Nome Industrial Worker
Published Every Friday.
By Nome Mine Workers Union, No. 240
Western Federation of Miners.
PAUL TURNER
Editor and General Manager.
Subscription Price:
One Year - - - - - fc’JX’
Six Months ------ 3.00
Entered ns Second Class matter July 10. 1907.
at the postofflce at Nome. Alaska, under the
Act of Congress of March 3. 1879.
Advertising Rates made known on
application.
Address all communications to The Nome
Industrial Worker, Box 355, Nome. Alaska.
Telephone No. Black 157.
Changes In standing advertisements must
reach this olllce by 5:00 p. m. Wednesdays, pre
ceding the date of publication.
Ouce more we admonish all working
men that it is their duty to watch
vigilantly over the affairs of their own
organization. Such interest on the
part of all the workers is a prime
requisite to a genuine labor organiza
tion.
Behind every trade and occupation
there are the most intimate human
connections; beneath every trade and
occupation there are deep human
relationships; and it is only as we
discern these fundamental relations
and connections that we get at a true
conception of the magnitude of the
practical activities of society and of
their significance in civilization.—Ex.
On another page of this issue will
be found an article taken from the
Yukon Valley News, which charges
delegate Tom Oale with being an ex
Pinkerton. Whether this is true or
not we are not in a position to say. If
the charge be true, it behooves every
W. P. of M. man ps well as every
friend of labor to be very wary of any
support they give to him. A Pinker
ton sleuth is to be abhorred. The
vilest criminal, as a rule, has more
honor than the skulking Pinkerton.
The value of any paper as an ad7er
tising medium is iu direct proportion
to its circulation. A comparison of
the advertising columns of the Indus
trial Worker with the three local cap
italist papers should convince anyone
that the circulation of the Industrial
Worker is greater than the combined
circulation of all other papery in
Nome.
With a view to further increasing
our circulation, and consequently the
value of our advertising columns, we
have increased our outside news ser*
vice and are completing arrangements
for full and complete mining uews.
The present enormous chasm be
tween the ignorant and intelligent,
caused by the unequal distribution of
knowledge, is the worst evil under
which society labors. This is because
it places it iu the power of a small
number, having no great natural
capacity, and no natural right or
title, to seek their happiness at the
expense of a large number. The large
number, deprived of the means of
intelligence, though born with a
capacity for it, are really compellled
by the small uumber, through the
exercise of a superior intelligence, to
serve then' without compensation.—
Ward, Dynamic Sociology.”
As capital and property make the
law, they really say, ‘‘You must obey
us,” when they say to the discon
tented, ‘‘You must obey the law.”
Law and order are words associated
with indignant action against the tur
bulence of the poor, for the breaches
of peace in time of strike or suffering
but never heard in relation to the
daily, yearly violation of the laws
against child labor, factory laws, etc.,
causing week by week more loss of
life and property, than riots do in
years, f*
‘‘Give me liberty to know, to argue,
utter freely according to conscience,
above all liberties.”—John Milton.
“Our children’s children may learn
with amazement how we thought it a
natural social phenomenon that men
should die in their prime, leaving
wives and children in terror of want;
.that accidents should make an army
of dependents; that there should not
be enough houses for workers; and
that epidemics should sweep away
multitudes as autumn frosts sweep
away summer insects. They will won
der that the univesral sadness of such
a world should have appealed to our
transient sympathies but did not ab
sorb our widest interests. They will
ask why there was some hope of
succor for those whose miseries passed
for a moment before the eyes of the
tender-hearted, but none for the
dwellete beyond the narrow horizon
within which pity moves. And they
will be unable to put themselves int
our places, because the new sooial
philosophy which we are-this moment
framing will have so trfoulded their
minds that they cannot return to the
philosophy that moulds ours. Ex.
O ye of little faith! Go forth into
the fields and see bow the myriad
grains, bursting forth from their
prison in the earth, push upward to
ward the light. Watch them as under
the influence of sunshine and shower
they grow to maturity and furnish
food for the raoe. Go into the or
chard and see the seed or the grafted
twig grow into a great tree whose
leaves furnish shade and whose fruit
gives nourishment to man. Measure
if you can the mighty forces behind
the grain and the tree, and know ye
that the forces behind the truth are
as irresistible and as constantly at
work. God would have been unkind,
indeed had He made such ample
provision for the needs of man’s
body and less adequate provision for
the triumph of those moral forces
which mean more to the race than
food or clothing or shelter. He is a
political atheist who doubts the tri
umph of the right. He lacks faith
in the purposes and the plans of God
who for a moment falters in the great
struggle between truth and error—be
tween man and mammon.—Ex.
