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PREAMBLE TO THE CONSTI
TUTION OF UNITED STATES
-x
We the People of the United
States in order to form a perfect
Union, establish justice, insure
domestic tranquility, provide for
the common defense, promote
the general welfare, and secure
the blessings of Liberty to our
selves and to our posterity do
ordain and establish this consti
tution of the United States of
America.
LEST WE FORGET
--o
“We hold these truths to be
self-evident, that all men are
created equal, that they are en
dowed by their Creator with cer
tain inalienable Rights, that
among these are Life, Liberty
and the pursuit of Hoppiness.
That to secure these rights gov
ernments are instituted among
men, deriving their just powers
from the consent of the govern
ed. That whenevr any Form of
Government becomes destructive
of these ends, it is the Right of
the People to alter or abolish it,
and to institute new Govern
ment, laying its foundation on
such principles and organizing
its powers in such form as to
them shallw seem mostly likely
to effect their Safety and Hap
piness.”
A BIT OF HISTORY
-x
The Constitution of the United
States originally consisted of the
Preamble and seven articles in
which form it was ratified by
a convention of the States on
the 17th of September, 1787. The
government under the Constitu
tion was not declared until the
first Wednesday of March, 1789,
with George Washington as the
first President.
LAND OF LIBERTY
-v
The United States of America,
the cradle of Liberty, has more
laws than any other nation on
the face of the globe.
The people of this land of
freedom are becoming the serfs
of bureaucratic overlords whose
rules and regulations supercede
even the laws of the land.
The vaunted freedom guaran
teed every man is an insult to
the founders of this country. Self
interest rules the land with its
moneybags, pilfering the land
and prostituting officials.
It is time to look back a few
years, weighing all facts and
conditions, then making right
our government in all aspects to
conform to the principles set
forth by the founders of our
great country.
ONCE A YEAR
-x
Once a year our “real” Ameri
can drags out his country’s flag,
waves it in the air grandiously,
listens to patriotic speechs,
shoots off a bunch of firecrack
ers and declares a holiday from
his labors. All for what pur
pose?
It is right that we should re
member the date—July 4th—
but it is better that we should at
all times live the principles as
set forth by our forefathers. The
example will mean more than a
bombastic speech and the shoot
ing of firecrackers.
JUSTICE HOLMES, DEFENDER
OF LIBERTY
-x
Rosika Schwimmer is a paci
fist; also she is a woman of cul
tur and a writer and lecturer of
marked ability. She does not
believe in war under any cir
cumstances, and says she would
refuse to bear arms if war came,
came.
For this reason, the Supreme
Court recently refused to let
Mrs. Schwimmer become a citi
zen of this country—which has
just renounced war by solemn
treaty.
“She is a woman over fifty
years of age, and would not be
allowed to bear arms if she
wanted to,” remarks Justice
Oliver Wendell Holmes, in one of
those brief dissenting opinions
which often are as fine essays
as any his famous father ever
wrote.
“If there is any principle of
the Constitution that more im
peravitely calls for attachment
| than any other, it is the princip
le of free thought—NOT FREE
THOUGHT FOR THOSE WHO
AGREE WITH US, BUT FREE
DOM FOR THE THOUGHT WE
HATE.
“The Quakers have done their
share to make the country what
it is. I had not supposed hith
ertoo that we regretted our in
ability to expel them because
they believe more than some of
us do in the teachings of the
Sermon on the Mount.”
“LABOR suspects that the
Schwimmer decision will be
known in history only by this
dissent to it—in which Justice
Brandeis concurs.
Justice Holmes is not a paci
fist. He is a soldier, three times
grievously wounded in defense
of his country during the Civil
War. He was eighty-eight years
old last March.
But age cannot wither nor
custom dull the razor edge of his
intellect; and, perhaps because
he has remained a real soldier in
spirit, he is not afraid to take
a chance in so good a cause as
that of free speech.—LABOR,
Washington, D. C.
WAS HE A “RADICAL?’’
-X
The lord Chief Justice of Eng
land said to the American Bar
Association at Buffalo two years
ago:
“Has there not been during re
cent years, and is there not now,
a marked and increasing devel
opment of bureaucratic preten
tions, the essence and the aims
of which are to withdraw more
and more matters and topics
from the jurisdiction of the
courts and to set them apart for
purely administrative determin
ation? * * * After all, the price
of liberty is unceasing vigilance,
and it would indeed be a strange
and distasteful paradox if, while
we looked askance at adroit ad
ministratif’ under that name,
we were to permit the restless
arrogance of bureaucracy to es
tablish in our midst what would
be in effect a more arbitrary
‘droit administratif,’ unfettered
even by the tribunals, such as
they are, which form part of the
Continental system. (Applause).
The name ‘self-government’
would come to be a mockery,
and an irritating mockery, if it
should come to mean govern
ment by vast array of anony
mous officials, hidden from view
but placed above the law and
administering a topsy-turvy”
system whereby the servants of
the public have made them
selves its master.”
