who fall within the
Soviet's definition of workmen and
soldiers^are also granted the ballot.
The right of franchise is specific
ally denied to all persons, regardless
of whether they fall within the cate
gory of workmen and soldiers, if
they hire labor for profit, live on un
earned income, such as interest from
capital or income from property or en
terprise. Monks and Clergymen are
also denied the right of franchise, to
gether with officials and agents of
the former police, members of the
former reigning house, insane persons
and convicts.
Absolute prevention of the exploita
tion of one man by another is the
chief avowed purpose of the Soviet
constitution. Consequently it abol
ishes all class distinction, confis
cates all real estate, including that
if the church, nationalizes all woods,
minerals, waterways and livestock,
ind authorize labor control of all
industries, such as mills, mines and
railways for the purpose of “insur
ing the authority of the working peo
ple over the exploiters.”
I’lt A IKK SKCRKTAItIKS
WASHINGTON, March 3—Cora
nunications received by Secretary of
,abor Wilson, from Governors and
Mayors of the United States the Sec
retaries announcement of the depor
ation of undesirables and labor agi
ators is fully approvea. They be
ieve that President Wilson voiced
he opinion of the majority of the
>eopel of this country that the gov
irnment considers itself to be the
lervant of the average man and will
to hi^bidding.
Scretary Wilson’s statement that
he recent strikes in Seattle, Butte,
,awrence and other manufacturing
and mining center* la this country
were not industrial disputes, but a
concerted move to establish a Soviet
Koverument In the U. S. was tolly
concurred in.
The Governor’s commended the
stand taken by Secretary Wilson in
stamping out radicalism In this coun
try. the deportation of the radical
agitators being considered, the only
feasible way from their standpoint
to deal with, the radical movement.
MAY BORROW
WASHINGTON, March 6—Gen
eral Railroad Director Hides has an
nounced that owing to the failure of
Congress to.pass the Railroad Finance
Measure, the railroad companies will
be asked to borrow all moneys neces
sary for renewals and other expense
in the open market and issue stock in
lieu thereof.
NOTICE OF FORFEITURE.
To Felix Brown, your hears, legal
representatives, or assigns:
You are hereby notified that 1 hire
expended in labor and improvements
during each of the years of 1908 198.7.
1908, 1909, 11910, 1911, 1912, 181$.
1914, 191b and 1916 the sum of opu
hundred dollars ($100) on Plater
claim No. 1 above on Newton Gujsh
No. 1 a tributary to Dry Creeb inJbe
Cape Nome Recording Precinct, Ter
ritory of Alaska; notice of location of
which is recorded in volume 105 page
379 of the records of said Recording
Precinct. Said labor and improvn
ments having been done on said claim,
for the purpose of holding same under
the provisions of Section 2324 Revised
Statutes of the United States.
You are hereby required to con
tribute your proportion of said ex
penditure, as co-owner to the under
signed within ninety days from tho
final publication of this notice or your
interest in said mining claim will be
forfeited and become the property of
the undersigned, yonr co-owner, as
provided by said section of the Re
vised Statutes.
Dated at Nome. Alaska, February
15, 1919.
AUGUST HOMBURGER
Co-owner.
Published—Feb. 22. Mar. 1, 8, 12,
22, 29. Apr. 6, 12, 19, 26. May. 3, 18.
17, 24. 1919.
NOTICE OF FORFEITURE.
To Joseph Kramer, Herman Piper,
John Brennan Max Anger, C. N.
Brown and D. M. Brogan, your heirs,
legal representatives, or assigns:
You and each of you are hereby ne~
titled that I have expended in labor
and mprovements during each of tbs
years of 1906, 1907, 1908. 1909. 19 Id,
1911. 1912, 1918. 1914, 1915, and
1916 the sum of one hundred dollars
($100) on the St Anthony Associa
tion Placer Mining Claim, situated
on the left limit of Newton Gulch N*.
1 a tributary to Dry Creek In the
Cape Nome Recording Precinct, Ter
ritory of Alaska; notice of location of
which is recorded in volume 111 page
408 of the records of said Recording
Precinct. Said labor and improve
ments having been done on said claitt
for the purpose of holding same under
♦he provisions of Section 2324 Revised
Statutes of the United States.
You and each of you are hereby
required to contribute your propor
tion of said expenditure as co-ownar
to the undersigned within ninety
days from the final publication of
this notice or your interest n said
mining claim will be forfeited and be
come the property of the undersigned,
your co-owner, as provided by said
section of the Revised Statutes.
Dated a-t Nome, Alaska, February
15, 1919.
AUGUST HOMBURGER
Co-owner.
Published—Feb. 15, 22. Mar. 1, 8, 15.
22, 29. Apr. 5, 12, 19, 26. May. 3, 1*.
17, 1919.
NOTICK OF KORFKITURB
To J. N. Flack, Nome Kougarok Cos
solidated Mines Company and Jacob
Zeman, your heirs, executors, admin
istrators and .assigns:
You and each of you, are hereby
notified that the undersigned has ex
pended in labor and improvements
the sum of one hundred dollars dar
ing each of the years of 1914, 1915,
1916, and 1917, upon the following
described placer mining claim, situate,
lying and being in the Kougarok Re
cording District, Territory of Alaska,
to-wlt: The upper one half ( %) of
Creek Claim Number Three on Dahl
Creek in the Kougarok Mining Dis
trict.
You are further notified that if
within ninety (90) days after tha
publication of this notice you fail er
neglect to contribute your proportion
of such expenditure, your interest in
said mining claim it any, will become
the property of the undersigned, your
co-owner, under section 2324 of tha
Revised Statutes of the United States.
ALCARBT
Co-owner.
Published—Nov. 23, 30. Dec. 7, 14.
81, 2*. Jan. 4, 11. 13, 2S. Fab.l, *, lfc.