There is much to discourage in
human history— in the facts of human
life. The common man, after all the
ages, is still very common. He is ig
norant, reckless, unjust, selfish,easily
misled. All public affairs bear the
stamp of his weakness. Especially is
this shown in the prevalence of de
structive strife. The boasted progress
of civilization is dissolved in the bar
baiism of war. Whether glory or
conquest or commercial greed be war’s
purpose, the ultimate result of war is
death. Its essential feature is the
slaughter of the young, the brave, the
ambitious, the hopeful, leaving the
weak, the sickly, the discouraged to
perpetuate the race. Thus all militant
nations become decadent ones. Thus
the glory of Rome, her conquests and
her splendor of achievement, left the
Romans at home a nation of cowards,
from whose brood came forward the
new generation. For those who sur
vive are not the sons of the Romans,
but of the slaves, scullions, the idlers
and camp followers whom the years of
Roman glory could not use and did
not destroy. War blasts and withers
all that is worthy in the works of
man.
Listen to the wise words of Clarence
Darro k : “The only way in the world
to abolish crime and criminals is to
abolish the big ones and the little
ones together. Make fair conditions
of life. Give men a chance to live.
Abolish the right of private owner
ship of land, abolish monopoly, make
the world partners in production,
partners in the good things of life.
Nobody would steal if he could get
something of his own some easier way.
Nobody will commit burglary when
he has a house full. No girl will go
out on the streets when she has a com
fortable place at home. The man who
owns a sweat shop or a department
store may not be to blame himself for
the condition of his girls, but when
he pays them five dollars, three
dollars, and two dollars a week, I
wonder where he thinks they will get
the rest of their money to live. The
only way to cure these conditions
is by equality. There should be no
jails. They do not accomplish what
they pretend to accomplish. If you
would wipe them out, there would be
no more criminals than now.
They terrorize nobody. They are a
blot upon any civilization, and a jail
is an evidence of the lack of the
charity of the people on the outside
who make the jails and fill them with
thejvictims of their greed. ”
Arbitration of Labor Disputes
A dispatch published in one of the
local papers recently says that Presi
dent Roosevelt is to send another
special message to congress; and that
it will greatly favor the passage of an
aot providing for the compulsoty ar
bitration of labor disputes. The dis
patch further says that such a law is
much desired by masiy labor uuions
throut the country.
Our opinion is that such a law is not
desired by any progressive labor or
ganiaztious and that, if passed, such
a law would be a calamity to the
unions.
The workers of Australia and others
places where compulsory arbitration
laws are in effect can give us some
pertinent facts as to the operation of
such acts. These workers tell us that
their hands have been tied aud the
power of the union abolished sinoe
the enforcement of such laws.
The palpitating truth that all wage
workers should bear in mind in con
sidering such laws is that it is not so
much what the laws are as who has
the interpreting and enforcing power
of these laws. The courts are the in
terpreters of the laws of the state;
and the executive department en
forces the laws as interpreted by the
courts. But every sane and thinking
worker knows that the courts of the
country are wholly in the possesion
of the capitalists. Hence it would be
the rankest kind of folly for a worker j
to suppose that a compulsory arbi
tration law would be interpreted in
any way other than to the advantage
of the capitalist class.
We had a striking example of the
ability of the capitalist courts to
emasculate a law passed in the inter
est of labor, when the eight hour law
was put on the statute books of Col
orado. This question of an eight
hour law had been voted upon by the
people of Colorado, and they had by
46,000 majority expressed themselves
in favor of its passage.
The law was passed ; but the state
supreme court being wholly and essen
tially capitalistic promptly declared
the law unconstitutional, thereby
demonstrating its ownership by the
capitalists and its contempt fcr the
mandate of the people.
Nor is the supreme court of Color
ado an exception to the rule; others
likewise show their contempt for the
workers as frequently as did the Col
orado court. Witness the supreme
court of the United States in its
recent decision against labor, the
account of which was given in the last
issue of the Industrial Worker; cr the
decision of this same court in the
Haywood case where it piactically
abolished the right of habeas corpus
and consecrated kidnapping when
committed by the capitalists.
No! A compulsory arbitration law
would not be to the advantage of
labor; but would be one more instru
ment of oppression in the hands of
the courts, which are themselves wholly
and essentially capitalistic.
Mining and Accidents
Some half dozen miners were in
jured in accidents last Sunday. These
accidents did not all occur at one
place, but at four different mines. It
is claimed that last Sunday saw more
injuries to miners than any other day
in the history of this district.
Four men were precipitated to the
bottom of a shaft at the Jupiter claim.
