NOME INDUSTRIAL WORKER
WEEKLY
Published Saturday
By N->me Mine Workers’ Union, No. 240, International Union ot Mine,
Mill and Smelter Workers.
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“To secure to each laborer th» whole product ot his labor, or as
nearly as possible is a worthy object of any good government"—Abra
ham Lincoln.
Address all communications to Tn-Weekly Nome Industrial Worker.
Box 210, Nome, Alaska. rhone, Black 134.
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on day of publication to insure insersion in same issue.
Advertising rates made known on application.
Entered as second class matter August 6, 1918, at the Post Office
•t Nome, Alaska, under the Act of March 3, 1879.
NOME, ALASKA SATURDAY, FEBRUARY, 22, UM9.
COOPERATION
AMONG RUSSIAN
r*» n» '•""■r'nqn'nvSffU -- i
By J. F. MILLS
Co-operation has played a mater
ial part as a factor in national libera
tion. The deliberate policy of stunt
ing the growth of the movement
adopted by the dark forces of the
tsardom furnishes most substantial
proof of this. Such a movement could
hardly be suppressed, but it could
be harnessed and retarded in every
possible way, of which the withhold
ing of official sanction became a fav
orite device. When the Agrarin
movement had grown to such dimen
sions that the government in 1895
deemed it advisable to empower the
formation of co-operative credit so
cieties financed from state funds, it
was not the peasants, but the large
proprietors who reaped the main
benefit. Then, when in 190 4 the ad
vance of the Agrarian movement had
rendered further action absolutely
necessary, the government established
the department of small credit in
connection with the state bank, but
at the same time appointed a huge
array of officials to keep the societies
under strict bureaucratic control.
When, after the war started, the
Duma passed the bill for establishing
co-operative societies by the simple
process of registration, the charter
of co-operative liberty was first evis
cerated and then hung up by the
Council of the Empire. Add to all
this th" harrassing of the co-opera
tive press and the reader will begin
faintly to realize what the movement
had to endure under the old regime.
The charter of co-operative liberty
was restored to its original form by
the provisional government and rati
fied the day before the co-operative
congress assembled on March 25.
1917. Coincidently therewith co-oper
ative leaders were called to govern
ment posts to direct the organization
and control of the food supply.
One of the first acts of the council
was to issue a proclamation calling
on the citizen co-operators to sup
port the provisional government. Its
next act was to organize itself into
economic and juridic sections. A
third step was the establishment of a
publishing department and book
store. Add to this the establishment
of a daily paper, the “Power of the
People,” and the influence the move
ment will exercise will be obvious.
The earliest co-operative experi
ments in Russia took the form of
productive artels of cabinetmakers,
boot makers, bookbinders and so
forth, initiated by philanthropic re
formers in the early days of serf
emancipation, the early '60s. (Ar
tel is a russian word meaning an in
dependent union of laborers working
collectively and sharing the profits).
The rapid founding of these societies
showed, however, that the introduc
tion of the earliest and crudest form
of western co-operation stood no
earthly chance of success. Subse
quently co-operation received a fresh
start by the foundation of the first
distributive store in Riga in 1865,
and the formation of the first credit
society in the village of Dorovalov
(Kostroma province) in 1866. From
these two undertakings the Russian
movement derives Its origin and
traces its descent. But here, again, on
both hands the defects of a move
ment initiated from above and not
from below, were revealed from the
outset. The credit societies were so
Ill-adapted to the needs of poverty
stricken peasant landholders that the
mortality of the societies for over a
decade amounted to 50 per cent. As
for the stores movement, its history
for a considerable period was even
more depressing. Established at first
in the towns by local officials, town
gentry and professional men, who be
came founders, members and controll
ers all combined while the common
alty figures mainly as customers, the
fate of one-half the stores might be
summed as lingering consumption,
ending in premature demise. As for
the stores established in connection
with industrial undertakings from the
year 1870, they were controlled by
the firms and their leading officials
and conducted so as to realize the
maximum dividends.
