Failg Num: Industriar Markt-VI
Published Daily except Sunday
Mr Nome Mine Workers' Union, No. 140. Western Federation of Miners.
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Entered as second'class matter March 1, 1111, at the post office at
jlome,' Alaska, under the Act of March 1, 1871. x
"To secure to each laborer the whole product of his labor, or as
nearly as possible, Is a worthy object of any good government."—
ADranam Lincoln
All changes In standing advertisements must reyh this office at six
e clock eacn evening to Insure insertion in the followrtng issue.
Advertising rates made known on application.
Address all Communications to Dally Nome Industrial Worker,
Box 210 Nome, Alaska. Phone, Black 114.
Nome, Alaska, November 22, 1910.
CHANGING POLICIES.
The situation in the Bal
kans with Germany triumphant
seems like the irony ot
fate to Great Britain, especially in
that that nation is now called upon
to assist in achieving the very same
Itussian design which she opposed
so strenuously in the end o£ the
seventies of the nineteenth century.
Russia effected the freedom ot
the Balkan states from Turkish
yoke not from any desire that the
smaller nations should he free, but
in order that the Balkans might ai
ford a field for the Pan-Slavic aims
which centered just as much then
upon C onstantinople as they do to- •
day.
\yhen Adrianople was conquered j
and Great Britain demurred to u I
further advance, a, d i..< treaty o'
San Stefano brought in leper.dence j
to the turbulent little states of the
Ball...'ns. the Conservative party in
Great Bri. ia with R.-.s . as
tb . it: c i i t ii e 7*1 intor, brought
about tb 1. .'in confer -..ce which
requited in Austria gr. ;-iUg i.il the
fruits of tin v , r. t.t.d the British
ante r :ts in the Turkish peninsula
1 oil.g three le d i t so much by
Busti-i any logger, but by the Pan
Gt-rr:: • urg • for expansit u of its
field of influence.
Gladstone fought i .s state ot
things bitterly and decried the dang
erous policy of Great Britain in sup
porting the unspeakable Turk |
again.-: Russia’s natural ambition to
: ek and find the sea.
The great British imperialist lead
ers gave a banquet to Lords Becons
. 'id and Salisbury on July 27. 1S7S.
at London, whereat Beaconfield jus
tified every act that had been* done
at ilie Berlin conference. That is
known as tlie “Peace with Honor’
banquet, which later became the
niotio of those imperialists whose
conception of honor was to keep
their place in the sun by preventing
any other nation from receiving any
of its kindling influences. Beacons
field laid stress upon the urgent
need for union between the Greek
and Turkish races to “secure against j
the pan-Slavic monopoly which was
fast invading the whole of tb xul- j
tail’s Dominions’ . ilo said that
England must prevent the conquest
of Arda Minor “we must interfere in ;
this matter, and arrest the course of
Russia". It is interesting to note
that Beaconsfield concluded that !
they had brought about order out
of chaos and relieved the ‘country
.. i;d the Balkans of the perpetual
fear of invasion or aggression’ .
The end of that speech is much
better remembered than any other
section for his bitter reply to Glad- ;
stone’s* criticism lhat the Berlin ;
Conference was an “insane conven
tion: “i will not say to the right
honourable gentleman, ‘‘naviget
Anticyram ’, but I woud put this
is sue to an English jury—which do
you believe the most likely to enter
into an “insane” convention, a body
•of English gentlemen honored by ’;
the favor of their sovereign and the;
confidence of their fellow-subjects,
managing your affairs for five years,
I hope with prudence and not alto
gether without success; or a sophi
sticated rhetorician, inebriated with
the exhuberauce of his own verbo
sity, -and gifted with an egotistical
imagination that can at all times
command an interminable and in
consistent series of arguments to
malign an opponent and to glorify
himself”.
It is quite apparent howevei .
from the manner in which he fell j
the severity of Gladstone’s criticism j
that Beaconsfield also felt that the |
course directed not by him as he so j
naively supposed hut by Blsmark I
and Metternich. the real brains of j
the convention, was not all It ought;
to he after all these pretensions. ,
Because the change In British po
licies confirms the truth of the great 1
socialist doctrine of econmic deter- 1
ministu it is important to consider it
today. When in 1878 before the
treaty of Sail Stefano, Great Britain
saw Russia threaten its commercial
dominance in Asia through the con
quest of Asia Minor, through suzer
ainty in the Balkans, and above ali
through control of Constantinople
and the Dardanelles, Great Britain
fought hard to establish a barrier
against the Slavic movement. In do
ing so, the barriers which racially
had existed against the Germanic
movement were in turn removed.
Bismark was then revolving plana
for the expansioif of the German
Empire, plans warranted by the rap
idly developing efficiency and
thoroughness of the great people
over whom he was something more
than the Ruler's adviser.
