Daiig Name Industrial Markt-H
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Hj Nome Mine Workers’ Union. No. 240. Western federation of Miners.
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“To secure to each laborer the whole product of his labor, or as,
aearly as possible. Is a worthy object of any good government-”—
anranam Lincoln
Address all Communications to Dally Nome Industrial Worker,
Box 210 Nome, Alaska. Phone, Black 134.
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entered as second class matter March 1, 1311, at the post office at
Nome, Alaska, under the Act of March 3, 1273.
Nome, Alaska, June 10, 1010.
AIX liOlMI PKEPAREDXESS.
Last January at tlie Annual Good
fellowship meeting of the Illinois
Bankers Association they were ad
dressed by Geo. \V. Perkins. Ali
Round Preparedness was the theme
ha chose, and the address was
ord«red printed by the Association
and sent to the various papers in
the United States. It comes now
somewhat belatedly to the Industri
al Worker.
The Industrial Worker like every
other paper receives volumes ot
such material delivered by the espe
cially wise ones, in Congress ,at.
conventions and other gatherings.
Some are nonsense pure and simple,
and well inert the waste paper
basket, but the address of Perkins
is not in that class.
Perkins epitomized in his address,
which was, in the nature of things
too, strongly political, the views
which are held by the captains ot
industry in the United States, and
because more clearly than anything
else such a one may be expected to
unfold those views, to read and
know them, whatever one thinks ot
them, is well worth while—indeed
is supremely essential to understand
the current movements in contem
porary history.
It is interesting therefore and in
structive to know that Perkins
thinks first of all that the United
States is “tinprep-.red for war at
arms, unprepared for war in indus
* try, unprepared in leadership'.
Those are his words.
Perkins is no laudator temporis
acti—booster of the good old days
and its laws and its customs. In
deed what he wants and what lie
insists upon is that the laws and
customs and manners of thought
and action be more fittingly ad
justed to the needs of the time.
•‘We must recognize m our laws,
in our business, and in our social
intercourse, tlie fact that electricity,
in its many forms, has swept away j
the last vestige of the methods ol
business and social intercourse in
vogue iu the days when many of our
present laws were placed upon the
statute books. Second, we must
realize that because of the central
izing power of electricity the maxim
that competition is the life of trade ;
no longer holds good, and must
give way to the maxim co-operation
is the life of trade.
Third, we must realize that that
God-given power which we call elec
tricity has wiped out man-made
state lines, and, with almost light-j
ninglike rapidity, has drawn us,
whether we will or not, into one
centralized body.
Fourth, we must admit, therefore
that many of our laws, in place ot
being in our law books, should be
in our w83te baskets".
Everything that Perkins says
there has been said by socialists
long ago. It has its basis upon the
materialist conception of history
and Perkins himself insists upon
the material fact of electricity hav
ing changed our methods of busi-,
ness and social intercourse. No
thinking person but will agree that
the case is well stated.
Thereupon Perkins proceeds ts
attack the present political situa
tion with all the fatuous zeal of a
politician. What troubles him in
deed is the fact that the Trust is
not received with open arms by the
lieople, that laws are not made witn
a view of assisting business of that
kind instead of hampering it, that
in line everything is not done to
make United States Business and
Profiteering permanently and ade
quately supreme over all the rest ot
the world. Perkins is convinced
that if this is done then will this
country be a hotter place for him
and his children. Ho asks in a
Pauline tone of evangelism: “What
shall it profit a son to inherit a mil
lion dollars if, as the result of the
unpatriotic conduct of his father,
i
hs may have to nacrificc his life to
j perpetuate the country ho inherits?"
Perkins abuses President Wilson
and the politicians generally. Pork
barrellism is the greatest and mo3t
unforgivable of crimes, and the
whole country because of these
things all shot to pieces.
Perkins is the head of the
Harvester Trust. The Harvestei
trust in its binder twine factories
in New York state worked women
jail hours of the day at labor would
( try the strength of the strongest
men. IJefora the Empire state pas
sed its nine hour day for factory
women, they worked ton and twelve
hours a day in the most unwhole
some spinning in the world. Per
kins is lie..d of the Harvester Trust
and because he w.r3 when lie was
i going the country round as an up
lifting progressive, a. New York ca
pitalist paper depicted in a terrific
cartoon actual conditions in the
twine factories of the state. What
does it profit that some few make
millions which their sons inherit, if
industrial conditions are all to the
bad like those? What does it pro
fit if women work in factories and
have neither time nor money to give
attention to their families? Here’s
some preparedness that Perkins
never mentioned. Perkins spoke
as a business man to whom protit
getting and profit-keeping was the
be-all and the end-all of this strug
gle to live.