In the early ’90s, however, the
distributive coloperatjive movement
made a new departure. In the towns
the movement spread to the lower
middle class and as a result of the
famine of 1871 it spread under the
auspices of the “intelligentsia” to the
rural districts, where the greatest
need lay. Meantime the growth of a
great Agrarian movement with the
historic watchword, “Land and Lib
erty” betokened the urge of the time
which ultimately eventuated in the
revolution of 1905, a revolution which
in the history of co-operation as in
that of the Russian people, has a
special significance, denoting as It
does, the end of advent of an economic
as well as a political democracy. In
five years (1905-1910) both the
distributive and credit societies show
ed quadruped figures, and. what is
more, thee onsumers’ societies, which
had formerly been completely out
paced by the credit societies now
made such headway that their posi
tion ^betokened a challenge for the
premiership.
flga.ponoroedogelsnndioiiistpoliticalah
The bankrupt statesmanship of the
old regime so mismanaged the con
duct of the war that towns all over
Russia were brought to the verge of
starvation, under which circumstanc
es all sorts and conditions of men
joined the co-operative ranks from
i he townsmen and peasants in remote
legion* to the pressmen and clergy of
Petrograd; and even members of the
duma forced a co-operative society
of their own.
The total membership of all co
operative organizations at the begin
ning of 1917 has been estimoted at
close to 13,000,000, which means
that nearly a third of the whole pop
ulation of Russia comes within the
sphere of co-operation. The total
membership of the distributive move
ment may be computed at approxi
mately 3,000,000, of which the peas
ant membership comprises three
fourths. Four-fifths of the stores are
village stores.
The Moscow Union of Consumers’
Societies, which is the leading center
of the distributive movement. Is an
organization embracing both the
wholesale and the press, besides act
ing as co-operative propagandist, per
petual council and guardian of the co
operative movement at large.
The Union commenced its career
as a trading organization first. How
the union had to feel its own way Is
shown by the fact that for the first
five years it conducted trading opera
tions in hired premises and that for
the first ten it acted as intermediary
and commission agents tor societies.
The second yhase began with the
opening of its own warehouse in 1907
and the supply of commodities direct.
The third and most important phase
of all began in 1914. Developments
in all directions took place—the ex
tension of organization, the opening
of enterpots the wholesale had one
even in Samarcand.) the establish
ment of a working alliance with the
Siberian Butter producers’ Organiza
tion; the transformation of the union
into a union of unions (comprising in
1916 157 federations,) as well as its
internal reorganization, and last, but
not least, the arrangemente for de
veloping internal relations through
the opening of~a Ondon depot in the
near future.
The productive undertakings com
prise two confectionary works, a
couple of flour mills, a match works,
a tobacco manufactory, an oil press,
a soad manufactory and an establish
ment for the drying of vegetables and
fruits, all of which have been acquired
during the war period. Other under
takings are projected.
The Moscow Narodny Bank—the
central financial institution for the
co-operative movement— was open
ed on May S 1912; and now embraces
according to the last report, 2,752
societies and other institutions. It
commenced with a paid up capital of
a million roubles (about $500,000),
and now comtemplates a fourth is
sue of 6,00,000. It is noteworthy
that the Russian state bank at the
outset refused to open a credit ac
count for the co-operative institu
tion, but later on saw fit to change
its policy.
The bank also has a trading de
partment acting as a purchasing
wholesale for societies in the mat
ter of agricultural requisites, such
as ploughs, harvesting machines,
manures, seeds and so forth, on
terms of a commission ranging from
1 to 3 per cent to cover expenses.
Co-operative dairying, like co-oner
ative stores and credit societies, was
initiated in Rusia in the last century
by members of the “intelligentsia’’,
but the experiments in cheesemaking
turned out a failure. In the '90s,
dairying made a fresh start, tl^is
time in butter, and likewise in Si
beria, a circumstance due to the fact
that the Siberian peasant proprietors
had much more land and a greater
number of cattle than those of Euro
pean Russia, and that the opening of
the great Siberian trunk railway pro
vided the necessary transport facili
ties. As always, capitalism, in haste
to get rich quick, rushed in, ending in
feverish speculation and cut-throat
competition, as the outcome of which
capitalist undertakings became trans
formed into co-operative concerns.
The Central Association of Flax
growers, founded in September, 19X5,
already unifies the activities of some
hundreds of co-operative credits and
rural economic societies and unions
interested in. th production and sale
of flax. The scope of the association
comprises the sale of flax fibre, the
purchase and supply of seed and the
instruction of societies in technical
matters, whilst a foreign trade has
been started with firms in Japan,
England, France, and America.