Gladstone was an opportune him
self but ah an opportunist he lacked
the vision of Beaconsfieid. That he
foiv . v. that the Pan-Germanic in
fluence in the Balkans and felt
that t.Lc movement which crystalized
in tia- i o'.v- (ruction of the Bagdad
railroad would be direr and more
tli~ ning than the Pan-Slavic
mover;, i is to credit him with an
ability to foresee things that he cer
tain! never could be entitled to. It
is a however that Gladstone
never realized the dangers that the
con- dives pretended to see in the
i'-.r that walks iike a man.
.Vow things have changed. Rus
sia is no longer regarded as a men
ace. I’cr the past ten years, British
capital has been entering Russia at
an enormous rate. Tlere has bee
a complete understanding about the
“spheres of influence”. On the
other hand a de luxe express runs
twice a week through Germany tc
Constanza on the Black Sea, a daily
express runs to Constantinople from
Hamburg, and aWav across the
Turkish territory the German loco
motives waken the echoes among
ruined splendors of Asia Minor,
driving towards India and always
expanding the enormous trade ot
Germany. ,
The Russian legions contain no
danger, the German commercial
travellers, polyglottist, efficient, per
suasive and extraordinarily educated
and intelligent, struck at the roots
of the insular commercialism ot
Great Britain.
To a nation of shop keepers this
is like an assault upon the cash re
gisters of the nation, and in all res
pects Germany was recognized for
years and without any questioning
as the real foe of English trade
which is the empire.
Accordingly the entire policies
that elicited such -ringing cheers at
that London banquet on the niglit
of July 27, 1878, are regarded as
the very worst that ever misguided
so-called statesmen, and the sons
of the very men who cheered and
laughed at the bitter excoriation of
Gladstone wolild themselveb be now
the flftt to admit that the Berlin
conference was from the British
point of view, an “insane” conven
tion.
The pursuit of profits, the main
spring of all imperialism, knows no
such thing as consistency. It will
deviate from the most cherished
principles and the most exalted
codes if so it be that the cent per
ent is threatened in the least de
cree. It is not anywhere or at any
time a question of national honor,
rational integrity, national morality,
;t is a question of business expedi
ency, first, last and al\ the time.
l*lie patriotism of the nations under
capitalism has feet of clay however
,ts head may be glittering as fine
mid and blinding In its excess ol
reflected light.*
IS LABOR PROPERTY!?
Great concern is obvious among
the leaders of the American Federa
tion of Labor lest labor be coneid
ired property. This concern Is
leightened by a decision this rear
by the Massachusetts Supreme Qourt
wherein the right to work is de
clared to be property, “it is as much
property”, says the decision, “as the
more obvious forms Of goods and
merchandise, stocks and bonds”.
That decision was handed down in
the case of John Bogni^ et ai vs.
Giovanni Pcrotti et al.
Senator .’.nfoilette commented at
length upon this decision in a very
incisively indignant way. He argues
that "Labor cannot be property un
less men ere property. It is the
exercise ot power. The only way to
possess lab'T is to posses men. '1 hat
means slavery. The struggle of the
Christian v or Id has been to make
men free and to keep taem f-oe '.
Further he said that “*ne 'loetriue
that labor is property was ajssem-J
as a dictum by the supreme court ct
the United States in the hatters'
case.A wave of protest swept
the country. There arose an insist
ent demand for the enactment of
statutes that should distinguish hu
man power from property, work
from chattels, merchandise and com
modities; and that should define and
for ever establish the status of labor
on the foundation rock of human
freedom.
“So Congress of the United
States enacted in the Clayton law
a clause specifically declaring that
labor is not an commodity or article
of commerce .... This principle
was made part of the statutory law
of many states including Massachus
etts, but the recent decision of the
court nullifies the principle and
holds the statute unconstitutional.”
Lafollette laments such a crushing
state of affairs, and declares that
“the American people will not stand
for the yoke”.
U is extraordinary the confidence
that some solons place in a legisla
tive fiat. Suppose Congress were
today to declare that eggs were not
a commodity, or that goods of any
kind were not, are we to suppose
that this would remove those goods
from such an economic category?
It is quite immaterial what action
Congress tak: s. We know very
I well that labor is a commodity; that
| labor power is bought and sold just
| the same as any other form of mer
i chandise. Legislation will not alter
j the fact by merely declaring other
j wise. That at least, is certain.
In the relation that takes place
; between employer and employee,
■ what we see is that the employer
buys the labor power of the man he
! hires. That labor entering into the
! raw material and applied tc/the ma
chinery results in the production of
another commodity which must be
greater in value than the raw ma
i terial, the labor entering Us make
; up and the wear and tear of the
machinery to which the labor power
; was applied. If the raw material
j is not suited to the purpose, if the
machinery is useless, if tlie labor
j power Is inefficient, it is replaced by
; a new purchase. But economically,
l
notwithstanding all the subterfuges
af the legislators, there is no Intrin
sic difference between the labor
power, the raw material and the
machinery as commodities. They are
all treated alike and all scrapped
alike when not suited to the opera
tion of production.
