11 *1
Sailg Nome Jlnimatrial Worker.
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By Nome Mine Workers' Union, No. 240, International Union of Mine,
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Entered as second class matter March l, 1*11, at the post office at
■Tome, * Alaska, unaer the Act of March S, 1*7*.
Nome, Alaska, February 7, 1018.
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE
RUSSIAN MAXIMALIST
“COUP” EXPLAINED
FAILURE AF ALLIES TO RESTATE WAR AIMS LEADS TO RUS
SIAN’S TAKING RECENT STEPS, SAYS WRITER IN NOV.
17TH, 1917 INB8UE OF THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE
t * '■ - 1 '
(Continued.)
Conference, on War Aims Called.
It was the council that forced
tho government to formulate the
nn-auex&tlons and no indemnities
formula. This formula became the
symbol of New Russia’s asperations
ard hopes. Kerensky was pledged
to it. The whole government was
pledged to it. The army adopted
it as a sacred declaration of faith.
The second Provisional Uovern
mont, formed a few weeks after
the March revolt, issued a call to
the Allies to meet representatives
of the New Russia at a conference,
fort he purpose of discussing war
aims. For a while the revoultion
ary democracy was still. There
were promises on the part of the
Allies that such a conference
wculd take place soon. The Provi
sional Government was gaining the
confidence of the masses. The
latter thought that the mandate
of the New Russia was about to
he carried out.
Unfortunately the promised con
ference showed no signs of coming
to life. The radicals began to
talk of the failure of Kerensky to
carry out tho nu udate of the mas
ses. Forward looking Russians
grew alarmed. They, who sup
ported Kerensky .watched with
despair the failure of the Allies to
respond to the call of New Russia.
As early as last May the writer
said in the Tribune: “Should the
Allies fail to comply with the re
quest of Russia for an open state
ment of their war aims a clash be
tween the Provisional Government
and the masses would be inevit
able.’’
Kelt Convinced of Imperialist Aims
What has happened in Russia
was thus an unavoidable his
torical process. It was anticipated
by Kerensky himself. He endeav
ored to make the Allies understand
bis position, but in vain. Still Ker
ensky fought heroically to the last
.moment to keep Russia in line. He
conceived the idea of an offensive
in order to win the Allies' respect.
Korniloff’s blow in Galicia almost
won him the promise of Britain
and Franco to restate their war
aims. But the extremists said that
. tl only by a demonstration of the
list could Russia command the re
spect of the Allies, then that in it
self was the best proof of their
imperialism.
This is why the Russian soldiers
fraternized with the Germans. They
• believed that fraternization would
communicate to the Gormans the
virus of revolution. Thi3 is why
many Russian troops refused to
fighit the Germans. They believed
.and still believe, that the Allies
adoption of the Rusisan formula
would bring an immediate peace
through a German revolt.
The Russian army lias been ter
ribly misrepresented abroad. It
will fight for the revolution. It will
tight for the democracy in Ger
many. But it will not fight for
aims which it believe.* are imperal
istlc.
Allied Diplomacy Aggravated
Matters.
The Stockholm conference was
devised by the Russian revolution
ary democracy for the purpose of
reaching the German proletariat in
order to Influence it to overthrow
the Hohenzollerns. The refusal,
by the Allies, of pr.ssports to their
delegates to Stockholm was a ter
rific blow to Kerensky. It sup
plied his opponents with a mighty
weapon against liim. And they
used it. The army was told by the
followers of Lenin that hete finally
was irrfutable proof of the impe
rialism of the Allies. It was told
that Kerensky was a traitor to the
cause of revolutionary democracy.
Kerensky was not a traitor, al
though he felt his failure to carry
out the mandate of the masses.
But he did not give up hope.
Neither did his friends. Kerensky
beliovqd to the last moment that
the United States would rescue
Russia from the rising tide of ex
tremism. He believed that Presi
dent Wilson would back his de
mand for a conference to restate
the Allies’ war aims. Such a con
ference waould have been the
death knell of the Bolsheviki. Le
nin would no longer menace Ker
ensky’s hold on the nation.
But the United States unwitting
ly delivered several blows at the
moderate elements. It suppressed
several Socialist papers in this
country, thus furnishing the extre
mists with fine propaganda mate
rial against the Allies. The New
Russia has a sott spot in its heart
for Socialism everywhere. The
campaign against the pacifists in
this country played into the hands
of Lenin and Trotsky. It furthered
their cause and undermined Ker
ensky, whose trust in the American
democracy was unshakable.
Separate Peace Repudiated.
The Maximalists made an at
tempt to size the government in
July, but failed. Kerensky threat
ened with a reign of blood and
iron, but he never carried out his
threats, because he knew that the
Maximalists were essentially re
presenting the platform to which
he was pledged.