Tom Bolseth at the Ingleside claim
was struck on the head by a falling
bucket, and sustained a badly frac
tured skull. David Caura had his
right leg broken below the knee by a
cavein at the Three Star Fraction. Of
those who were on the cage at the
Jupiter when the cage fell, Tom
Phelan was hurt the worst. He sus
tained a double compound fracture of
the bones of the lower left leg. Andy
Beck sustained a broken bone in his
right ankle. The others were not so
severely injured.
The question naturally^ arises in
these cases as in all cases of this kind:
What is the cause of so many acci
dents and who if any one is to blame?
Now every thing has its cause and
effect, not excepting accidents. The
Industrial Worker is reliably informed
that the engineer at the Jupiter claim
had been on shift 15 hours. This fact
perhaps has a causal relation to the
tailing of the cage.
Iu justice to the engineer, it should
be said, that the claim is made that
the “dog” on the drum of the hoist
was not in perfect ^working order, and
that it required constant attention to
kepe it from jumping out of the notch
and releasing the brake.
Now,assuming thatjthe imperfection
of the brake adjustment';was the cause
of this accident then it logically fol
lows that a competent Government
Mining Inspector is a necessary
official iu this country whose presence
would tend to reduce such accidents
to the minimum.
If, on the contrary, the accident
“resulted from the fatigued condition
of the engineer or of the men, then it
follows that a shorter working day,
for which the Western Federation of
Miners has so persistently contended,
would be an effective remedy against
the frequency of such unfortunate
occurrences.
Howbeit, the preesnce of a mining
inspector, together with the enforce
ment of a shorter working day, would
provide for both contingencies and
render the occurrence of such acci
dents well nigh impossible.
Scheme to Fleece the Miners
For three or four weeks before the
anniversary of the "Verden conflict,”
posters were distributed broadly an
nouncing that a “Memorial Celebra
tion” would be held at Mt. Olive,
Illinois. The principal speaker ad
vertised for the occasion was Wm. D.
Haywood. The miners for many miles
around Mt. Olivee, Illinios left their
work on the date set for the “cele
bration” and paid their hard earned
money to the railroads to get to Mt.
Olive in order that they might be
present and hear an address from the
lips of Haywood, who as the poster
put it” had just been saved from the
clutches of a capitalist conspiracy.”
It has now transpired that Hay
wood was not even invited to the
“celebration.” The whole affair
seems to have been a business man’s
soheme to get a crowd of miners and
other workers in town to enliveu bus
iness. Of course this could not have
been accomplished without the aid
and oo-operation of the officials of
the U. M. W. A. They perhaps thot
it best to put Haywood’s name on the
program in order to “pull” the crowd.
Wage and Chattel Slavery.
Id the time of chattel slavery in the
South a negro slave had no rights that
a white person was obliged to respect.
If one took a front seat in church he
was either ordered to a back seat or
out of the house—just as the master
class chose to direct. If anything was
said in their favor by the more con
siderate and fair minded people, the
reply would be, “Oh, they’re nothing
but niggers;’’ and that was sufficient
to settle it. The rule carried good,
no matter if the negro had provided
the seat himself at any kind of public
gathering—if a white man or woman
wanted it the damned nigger was or
dered to get out. But if there was
any fixing up of seats, tables or
stands, the uegioes were called on to
do it, and paid whatever the master
wanted to pay, if that was nothing
and commented on by their friends
in the North—little thinking, I sup
pose, that the same treatment would
in a half century be given wage slaves
in the North. But now notice the
parallel in the treatment of Miss
Hamm in the court house at Boise,
Idaho. One of the elect wanted her
seat and had no hesitancy in taking
it, and when asked to give it up the
retort was, “Oh, you’re nothing but
a Socialist, nohow.’’ Just as much
as to say, “You have no rights tha^
‘desirable’ people are bound to re
spect.’’ And to reward her for her
good hit on the “damned Socialist”
she was given a conspicuous seat of
honor up near the judge.
For the rough and unfair treatment
of the “damned niggers” there was at
least the difference of race and color,
but in Miss Hamm’s case there was
no such difference—both parties being
of the same race of people.
Such discrimination against the
negroes of the South was called by
James F. Morton, Jr., and his school
of thought, “race prejudice, ” but in
reality it is and always has been the
prejudice engendered by the moneyed
or ruling class here and elsewhere.