Why the men of the Gompers
mind will persist in sitting on this
artificial egg in the hope that it will
hatch out a new conception of
things, beats all. Why should we
decieve ourselves with such a
chimera? Indeed, isn’t the whole
purpose' of the very Federation over
which he presides, to sell labor
power at the highest possible price.
What are we selling, a commodity
or not? Is it not for sale to the
highest bidder? Does it not like
every other commodity represent a
certain value; the cost of its repro
duction? Will the owner of labor
power be able to sell if the buyers
can find no use for it?
If labor pow.er is free, how is it
a man in a mine or a factory cannot
choose the work which he will carry
on? How is it he mu$t attend the
identical machine in the proper fac
tory, in the particular room that
the labor power is hired for? What
freedom attends the movement ot
the worker inside or outside the
plant? All the freedom he has got
is to sell his industrial power to
some industrial plant or to starve.
The sale of his labor power is the
sine qua non of his existence. And
what he sells he gives up to the
employer certainly and beyond ques
tion as a definite and well deter
mined piece of property.
Suppose the man who- was hired
to tend a machine claimed the pro
duct of his machine tending, less a
certain amount for machine wear
and tear, less another certain
amount for the raw material and for
the mechanical power, where would
he get off at? He would be arrested
as a thief and immediately com
pelled to sever his connection with j
his “job”.
The boss buys labor power. That
labor power comes from the man,
and there is no use disguising the
fact that just as long as the man is
working for another his employei
has a chattel interest in such em
ployee.
What’s the use of denying the ob
vious in order to delude ourselves
with an imaginary condition of free
dom that most certainly does not
exist. Better know the full extent ol
our industrial servitude so that in
stead of hugging our chains we may
break them for ever. The present
condition of wage slavery is no
myth, and because it is no myth it
is worth wiping off the face of the
earth, so that the workers instead ot
hugging to themselves a delusion
may glory in the morning light ol
real industrial freedom.
c;jot t::k nkws right, kkar
THK WORK Kit.
.uftMdu«*i.XMNNK
«
f Men’s Women’s Children’s
SHOES
Since the opening of Navigation we have received 3270 pairs
of SHOES and RUBBER FOOTWEAR. Every boat brings more.
“There is a reason". Our prices are right and our business has
been built by satisfactory service to our patrons.
P. A. PETERSON SHOE CO.
4
/ it JlJlUUnwl jIjuIjIjI Jl3131 Ji jl jl 71 jUlSIJUKTOt
*'.'■!» iRFK!f.!rbn*L' KHitfafiWifiKffitfitfiifilfiSiRSfiifia'iWwasut
10 THE PUBLIC
Osi the last boats we received a gen
erous supply of fresh Candies, chosen
With particular care. I Ye will give
you the benefit of our experi-enco and offer a special Kale of diff
erent makes eacli week until Xmas.. This week will be
IMPERIAL WEEK.
Chocolates made and packed by the Imperial Candy Co., at
reduced prices. WATCH THE WINDOW.
On and after Wednesday, Nov. 22nd we will Rive with every
twenty-five cent purchase (or paid on account) a ticket which
which entitles the holder to one cliance on one of our beatiful
Baskets, filled with delicious chocolates. Drawing, Jan. 1.
ROSE CANDY STORE AND ARCTIC BAKERY.
Every Sunday and Wednesday'fresh whipped “Cream Puffs."
57 Varieties have arrived at
Mollers Grocery
all FRONT STREET
PHONE, MAIN 80.
PRICES AGAIN REDUCED ON
FORD AUTOMOBILES
Chassis price is now $ 325.00
Runabout $ 345.00
Touring $ 360.00
F. 0.1. DETROIT
PUCE YOU! ORDER ROW
AH LIGHTERAGE 8 GOIM’L GO.
Do You Like Nice Fresh Eggs?
Then Use Hollyhurst,
Remember we receive fr esh shipment of these eggs on each
5 boat, thus insuring their freshness.
D.E. CROWLEY
Kent Transfer Oo.
General Transfer & Freighting
oaI & Qi/
Phone Main 139..
— wnwiwn—wnw mawwwwiiwr
GET THE NEWS RIGHT. REAR Anything In the line of job work
THE WORKER. Satisfaction assured.
I MINERS
♦ RESTAURANT
J Opposite Industrial Worker.
*** FIRST CLASS MEALS.
'*'■ Served In
*1* FIRST CLASS STYLE.
4* Under New Management
•J. OPEN ALL NIGHT.
A Phone Main IBS.
tS. H. SIMEON
•J-* *J* *j« +1* *1* »f* *|* *|« »J«
INDEPENDENT
MEAT MARKET
Wholesale and Retail Dealer
In Beef, Pork, Mntton, Veal,
Ham, Bacon Poultry and Fish
Game in Season. All fresh
Stock. No old or damaged.
W. H. Webb prop. Phone M.1B
IT TTTTTTTTT T V V*f TTTTTTTTTTTT^
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