The union of Tar Artels in the
province of Archangle is another co
operative association which sas help
ed to rescue the producer from the
yoke of the middlemen. The peas
ant producers in the tar industry are
estimated at 10,000. The union con
ducts trading operations with Great
Britain. Another peasant industry
• • ftiat of knitted goods, in which the
I sale of products has been co-opera
tively organized.
Last, but not least, associations in
the formation stage, such as the Co
operative Grain Union and the Union
for the Sale of Eggs, are entitled to
mention in view of future develop
ments.
THE BOCHES AND
THE BOLSHEVIKS
>.
The succes of the Bolshevik mpve
nient in Germany depends entifelv
upon the attitude of the army. If
the returning German soldiers favor
the theories of these extremists t/iere
is little question but that Gerimuiy is
in for a long seige of turmoil tPflfwill
have to run its course like any epi
demic. Without the soldiers the Bol
sheviki are helpless.
This much however may be said of
any government that is set up in Ger
many: The soldiers are the strong-)
est organized force in Germany today
as they were in Russia. In times of
political revolution this is always the
case. The army is the deciding factor
because the army is organized and
can act quickly and efficiently as a
whole while any opposing political!
organization lacks unity and disci-j
pline..
The power of Lenine and Trotsky
in Russia was maintained by the sol
diers whose rifles outweigh any possi
ble resolutions that may be passed
by a constituted assembly. As long as
the dictatorship has support of the
armed forces it makes little difference
what public opinion may want. Pub
lic opinion • is subjected to military
force: it cannot meet it cannot organ
ize, and it cannot give voice to its
wishes. It is dumb and helpless.
Every dictatorship ever established
has had its foundation on the army,
and persisted just as long as the army
continued to give its support.
We hear from various correspond
ents that the returning German sol
diers are opposed to the Bolsheviki,
but of necessity such reports cannot
be accepted as covering the entire
army.'The return movement into Ger
many is to laree to be discussed as
a whole, and the censorship must be
taken into consideration. The Rus
sian soldier was won over to the Bol
sheviki by the elimination of disci
pline and the promise of the fruits of
the earth. He is yet taking toll of the
scanty fare of the land, going where
he wills and leading a hand-to-mouth
existence by the right of his rifle. This
soft of a career is not likely to ap
peal to the German soldier, who be
fore the war was well cared for by the
state, at least physically. He has a
home to which to return, while the
Russian soldier had at the best a
habitation.
On the returning German soldier
depends the future of Germany. What
the Hohenzollerns think, what the
junkers think, what the various po
litical leaders think, will amount to
little if they do not first convince the
soldier. A combination between the
Boche and the Bolsheviki will be in
vincible until the natural laws of
human development destroy them.
Without the Boche, the Bolsheviki in
Germany will be but a loud nuisance.
MODERN CAVEMAN
SWINGS THE LASH
The fifty-hour bill for women and
children was recently killed In the
Massachusetts law factory. By re
i fusing to pass the bill the lawmakers
of the Bay State said, in so many
words, that they care less for the
health of the women and children of
the working-class than they did for
the profits of a few wealthy producers
For, make no mistake, the patriotic
issue is here not involved.
Our own* government, as well as
that of Great Britain, has discovered
that the eight hour day is more effi
cient than the ten and eleven hour
one. but the millowners of New Brad
ford, Lawrence and Fall River know
more than the government, of course.
One strange creature from Spring
held, Mass., in a letter to a newspaper
—he did no have the courage to sign
his name, but hid behind an initial—
went so far as to praise the five
Western Massachusetts senators who
killed the hill. ‘There fs altogether
too much mawkish sentiment opposed
to long hours tor women workers'Vhe
said. "We need more stern men of
the type of these five senators in our
state Legislature—men who will hold
the lash over the women and keep
them in the mills and factories until
their work Is done.”
It would be Interesting, of course,
to look the writer of those lines in
the face; to see a cross section of his
brain or his heart. It is more to the
point, however, to remember that if
those mills were owned by the gov
ernment and run by the people, no
twentieth century barbarian would
talk about “holding the lash” over the
women and children; the very phrase
shows .malice, ignorance, intellectual
Prussianlsm; a person who can talk
like that is no less an enemy of hia
country than a hostile soldier taint
ing a woman's honor.