WHOSE NOOSE IS IT?
-o
Robert Frothingham, author,
lecturer and world-wide travel
er says that our Territorial gov
ernment has Tammany skinned
for being a close corporation.
That’s true and Alaskans have
deliberately let it be true. Too
busy attending to our own busi
ness and ways of making a liv
ing we have paid scant atten
tion to the new crop of office
seekers who live off us. The av
erage voter never looks at the
score card until November. It
would be pitiful if it were not
laughable that we so easily put
our heads in the noose that is
choking us.—Seward Gateway.
Where the noose pinches is
just where the Gateway and
other Alaska papers let it pinch.
The support of these papers giv
en federal bureaucrats and other
pullers of mineral feathers from
Uncle’s Eagle makes possible the
close corporation which is above
decried. Let them be consistent
in voting as they write.
WHY SHOULD HE STAY
-x
Governor George A. Parks left
rather hurriedly for Washing
ton, D. C. He expected to
return to Alaska on the Jazz in
the Olympia to Juneau yacht
race. But an alarm was sound
ed from Washington by some of
his friends so he wended his way
to the land of political appoint
ments for Alaska.
Governor Parks’ political an
gel recently “resigned” as head
of the G. O. P. He was a mis
fit as directing head of that na
tional party. So George’s best
friend is out and he is uncertain
as to appointment with Texas
going strong in support of its
candidate.
Before the Senate is the mem
orial drawn up by the Alaska
Senate which was really a politi
cal spanking for the governor.
It condemned him in curt man
ner for his political meddling in
purely Territorial matters. All
of which will have no little bear
ing on the appointment.
Frankly, what has Governor
George A. Parks done to warrant
reappointment? Does playing
and perpetuating the federal
brigade of bureaucrats justify
reappointment? Has he done a
single thing to make his regime
any better than that under Tom
Riggs or Scotty Bone? Let us
hear his champions speak. And
mark you, note who his cham
pions are!
FOOLING THE VOTERS
The Power Trust is in our own
midst. Call it what name we
may. It is here and at work. For
which reason we reprint the fol
lowing.
“Public utilities on the Pacific
Coast have developed to a fine
art the scheme of writing pro
poganda for local businessmen
to sign and put forward as their
own.
In the States of Washington
and California, this plan lias
been used to defeat public own
ership proposals at a referen
dum.
These facts were brot out re
cently in the Power Trust in
vestigation by the Federal Trade
Commission.
The case of Washington,
drawn by persistent questioning
from Norwood W. Brockett of
Seattle, vice president of the
Northwest Electric Light & Pow
er Association, was peculiarly
flagrant.
Bills Permitted Competition
The cities of Seattle and Taco
ma own their own power plants,
and have managed them with !
remarkable success. Electric]
rates in Tacoma are probably
the lowest in North America out
side of the Province of Ontario,
with its Hydro-Electric Commis
sion.
But Washington towns and;
farming communities adjacent1
to Tacoma and Seattle buy cur
rent from the Power Trust and
have to pay extortionate prices
for it, and, under existing law,
the city plants are not permitted
to go to their relief.
In 1924, two bills were intro
duced in the State legislature.
One was drawn by Homer T.
Bone, counsellor of the Port of
Tacoma, and a known champion
of public ownership. It permit
ted cities to sell current outside
their own boundaries, and thus
enter into a competition with
the Trust.
The other bill provided that
the people might organize pow
er districts, the same as irriga
tion districts or drainage dis
tricts, and set up their own pow
er plants, thus affording more
trouble for the Trust.
Legislators controlled by the
Trust did not permit this bill to
even come to a vote.
Power Trust’s Propoganda Fund
The Bone Bill was sent to the
citizens at referendum; and Mr.
Brockett told how the Power
Trust fought this measure.
A fund of $175,000 was raised
by the Trust. Then the local
power managers organized in
each city and town a “commit
tee” of leading citizens—busi
ness men, bankers, real estate
dealers—the usual chamber of
commerce crowd.
The Trust wrote advertise
ments denouncing the Bone bill,
the “leading” citizens obedient
ly signed them and the Trust
paid the local papers for print
ing them. In that way, voters*
were made to believe that their
own neighbors—“men who had
proved their capacity in busi
ness”—had studied the Bone bill
and found it dangerous.
Induced to Reject Bone Bill
..Not a word was said at any
time about the fact that the
Trust had prepared and paid for
bith letters and advertisements.
By these devices, the voters of
Washington were induced to re
ject the Bone bill. They voted
to pay higher electric light rates
and thus they have paid the ex
penses of the Power Trust’s cam
paign, over and over again.
Earlier witness had shown, tho
not so frankly or in such detail,
that the same tricks were em
ployed to defeat an emendment
to the California State Consti
tution, permitting the State to
own and operate utilities.
In California, however, the
acknowledged expenditures were
$664,000.—LABOR.
Every great and commanding
movement in the annals of the
world is the triumph of enthus
iasm.—Emerson.
x
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