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SIXt I.AIK'S KKSKiX VTIOX.
The withdrawal of l'pton Sinclair
iron) the national socialist party
over that party's opposition to con
scription draws attention to the
divided views which that party en
tertains on the war Question alto
gether.
The socialist party's policy in re
gard to the war is a policy that
comes rattier late to be effective. Its
anti-war policy is simply so ineffec
tive as to be puerile. Its action in
denouncing this man or that who
believes in the war as better for the
democracies of the world is of a
part identical with the lack of de
finiteness in its aims as far as the
war is concerned hitherto and be
fore the war was an accomplished
fact.
It has been more or less obvious
that political action could not pre
vent a war, and it has been obvious
especially in the recent elections
when the only party irrevocably com
mitted to peace could not increase
its votes, but rather lost in its gen
eral total.
Moreover, the socialists who are
now so enthusiastic over the anti
war resolution of the emergency
convention in St. Louis, cannot have
failed to remark that the very ele
ment that put this resolution
through has been tirelessly through
the Milwaukee Leader for over a
year advocating a war with Mexico
and endeavoring to foment a
troublesome spirit between Japan
and the United States. Kveryone
knows the reasonable and quite na
tural proclivities of a Germanist
type of Herger and his associates
and it is not possible that they are
one whit better in their present
frame of anti-militarist mind than
those men who refused to be party
to any anti-war resolution.
For all that it is very strangely
significant that the men who are
lined up controlling the socialist
party on its war or anti-war policy
liave very little in common with
the workers on the job. They are
clever men. It is difficult to deny
that men like Berger and Hill
quit. Walling ind Bensc-ii are all
men of a high order of intellect.
But like all purely intellectuals
they are guided more by emotions
arising from their environment
which is not a working class en
vironment by any means, than most
people are willing to allow.
There are few intellectuals who
sire not inspired by their emotions
or their sentiments. Their mental
ity is undisciplined by a job experi
ence. Their ideas copious as they
may be, brilliant as they surely
often are. are the results of 'cul
ture” and in a sense of culture
akin to that used in horticultural
pursuits when forced growths in
hot house and conservatory aston
isli bv their luxuriance and beauty.
But they are unstable, uncertain,
wobbly. They rejleet every varying
change of temperature and they
are not that slowed and much more
material growth that arises from
si hybrid between reason and job ex
perience under the discipline of th"
machine which the working class
mind develops and which often an
noys tlie minds of t.iose which it
criticizes.
Hence it is that ihev nv so sensi
tive to criticism ev“n when they
know they are right or when they
feel they are right or beitev • they
are right which are all the same
things. Thus it is they dally with
all kinds of outside and subsidiary
topics such as free love, eugenics,
birth control, and a lot of other
things will adjust themselves cor
rectly when the economy which is
responsible for the mal-adjustment
they note is obvious is changed to
suit the needs of humanity.
Sinclair who has just resigned
the membership in the socialist par
ty was such a type. He was a brill
iant writer. His books are all
clever. He is not remarkable for
creative effort like a London, but
his grasp of the social essentials
and the gilt for detail is one that
even few reporters are capable ot
achieving. With a keen sense of
the social injustices manifest around
him, endeavoring to reconcile the
irreconcileable passions of the flot
sam and jetsam that surge with the
the tide of capitalism, he is a social
ist by instinct almost as surely as
by reason of his sympathies.
No doubt he cannot stand for
the injection of the strong stand
against the war and against con
scription which many of the party
members have made because he
feels that whether it is pro-German
or not in its inspiration, it has that
inevitable result.
Those socialists who bitterly re
sent the charge that their anti
militarism and anti-war propaganda
has been inspired by pro-German
sympathies can hardly deny the fact
that were their views to become
generally accepted it would be the
very best thing that could happen
for the Central Powers in Europe.
There is no getting over this fact
and because those others—Russell,
Spargo, Walling, Stokes. Sinclair
and the rest—realized this, they
found themselves seated on the
horns of a dilemma which made
them take the tumble which they
did.
Wliat is not observed, apparently
by all these, on either side, is that
their factions and their frictions, I
are essentially bourgeois. The pto
letariat does not object to the com
pelling force of violence because it
it is violent. But because it is exert
ed against the proletariat. Hence
the question has to be dealt with
from the point of view not of pro
paganda, but of expediency.
The question is can the war or
conscription be politically opposed
with any prospect of success? And
the answer is most decidedly not.
The reason for that answer is be
cause the socialists have no means
and can suggest no means and pro
vide no means of such successful
resistance. The professional pacifi
cists become the catspaws of the
Bergers whose unquestioned sym
pathies are far from pacific as wit
nessed the Leader’s views as to
Japan and as to Mexico..
What the workers will find it
hard to understand by those who
now oppose the war in this country
is that many of the socialists lead
ers have been fairly reliable apo
logists for the position taken by
that section of the social demo
oats in Germany which supported
the government in the military
operations against the Entente.
Victor Berger as editor of the Mil
waukee Leader has done the Ger
man cause yeoman service in this
respect in a far abler and far more
subtle and far more effective man
ner than has Viereck's Fatherland.