Those women and children In the
mills are our mothers ,our sisters, our
sweethearts; from them comes the
race of today and tomorrow a little
genuine patriotism and far-sighted-1
ness should show th,ose legislators
that they are raining our manhood
at the very source. But no; under the
pretext of “war necessity” these pro
fit-patriots make war upon the na
tional health right here at home.—
Exchange.
Bishop Gore, of England, Declares
That War Aims of Democracy Mean
Bright Future for Workers.
Labor must be convinced that mili
tarism is only a necessity of the mo
ment, which will cease to exist as a
dominating force when the war is
over, if the Allied Powers are to be
assured the full, constant, and tin
swerving fidelity of the workers. This
is the message to labor of Bishop
Charles Gore, of Oxford. England,
who is in this country to allay sus
picion as to the ultimate purposes of
the great democratic Powers.
“It is very necessary,” the Bishop
declares, “that we crush Germany,
but it is also necessary that the Allies
convince the workers that they are
fighting not only for the overthrow
of their foes from without, but are
fighting as well for liberty and jus
tice to all classes, creeds and colors
within. If with the overthrow of
Germany this is not acompiished the
war will only have been partially won
“One thing I fear is that the mili
taristic spirit may obtain permanent
possession in some quarters. This
we must avoid. We must have it
thoroughtly understood that militar
ism is but a necessity of the moment
and in no sense a permanent institu
tion. Democracy under a military
system is an impossibility.”
He said that the future of labor
never war. brighter and that capital’s
attitude was never more generous.
He expressed the belief that these
conditons would remain.
PUBLIC
All the arguments of the opponents
of public ownership become pointless
when the results achieved by the city
of Glasgow in the ownership and oper
ation of its street car system are ad
duced. Not only have the civic au
thorities provided a cheap, convenient
and profitable service, but they have
now succeeded in extinguishing the
last vestage of debt in connection with
the tranisways.
The Glasgow tramways were taken
over by the cilty in 1894, Sir James
Bell being at that time Lord Provost.
In reviewing the present situation, Sir
James recently said:
"The earnings last year amounted
to £1,149,000, and out of that no less
J.han £485,000 was gathered in half
penny fares. If they had not insti
tuted the half-penny fare, there would
have been half a million more out of
the pockets of the people, and he
questioned if the tramways would
have been so succussful and the ser
vice so much a boon to the community
as they had been.
"They were backed up by the peo
ple of Glasgow, who were satisfied
with the service and they continued
to improve it until £3,835,000 had
been spent on capital account In
addition to that, £464,000 had been
paid into the common good and they
carried forward £119,000 to renewal
and depreciation. Altogether, the
tromways system of Glasgow had
drawn £4,600,000 over and above the
expenditure. In twenty three years
that was an enormous sum, and it
had enabled them not only to square
all accounts, but, with every debt ex
tinguished, their capital account ex
tinguished, they started fresh as if
they were beginning the tramway sys
tem vv ith 119,000. They had given
to the city a means of egress and in
gress such as no city ever possessed
To <rewn all when tie na-in cam i
to ('oiiand money for thi nation s
needs, the corporation came i'o • vurd
and c,tte the'largest donation he knew
of any mun r Ipality >.*i the kingdom, i
"bat ££.000 •o0 wti founded on the
trsniWc.y systom. t.nd wou.J ever go
to the honor and credit of Glasgow.’’
Glasgow may well feel proud of its
initiative and its success. The ques- <
tion which naturally arises in the
minds of its envious sister corpora
tions throughtout the Empire is
whether there is anything in the posi
tion of Glasgow which has peculiarly i
favored the magnificent achievement. <
The second city of the Empire has, i
of course, an enormous population I
upon which to draw; it is possible c
that the density of that population 1
is greater than is altogether desirable.
But there is no reason to suppose
that, in due proportion to their size 1
■tnd area, other cities should be un- I
ible to emulate the success of Glas
gow, given care in management and
:onservation in development
Last years tramways there carried
362,000,000 passengers, some twjo
thirds of whom pay one-cent fares,
rhe remainder paid fares carefully
proportioned to the distance travelled
according to the zoning sysem every
where in vogue in the old country.