To illustrate—the “po’ white trash”
are no more respectable under wage
slavery than were the “damned nig
gers” under chattel slavery.
j.naeea, cne prosperous negreos are
very “desirable citizens’’ now, pro
vided they vote the democratic ticket
or stay away from the polls. It is
also very signiflficant that Judge
Wood changed his ruling just before
giving hi« charge to the jury. That
charge seemed to indicate that he
knew the law relative to circumstan
tial evidence, while only a few days
before he held the opinion that the
defendaut must prove himself inno
cent of aiding and abetting the mur
der of Steuenberg, throwing the bur
den of proof on the defense instead of
the prosecution, where it properly be
longed. Thereby hangs a tale—the
working people showed not only their
hands but their teeth also in the Hay
wood trial, and the very desirable
citizen judge saw it was policy tc one
time observe the law wherein capital
ists were prosecutors and laborers de
fendants. Now, if the useful working
class can force justice in one case
they can in all. Besides, there is no
use of trying Moyer, and Pettibone,
because they are no more guilty than
Haywood, and the state can't now fix
up any more perjured testimony—the
time has passed. Why, then, submit
to two more long and expensive trials,
when under the circumstances, con
viction is impossible. Besides, should
Moyer and Pettibone be convicted
they could not be hung without civil
war. ..Another Chicago holocaust of
labor leaders is not in order now—the
wage slaves are waking up. it would
only have been necessary for the exe
cution of Moyer, Haywood and Pet
tibone for Orchard to tell his mem
orized confession and have a few
Pinkerton detectives carroborate it.
Proof of their innocence would have
availed nothing. What was proved
against the labor leaders at Chicago?
They were arraigned and tried for
aiding and abetting murder. Every
one proved himself innocent of the
charge and some proved that they were
not at the Haymarket meeting at all.
But they were fuond guilty of anarchy
—no such crime exists. And they
were hung with the vain hope that
dishonest capital might continue to
rob honest labor for all time to come.
The same program was mapped out for
the officers of the W. F. M. at Boise,
but they saw it wouldn’t do to carry
it out. Why will laboring people
submit to this brutalizing influence of
our capitalistic rule longer? Oh,
why? The real, vital question is,
Why will they longer be blinded to
their interests by the whining, hypo
critical superstitious twaddle of
preachers and the canting, sickening
balderdash of pettifoggers and polit
ical nincompoops? All the abuse of
one party owned and controlled by
capitalists against another of the same
ilk Is only sham battles and for no
purpose but keeping the workers for
ever gulled, blinded and robbed. Will
they never see their own interests,
contend for their own rights, and quit
allowing a few cunning, designing
men to enslave, rob and kill them and
their friends at their own free will
and pleasure?
Miners and Merchants Bank
'• ' ••• *•••?••??•••?•• ••»•*••• •••••••• »»«>»> •
•—•••• HMMM
Nome, Alaska.
Capital $100,000.00
Workingmen’s Accounts Solicited.
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Nome Bank & Trust Company |
Capital Fully Paid $135,000.00
* •••••••• —MMMM HH»Hf M MMMM ——<
F. H. THATCHER
Cashier
CABELL WHITEHEAD
President
R. E. TRENGOVE. Assayer
ALASKA BANKING & SAFE DEPOSIT CO.
Paid-up Capital, $125,000.00
Established June 1900.
Consolidated with Bank Cape Nome Sept. 190r».
Ores Examined. Gold Dust Purchased and Assayed
Remember we roast our own
coffee and carry the finest line
of Teas and Delicatessen specialties in the city.
J. CH1LBERG, Cor. B and First Ave.
Pacific Cold Storage Co. |
Dealers in
Fresb Killed and Refrigerated Meats. Fancy J
Eastero Cornfed Poultry. ^
? FRESH SAUSAGES. SMOKED meats, etc. I
Pb°ne White 17
H. SEIDENVERG
The Cheapest Store. Good Goods. Comem
and be convinced.
Opposite North Pole Bakers
Front Street,. ^_—
GO TO THE
North Pole Bakery^
For Fresh Bread and Pastry.
**********
THE BEST COFFEE IN TOWN
SPECIALS
Prices Out in Two!
At $2.00 per pair, Men’s 2, 3 and 4 Buckle Overshoes
At $1.00 per suit, Men’s Heavy Rib Shirts and Drawers
At 50c. each, Men’s Levi Strauss Blouse Jumpers.
At 25c. per pair, Men’s Heavy all-wool Sox.
At $2.50 a pair, closing out “ir Ladies #3.75 Felt Shoes
Ladies’s Waists, Skirts and Coats at Half Price.
REMEMBER—We are giving away a 20c. Coupon on
every $1.00 cash purchase, exclusive of Rubber Goods and
Groceries, good for the purchase of any article in the store
except Groceries and Rubber Goods. i
ALASKA STORE
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