And it was done under the name of
socialism in this country.
As we stated it was merely a
manifestation of the bourgeois, the
middle class idealism which affect
ed the^Milwaukee ideas and which
controlled the ideas of the middle
class executive of the socialist
party. It was responsible, in days
turther back, for the expulsion of
Haywood from the party, and for
a desperate retraction of that gen
eral policy at the emergency con
vention. It stood out like a glisten
ing will o’ the wisp in the patriotic
speeches of Mayer London and the
inglorious recantation he made of
the rather fine and independent sen
timents uttered in a Porto Rican
hill speech, when the House resent
ed the application of the Declara
tion of Independence to the island
ers of the Catribean Sea.
Because it is taken for granted
that men can change their sympa
thies over nigh and alter the color
of the ideas upon command; be
cause it is wrongly inferred that
opinions can be made to order with
out any alteration in the environ
men that created them, it seems to
be believed that resolutioning and
denouncing, motions and orders will
change the attitude of those who
are in opposition. What it does
do is ofteif enough to make the
weaker conform to the outwatd
demands at any rate, but they will
none the lees endeavor to shade the
policies which they cannot shape.
The peculiar position of political
socialists is indeed remarkable it
they are as most of them are solidly
nationalistic as well as internation
al theorists. There is no doubt that
Germany is conducted as a military
autocracy. There is no question
that a greater degree of freedom ot
a political nature is enjoyed in
Great Britain, in France, in Italy,
in the United States and now in
Russia than in any of the Central
Powers. There is beyond any doubt
a well defined distinction in the two
political conceptions and if the
socialists are sincere as pure and
simple politicians they have no op
tion but to line up with the more
advanced and more progressive
I tower. It is quite obvious that if
they in any way adopt such a policy
as would tend to bring about a
peace or slackening of the war as
would leave one nation of the Cen
tral Powers in the ascendancy, they
thereby assist in a victory for the
opponents of political freedom.
For we cannot fail to note that
the National Socialist Party of Am
erica has utterly refused to note
the major importance of industrial
freedom in the scheme of things. It
ha3 made a gcd of politics, rejected
the more than vital supremacy of
the industrial aspect of the problem
and now when the occasion de
mands that ttie situation
be considered in its indus
trial aspect purely they stulti
fy themselves with factionism
which is little more than the ob
vious indication of where their sym
pathies, their instincts and their
Intellectual emotions lie.
They have systematically weak
ened the clearer conception of the
problem as from an international
standpoint and the fact that the
economic might aserted through in
dustrial organizations of the work
ers creating an industrial demo
cracy will be the democracy alone
worth striving for, is overlooked.
They sit either nursing their
hobby of pacificism as if the world
were not one continuous plain ot
struggle; they cultivate their pro
pagandism of anti-compulsion when
the world is the scene of perpetu
ally compelling forces and they
bandy hard words or soft words,
sentiment and silliness when the
main work is organization of the
masses to assert their power to obli
terate all classes in an industrial
democracy where industrial equal
ity will remove the last element
of compulsion.
The war is to be carried on re
gardless of socialist or any other
opposition. It is clear that this is
so. But at the same time, surely
it is as manifest that the main need
of the workers today is to see that
the result of this war will not to be
the re-welding of the industrial
chains upon them, but the rending
of the shackles for all time. That
is to be accomplished not by vain
demonstrations, by empty resolu
tions, by ridiculous or Quixotic
propaganda but in the earnest or
ganization of the workers to
achieve that end. It will not have
been lost upon the comrades in
America that it was not the politi
cal comrades <n the Duma who
achieved Russian liberty, but the
workers who had accepted no such
leadership but their own organiza
tions. Nor is it without significance
that the Russian soldiers with the
Russian workers, conscripts of an
industrial or military system, un
ited to remove a system of auto
cracy which the learned theorizing
of* the political socialists would
never have accomplished. That
when it i6 done the politicians
should strive to control and to
shape the policies of the actual
force which had achieved such a
measure of freedom in Russia is ot
course what might have been ex
pected.
These are hard days for the in
tellectual doc trinaire. They are days
of magnificent opportunity for the in
dustrialists. They are hard days for
those who have to be prepetual '
explaining, apologizing, denounc
their former companions in words
and in the political arena; they are
days when upon the economic field
the workers are being welded to
gether by force of circumstances
as never before. They are da>s in
fine when theories as to tact'cs be
come forgotten when the instinct to
organize shapes naturally also its
own tactic.
I'llIUC NOTICE.
Sealed proposals will be received
by the Divisional Road Commission
at its office up till 11 o'clock a. m.,
July 27, 1917, for dressing the
slope and removing the slide from
the Cape Nome Road. Bids must
be accompanied by cash or a certi
fied check for 5 per cent of the
amount of the bid. Further infor
mation may be had by calling at
said office between the hours of
9 a. m. and 5 p. m.
JOHN A WILSON.
Chairman Divisional Commission.
FOR SALE CHEAP.
Two 4 H. P. Boilers.
One 12 H. P. Boiler.
One Hi H. P. Boiler.
Two 6 H. P. Boiler.
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