The observer is led to consider ser
iously whether this method of collect
ing fares has not a good deal to do
with the success attained. Very
large numbers of passengers are car
ried about the business section who
would hesitate to pay two cents each
time they desired to travel a few
blocks. The most uncommon exper
ience that lower fares produce great
er revenue may be largely responsible
for Glasgow’s success. At any rate
the charge is proportioned to the ser
vice rendered.
NOTICE OF FORFEITURE.
To Felix Brown, your heirs, legal
representatives, or assigns:
You are hereby notified that I have
expended in labor and improvements
during each of the years of 1906 1907,
1908, 1909, 1910, 1911, 1912, 1913,
1914, 1915 and 1916 the sum of one
hundred dollars ($100) on Placer
claim No. 1 above on Newton Gulch
No. 1 a tributary to Dry Creek in the
Cape Nome Recording Precinct, Ter
ritory of Alaska; notice of location of
which is recorded in volume 105 page
379 of the records of said Recording
Precinct. Said labor and improve
ments having boon done on said claim
for the purpose of holding same under
the provisions of Sectiou 2324 Revised
Statutes of the United States.
You are hereby required to con
tribute your proportion of said ex
penditure, as co-owner to the under
signed within ninety days from the
final publication of this notice or your
interest in said mining claim will be
forfeited and become the property of
the undersigned, your co-owner, as
provided by said section of the Re
vised Statutes.
Dated at Nome. Alaska, February
15, 1919.
AUGUST HOMBURGER
Co-owner.
Published—Feb. 22. Mar. 1, 8, 12,
22, 29. Apr. 5, 12, 19, 26. May. 3, 10,
17. 24. 1919.
NOTICK OK FORFEITURE.
To Joseph Kramer, Herman Piper,
John Brennan Max Anger, C. N.
Brown and D. M. Brogan, your heirs,
legal representatives, or assigns:
You and each of you are hereby no
tified that I have expended in labor
and mprovements during each of the
years of 1900, 1907, 1908, 1909, 1910,
1911, 1912, 1913, 1914, 1915, and
1916 the sum of one hundred dollars
($100) on the St Anthony Associa
tion Placer Mining Claim, situated
on the left limit of Newton Gulch No.
1 a tributary to Dry Creek in the
Cape Nome Recording Precinct, Ter
ritory of Alaska: notice of location of
which is recorded in volume 111 page
408 of the records of said Recording
Precinct. Said labor and improve
ments having been done on said claim
for the purpose of holding same under
the provisions of Section 2324 Revised
Statutes of the United States.
You and each of you are hereby
required to contribute your propor
tion of said expenditure as co-owner
to the undersigned within ninety
days from the final publication of
this notice or your interest n said
mining claim will be forfeited and be
come the property of the unders;gned.
your co-owner, as provided by said
section of the Revised Statutes.
Dated at Nome, Alaska, February
15, 1919.
AUGUST HOMBUROER
Co-owner.
Published—Feb. 15, 22. Mar. 1, 8, 15,
22, 29. Apr. 5, 12, 19, 26. May, 3, 10,
17, 1919.
NOTICE OK FORFEITURE
To J. N. Flack, Nome Kougarok Can
solidated Mines Company and Jamk
Zeman, your heirs, executors, admin
istrators and ^assigns:
You and each of you. are hereby
notified that the undersigned has ex
pended in labor and improvements
the sum of one hundred dollars dur
ing each of the years of 1914, 1915,
1916, and 1917, upon the following
iescribed placer mining claim, situate,
lying and being in the Kougarok Ra
:ording District, Territory of Alaska,
;o-wit: The upper one half ( %) af
3reek Claim Number Three on Dahl
3reek in the Kougarok Mining Dis>
riet.
You are further notified that If
vithin ninety (90) days after tha
jublication of this notice you fail or
leglect to contribute your proportion
>f such expenditure, your interest in
laid mining claim if any, will become
ha property of the undersigned, your
o-owner, under section 2324 of tha
levlsed Statutes af the United States.
ALCAREY
Co-owner.
’uhlished—Nav. 23, 3*. Dec. 7, 14,
!1, 22. Jan. 4, 11, 12, 25. Fah.l, 2, &