Ami that's the Ideal before all
these capitalist statesmen whether
; they are Perkins or Roosevelts.
Nothing in all the history of the
country has been more outrageous
than the early fanatical outcry
against the Pacificism of Wilson.
Perkins among the rest sneers at the
President. ‘‘Washington seems to
be operating on the principle that:
the typewriter is mightier than tee'
shrapnel, and we have in the White !
House a man who is not too proud
to use it".
Nothing is clearer from these
persistent attacks and denunciations
than that the men who represent
Rig Business whether stand pat or
progressive would without a mo
ment’s hesitation plunge this coun
try into war for the sake of their
dirty dollars.
Perkins insists that it Is pre
paredness against aggression that he
seeks; but this sneer at the type
writer’s might over that of shrap
nel shows that he is more than con
vinced that shrapnel would be emi
nently desirable.
It is high time that people real
ize what is the desideratum that
is held up before the country as
worth fighting for by the Perkinses
It is not more freedom or greater
liberty; it is not the increased wel
fare of all classes. It Is not thy
establishment of more wholesome
working conditions, better lives, in
creased education and more leisure.
It is not to lighten the load of la
bor one iota; It is not to assure
every person comfort and suffici
ency and wholesome work. It Is ti
make the Big Business of the Un
ited States the Biggest in the world.
To establish a super-organization
which with a great army and a
great navy and a great domestic
preparednes will be invincible at
homo and abroad, will dominate the
domestic and foreign situation ana
the principles embodied in the De
claration of Independence will be
superseded, as all moth-eaten ana
time-bitten formulas ought to be,
by clearing houses rulo3 and bank
ing regulations. And when you
come down to cases what difference
will it be to the masses of the peo
ple if their deotinles are dominated
by a few industrial absolutists of
a blueblooded bunch of political ab
solutists?
The Industrial Worker believes
that in spite of everything, the era
to which Perkins is looking forward
is coming. An industrial feudalism
is almost, if not actually, here. The
evolution of capitalism has gpellea
centralization. In America there are
Industrial Monarch and a num
ber of tributary feofs who owe
them industrial allegiance. The*
have their men-at-arms, their re
tainers, their serfs. The condition
is amost established, but the estati
lishment wholly ignored..
History is not repeating itself, but
history is working out its processes
by analogy.
Here and there protests are heard
But they are voices crying in the
wilderness. Besides their voices are
for the most part hot air, very vain
and useless against the deeds of the
representatives of Big Business.
There is no organized opposition
to the program which Perkins map
ped out. Preparedness industrial
and military is being adopted, be
ing urged and being forced upon
the people.
Perkins and the rest want an
educational system which will make
the residents of this country gooa
workers. They demand a scientific
organization of government to that
end. They demand that education
be directed to that finality. They
j insist that in order that Big Busi
1 ness, any where and everywhere, all
lover the world, tan be able to assert
! itself against all comers, even with
the Big Stick, they must have the
1 Big Stick.
| That is what the Big Stick is to-.
| That is what the Big Tariff is to be
I for. That i3 what eduaction is to
I lead up to. That is what politics is
: to consist of. T.he nation and the
| state and the officers of the govern
' ment are to be appendices to Big
j Business. Big Business is to be the
I sole inspiration of the national ex
istence. Trade extension; profits,
1 financial control—these are the
Gods of our national existence. They
1 are to be the fundamentals of our
faith; they are to be the inspiration
| of our lives; they are to be direc
jtors of our destiny.
1 All men must serve, mentally, po
j litleally and industrially, big busi
ness. That's the faith according to
! Perkins, and it is all right for the
Perkinses and the class to which he
belongs.
But they are so few, what of the
many? They are the hundreds,
what cf the millions?
It would appear that that should
occasion thought somewhat. But
it doesn’t at all. You can search
any of the articles which are writ
ten on this modern subject of in
dustrial and military preparedness
and not one seems inspired with the
highly desirable notion of making
the masses happier and the major
ity more blessed. It does not seem
worth while.
