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Address ail Communications to Dally Nome Industrial Worker,
Box £10 Nome, Alaska. Phone, Black 114.
Nome, Alaska, May 22, 11)17.
REASON' OR PREJUDICE.
The trial of Mrs. Rena Mooney
begins today. Mrs. Mooney is a
highly efficient musical teacher ana
a very gifted woman indeed. Her
work has been praised by men and
women of international repute as
musicians. Her friends describe her
as a particularly kind hearted, gen
erous and lovable woman. Her hus
band is devoted to her: her pupils
idolize her Her little family circle
in San Francisco has been envied
by many as ideal. A refined tend
er-hearted, motherly lady—that is
the testimony of all her friends
workers, professional, business
people.
Yet the people are asked to be
lieve that this gifted musician, this
tender hearted woman, this more
than mother, aided, abetted and
furthered the conception of a bomb
plot on a preparedness parade
which was to murder and mutilate
in cold blood men and women and
children!
This fact stone is sufficient to
show to what degenerate lengths,
class prejudice can drive otherwise
supposedly thinking people, that
they should for one instant connect
Mrs. Rena Mooney with the crime.
On the other hand, here is this
sensitive wife, this gifted musician,
this loving teacher arrested and put
through the most diabolical tor
ture third degree methods have suc
ceeded in disgracing the very name
of the American police power:
have bull-dozed her. threatened her
with violence, deliberately and with
fiendish ingenuity tortured her and
assaulted her: told her her hus
band had confessed, cajoled, dared,
bullied and abused the woman iu
shameful fashion—and all in the
name of law and order and justice.
And all because her husband was
one unpleasant to the corporative
interests in San Francisco, and had
been an organizer who at one time
threatened to unionize the workers
Of the United Railroads and thus
ran foul of the most powerful inter
ests in the city of the Golden Gate.
The very charge preferred against
Mrs. Mooney, and in the face of the
sworn expose of three of the wit
nesses for the prosecution, the all
star witnesses which secured the
"convictions of the previous defend
ants. as arrant perjurers and frame
up men. men promised immunity,
men who had been addicted to un
speakable crimes against society
and against nature and against
humanity—constitutes the real crime
In these unsavory and unholy pro
ceedings.
Human Intelligence, calmly to
consider the proposition would not
hang a yellow dog upon the testi
mony of such revolting characters
as are rSustered to swear away the
Jives of Mrs. Mooney and her hus
band. But reason these times no
longer holds sway. Men are actu
ated by economic fear—and arc
dictated to as to what shall be done
in the name of justice, he the crime
over so disgusting.
Calmly considered, human in
telligence rejects with scorn and
loathing the preposterous idea that
this gifted woman whose life has
been such a blessing to her friends
and her husband, this woman so
well beloved of friends and sc
adored by pupils, would for one In
stant conceive the taking of the
life of any living thing, much less
that of one's fellow creature.
MORE POWER.
Since the United States officially
recognized a state of war existing
between Amercica and Germany,
the constant demand of the execu
tive has been for more and still
more power.
The constitutional limitations
upon the power of the President
are asked to be overcome by Con
gress conferring upon the President
such additional powers as may bet
ter meet the national emergency
of war.
Whence it will not unaturally be
concluded aud most correctly, that
war and militarism and democracies
are but ill adjusted to the successful
carrying on of modern war.
Wars essentially mean the sub
ordination of individualism to the
nation! lly collective will. That na
tionally collective will is centered
by a legal procedure in the execu
tive. In point of fact what is es
sential is that the executive have
practically dictatorial powers, ana
government of a democratic type
cease during the progress of the
war.
Really this is a very ancient
custom. Everyone knows that when
conditions' grew extremely serious
in the Roman republic, a dictator
was saddled in command of its
destinies. Sometimes the dictator
did not return calmly to civil life
and was himself a great general so
that eventually the republic gradu
ally became an empire. It has
happened in other republics also.
But this is neither here nor there
The point is that to carry on a war
successfully a condition of things
socially is essential whereby the
democratic control, interference and
general meddling with things will
be for the time being interupted
and practically eliminated.
To successfully carry out this is
not wholly easy. It means first o'.
all a certain amount of suppression
of the egoism of every one. It
means the substitution of a na
tional egoism, so to say, wherein
under patriotic phrases and other
conjuring texts, the national mind
will be suitably adjusted to the con
dition is desired to enforce upon
the people.
Mainly for that reason auch pro
paganda as heretofore has been as
sociated with doctrines of freedom
and libertarianism is ruthlessly sub
jected to elimination. Or whero
such a subjection is difficult, the
proper emotional condition is
brought about through suitable agi
tation as will subordinate the indi
vidual tendency to kick the traces
to the national necessity of unity
and harmony under a strong and
powerful and to a certain extent
dictatorial executive.
The success of the German mili
tary machine was not due to any
very superior genius at all. It
meant neither radical superiority
of men nor equipment. It did not
even mean a superior spirit of mi
litarism. It certainly did not mean
a greater degree of martial valor,
individual courage or military
technique.