When the Bolshevik! first be
came active in Russia they were
identified with German agents. It
was then that reports of their fav
oring seperate peace were spread
all over the world. But gradually
the German agents were weeded
out from the midst of the ISolshe
vikij. They they finally and de
li ntely repudiated all intention of
concluding a separate peace. They
identified themselves with the ori
ginal mandate of the revolution,
the bringing about of a German re
volution through a restatement of
Allied war aims.
This position the Bolsheviki
took up definitely after the Korni
loff revolt. And since then Keren
sky has been losing ground
steadily and the extremists gaining
proportionately. The inter-Allied
conference in Paris, sheduled for
November 15, revived the hopes
of the moderates. For a while it
seemed that the Allies would fin
ally meet the representatives of the
Russian democracy at the confer
ence. That would have saved Ker
ensky.
Doom of Kerensky Sealed.
But last week Kerensky re
ceived his mortal blow. Jules
Cambon, French Minister, au
; nouuced that the representative of
tho Council of Workmen and Sol
diers would not be admitted to the
Paris conference. Lord Cedi fol
lowed it up with the announce
ment that the conference would
not even take up the discussion of
war alms.
Tho revolutionary democracy of
Russia felt outraged. Hire was
an insult to its highest authority.
Kerensky and his followers real
ized the hopelessness of the situa
tion. He did his best to reconcile
the Allies with the New Russia.
But the Allies would not under
stand his motives or heed his ap
peals. It is hardly possible now to
arrest the tide of emotionalism and
extremism rising in Russia. Keren
sky cannot do it alone. This is
certain. If ho could succeed in
establishing a government outside
of Petrograd. he would need the
immediate support of the Allies.
This support would have to take
the form of an open pledge to re
state their war alms as soon as
possilbe. Without such support
Kerensky, who Is to patriotic to
start a civil war, is not likely to
challenge the Maximalists’s controll
of the government of Russia.
(To be concluded to-morrow.)
UNCLE SAM AND
BROTHER JONATHAN.
BROTHER JONATHAN — You
can’t imagine what I heard a So
cialist Labor Party organizer say
the other night.
UNCLE SAM—Something worth
while listening to, I’ll warrant.
B. J.—Quite the contrary! He
was trying to makc^ his audience
believe that under the present
system we were all slaves—wage
slaves, I think he called us; that
we were sold in the market like
pork, beef, and shoes, and a lot
more such rot. Now, you don't
believe all that stuff and nonsense,
do you?
U. S.—Why, certainly. Every
fact in economics bears it out.
B. J.—What, YOU believe that
YOU are a slave; that YOU are
bought and sold?
U. S.—Yes, my man, let’s be sen
sible, and not allow our vanities to
blind us to our own undoing. WE
ARB merchandise just as pork and
beef; wa ARB sold in the market i
just as Bhoes and stockings;—WE
ARE ENSLAVED. Look as you
may into the works of our Revolu
tionary Fathers, never once will
you coir.e across the term: ‘‘Labor
Market." The workingman was not
then merchandise. Opportunities
—natural and social—were then
open to all—each man could be,
and was, the architect of hi? own
fortune or misfortune. In those
days had any one used the term
"Labor Market,” he would have
been understood as little as if he
had used the word "monoplane";
neither one of the two was yet in
existence. As the latter, so is the j
term “Labor Market”—WE ARE :
ENSLAVED! ij
B. J.—Then all that was gained
by the Revolutionary and Civil
Wars is l03t again?
U. S.—But not beyond recall.
Our slavery a hundred and odd
years ago arose from our political
DEPENDENCE upon a foreign
power; accordingly, our freedom
at that time had to be gained by
our stripping ourselves away from
the economic companionship of
pork and beef, and shoes and
leather, and all other merchandise;
we must dare to claim our rights
and perform our duties as MEN,
as Human Beings. To do that now
we must overthrow the present
tyrant system—the Capitalist or
Wage Slavery system, and set up
the Socialist Republic where the
instruments of production shall be
owned by all; and thus all who
work may be free. Fall to Jona
than.
—Weekly People.
There are ninety and nine, that, live
and die
In want, and hunger, and cold.
That one may revel in luxury
And be lapped in its slken fold;
The ninety and nine in their hovels
bare.
The one :n a palace, with riches
rare.
They toil in the fields, the ninety
and nine.
For the fruits of our mother earth;
They dig and delve in the dusky
mine,
And bring her hid treasures forth;
Ar.d the wealth released by their
sturdy blows
To the hands of the one forever
flows.
From the sweat of their brows the
desert blooms.
And the forest before them falls.
Their labor lias builded humble
homes,
And cities with lofty halls;
And the one owns city, and houses
and lands,
And the ninety and nine have
empty , hands.
“TOLD IN WHISPERS."
I
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