It is true as is the view of the
Perkins that the masses themselves
do not consider their own interest.
That is correct. But it is only be- ;
cause the Perkins and the Pe -kins'
servants have been perverting the
instincts of the masses these years
so that they have come to regard
the interests of the Perkins as their
own.
it is true that there can be no
change in the situation until the
masses themselves will look after
themselves. And that is why those
who are ready should make it their
duty to prepare the masses to culti
vate their own as against the inter
ests of their exploiters.
Reforms from time to time will
come. Palliatives will from time to
time be doled out. But surely un
til the masses themselves will attack
the evils which are confronting
them, and realize their own inter- (
ests as well as the Perkins they can
hope for little.
It is a pleasure to read the ad
THE NOME INDUSTRIAL WORKER
is prepared to handle
all kinds of
JOB PRINTING
Let us figure on your
work. Call up Black
134 or call at
IE INDUSTRIAL HR OFHGE
dresses of men like George W. Per
kins. It shows how completely
their own Interests dominate their
minds. Independent, industrially
and financially, they can afford to
give thought only to their own in
terests. Their own interests can
only be upheld by having the very
people whom they exploit think as
they do. That is why the addresses
are sent out throughout the coun
j try, and that’s why the Industrial
: Worker is the recipient of thi3
pamphlet from the Illinois Bankers
' Association.
1 -
SOCIALISTS CHALLENGED.
I challenge every Socialist, Radi
cal, Single Taxer, or Reformer, to
send ten cents, silver, (Money re
funded if dissatisfied- for my book,
“Why Things Happen to Happen.''
Are you sure you're right?—W.
Harry Spears, Hamilton, Ohio.
CITY BATH HOCSE
Moonlight Spring Water. (Boll
] Ing Hot).
M. O. SOLBERU.
MINERAL APPLICATION NO. 0283
U. S. Land Office, Nome, Alaska,
April 18th, 1916.
Notice is hereby given that the
Plume Dredge Company, a corpora
tion organized under the laws of
the State of California, with its
principal place of business and post
office address, Mills Building, San
Francisco, California, has through
Jas. M. Streeten, its authorized
agent, whose post office address is
Nome, Alaska, made application for
a United States patent for No. 14
'Above Discovery placer mining
claim, situated on Melsing Creek,
in the Council City Recording Di
strict, Territory of Alaska, and de
; signated as Mineral Survey No.
1172, which said placer mining claim
is described according to the plat
and field notes now on file in the
U. S. Land Office at Nome, Alaska,
with a magnetic variation of 21
deg. 38 min. E. as follows:
Beginning at Corner No. 1, a
spruce post 4 ft. long, 6 ins. dia
meter, in earth mound, scribed 14
Ab 1 1172 on N. face, whei ce U. S.
L. M. No. 1172 bears S 59 deg.
34 min. W. 380.3 ft. Thonce N. 35
deg. 35 min. W. 544.4 ft. to Cor.
No. 2; thence N. 5G deg. 27 min.
E. 1376.G ft. to Cor. No. 3; thenco
S. 37 deg. 56 min. E. 526.4 ft. to
Cor. No. 4; thence S. 55 deg. 37
min. W. 1397.6 ft. to Cor. No. 1,
place of beginning, containing an
area of 17.025 acres.
This claim is situated on Melsing
Creek about four miles north of
Council City, Council City Re
cording Precinct, Alaska. Lo
cation monument No. 1172 is
a schist stone 37x20x5 ins.
18 ins. in the ground, with mound
of earth 4 ft. high, 6 ft. base, situa
ted about 30 ft. above the bed it
Melsing Creek, on the south side
thereof, in latitude 64 deg. 55 min. ;
N., longitude 163 deg. 39 min. W.
The location notice is recorded in
Vol. 10, page 132, of the records
Council City Recording District, Al
aska.
The adjoining claims are as fol
lows: On the northeast No. 15
Above Discovery on Melsing Creek;
on the southwest, No. 13 Above Dis
covery on Melsing Creek; claimants
unknown; on the northwest ana
southeast, claims unknown; all un
surveyed.
G. A. ADAMS.
Register.
Date of first publ., April 20, 1916.
Date of last publ., June 21, 1916.
I
i
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DIlI-Ii.lK CLOTHING. A Suit of this will answer any miners
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market to date.
PHIL MURPHY
#
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