But It did mean that the several
units, socially. Industrially and po
litically. were subordinated to the
military designs of those In execu
tive condition. It meant that the
masses had been trained to dis
cipline and to accept as final the
words of military authority. It
meant that to order was to be
obeyed. It meant that the individ
ual soldier carried out what he was
directed to do. without question
and without hesitancy. It meant
that the individual social units ac
cepted the situation as inevitable.
That they were duly bound to sub
mit to the necessities of the State
and the kaiser. That action .criti
cism, and advice were all irrespons
ible that came not through those
in excutive position: that individ
ual initiative, individual freedom,
individual activity was not only
baneful but highly anti-social and
strongly criminal.
Moreover we have seen the strug
gle which has taken place in Great
Britain where heretofore economic
compulsion, only, took the place
of any state curb upon individual
action, and those who were sub
jected to no such economic duress,
were in the fullest sense socially
freemen. Democracy of that type,
with strong industrial or economic
limitations, which is the only de
mocracy ever known, reached a very
high order of development in Great
Britain. The exigencies of the war
necessitated a great change in this,
and it was the irony of fate that
not a Tory government which had
resolutely upheld the doctrine of
mass subserviency, should he called
upon to effect the adjustment of the
national political condition to the
operations of the war, but the libe
ral government which bad affected
during years of campaigning, the
principle and the policy of an exten
sion of democracy.
It certainly was somewhat of a
peculiar phase of history that the
same government which made Great,
Britain a one house democracy,
should have been charged with the
duty of establishing an oligarchy
adjusted to the carrying on of the
war.
The British government took three
years to fully meet the require
ments of the situation and that had
been effected only by persuading
the people that absolute defeat
and dependence and the shearing
of its ancient glory®,would be the
inevitable consequence of a failure
to accept the inevitable autocracy
to enforce a succesfsul carrying-on
of the war.
Why there should be talk of de
mocratic armies and democratic na
tions in time of war is, maybe, a
tactful hiding of the real facts. But
there can be no su- h things. Thu
military movements to be successful
have to center upon some leader
ship with almost autocratic pow
ers. A democratic aggregation ot
officials each pulling different ways,
each with different notions as to
what is needed, each with personal
objections to the plan of the other
fellow, is purely and simply an im
possibility or a condition which if
attempted would only lead to dis
aster.
The real art of government is in
persuading and educating and prov
ing to the people that it is to their
good that their liberties be re
moved: that they be subjected to
conscription: that they have their
lines of action circumscribed with
in definite, legal lines; that they be
forbidden to do this and directed to
do that; and that they will have
little say in choosing who will for
bid them and who will order them.
As an art that is a fine art. and its
difficulties have been hardly over
come in Great Britain up to this,
for what with “conscientious objec
tors” and Dr. Bussells and others
of no conscription fellowship affi
liation. the authorities have their
hands full in proving to a demo
cracy that its democracy is a nui
sance and a mistake.
That it has been made easier
by stories of German frightfulness,
of Kryatt and Cavell executions, ot
submarine atrocities and Zeeppelin
raids upon unfortified towns Is un
| questionable. The judicious appeal
to national prejudice against the
Hun has proved that national pre- j
judice is often far stronger than J
an instinct for democracy in the j
human mind.
The rule of the people for the j
people by the people is frankly a j
great nuisance and highly undesir- j
able condition in war time. Theo- i
retically a compact autocracy, ad- j
ministered by a Kaiser direct from I
God, is the most efficient exponent i
of a war time administration.
Beyond any doubt the use of the
people to a democratic ideal of a
strongly hereditary nature, is a use j
that must be overcome before that J
people can be quickly adjusted to j
the wartime needs. Hence the I
cry of patriotism is self subordina- j
tion, self surrender and generally j
speaking the propfling up on stout J
sheer legs the strongest form ot |
Authority.
One therefore begins to hear talk !
of disloyalty, sedition, treason and .
the like, when the democratic in
stinct pops up and insists upon as- '
serting itself after its suppression
has been approved.
Ralph Easley, of the National
Civic Federation, with almost bru
tal frankness has perfectly outlined
the situation:
"Up to a declaration of war”, he
said, "free speech, and free almost
anything in relation to war are
permissible; but after that line is
crossed the status changes, and the
same utterances for which a man
be cheered on the street corner
the day before may cause him to
be shot the day after.”
Clearly enough the Incomptioll- j
ity of materializing a military exist
ence and a continuance of demo
cratic rights and privileges is very
evident. Upon war censorship and
regulations, draftings and mobili
zations take the place of demo
cratic propaganda advocating an
extension of more and more power
to the people. Power has become
centralized, concentrated and direct
ed by highly endowed executive.
The highest form of state craft
too then is to persude the people
that they are thus subjected for J
their own good, the establishment j
of a spirit of altruism and self sac
riflee accompanied by an anihilation
or the ego which may be made eas
ier by a long continued period ot
industrial subjection. although
somewhat hampered by a popular
myth concerning political freedom
within such industrial subordina
tion.
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