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“To aecare to each laborer the whale prodaet at hla HI her. ar a*
nearlr a* poselMe. la a worthy object at any coed gsTacnmoot."—
aoraaam Llaeola
Address all Communtcatlona to Dally Nam# I ad mat rial Worker,
Bax CIO Noma. Alaska. Phene, Blneh 184
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Kntered as second class matter March 1, 1111, at the poet office at
Nome, Alaska, under the Act of March S, 1878.
Nome, Alaska, February 11, 1010.
The proposal to remove the fishe
ries of Alaska from the taxable ficlu
open to Alaskan legislature of ne
cessity involves the question wheth
er or not the Territory nas material
ly benefitted from the legislature at
»M.
I I
I f>'
Naturally the most obvious thing
t« do would be to berate the fishe
ries but a trust is a trust, out to
save where it can save and to es
cape with as much loot as it can
■from the territory without render
ing any quid pro quo.
Now everyone agrees that the
fisheries of Alaska are exploited by
* trust which has done absolutely
nothing looking towards the devel
opment of the territory; h,.s taken
no ohcre in building road3, schools
or conserving the very resources
which returned to them such enorm
ous profits.
And granting all that;, granting
that they have been immune from
doing their share, what guarantee
have the people of Alaska that the
taxation of these fisheries for the
benefit of the territorial treasury
will also redound to the benefit or
the Territory itself.
And that's the real question in
volved in this matter. Wo all know
tuMdtP trust and the corporations
7fy.t .{lominnate the fisheries; liaVt
an ant"reason to think that the mo
nies so acquired will really benefit
the territory. And therefore what
actual good lie.3 been done by the
Territorial legislature?
In the first place the legislature
has been an enormous expense. Su
laries and mileage have eaten into
teritoria! funds which ir judiciously
applied to roads and trails and a
beneficial mail service, to school#
and educational establishments
would have done far more good to
the teiritory.
It is true that the legislature hat
not been to blame. Its field of ac
tion has been so restricted that it
could hardly accommodate itseU
within the room allowed it by Con
gress. lint even within the narrow
confines within which it was privi
leged by Congress to disport Itselr,
we cannot see tint tin ros-dt h; s
been so superbly i ■ :•> the
country that anyone should get un
duly excited when the field is sought
to be a little more restricted. Every
session of the legislative body In
fluneau has been an expense to the
Fisheries and one that as a well or
ganized body they foe! is an unjus;
and very useless one. They have
bad to be there by representation
to protect themselves from.a poss
ibly unwarranted invasion of their
monoplized field by politicians anxi
ous to acquire name and fame a‘
their expense.
As applied to Congress, the fishe
ries doubtless feel that the lobby
there is inevitable and the close
connection shown by WicKcrsham
between the fishery bureau and the
fishery trust proves that their work
has not been entirely in vain and
not wholly unprofitable.
But there is something exceeding
ly exasperating year after year ti
go to Juneau and to treat every
petty politician as if he wore a budd
ing statesman to entertain an i
cajole as if the politicians there
were also somebody! That’s objec
Uonable to moro than the fisheries;
its demoralizing from every point of
view and it is not impossible that at
length while their policies are sub
jected to the test by the fisheries,
the politicians may have bo much
to do resisting the cannerymen
they might find little time to sub
ject other legislation to as careful
scrutiny as they might otherwise
do.
In any event the important fact is
Uils that the legislature has so
little power that It Is now more an
expensive means of dissipating
energy than anything else and on ac
count of this the crying need is
either a complete curtailment of all
powers or the complete extension
over every field of legislation In Al
aska.
The reported objection to Brar
dels on the part of Associate Justice
Charles E. Hughes being so strong
that he will not allow himself to be
nominated by republicans for the
presidency, thereby quitting the
Supreme Bench lest another Brau
deis be appointed, directs attention
to this jurist.
Most people regard Hughes as the
nonpareil up-lifter, progressive able
and unsullied by any corporation
influence.
Beginning as a lawyer’s clerk in
the great corporation firm of Cham
berlain Carter and Hornblower In
New York city, he marriod Carter’s
daughter and afterwards the law
firm of Carter, * Hughes
and Cravath was formed.
He was Thomas Fortune Ryan's
most confidential legal adviser and
Gustavus Myers says of the Ryan
activities “we cannot enter into the
immense mass of testimony before
various legislative committees re
vealing the long trail of corrupt and
criminal transactions of corporation i
controlled by him”. Obviously
Hughes .position as legal adviser
therefore Jwas no sinecure.
The mqjBt important legal service
rendered to attract the public eye
by Hughes were those wherein he
defended the electric light compa
nies in resisting the effort to put
the deadly wires under ground as
an “invasion of the rights of pro
perty”.
While Hughes was busy in this
way, his partner Cravath realizing
that defeat was ultimately probable,
was busy securing franchises for
underground conduits after which
struggle the companies that had
been fighting one another in power
and light consolidated find cstab
lished a monopoly. Hughes was the
legal light that guided the way.
Hughes never had any other prac
tice but rich and powerful clients
He began in the service of the cor
porations and served them zealous
ly, faithfully and with scrupulous
honesty.
. Railroads, traction and lighting
companies all were served by
Hughes but it was not until compe
titive magnates of the Equitatf.e
Assurance started a contest, that
Hughes became realy prominent. It
was used with great effect at this
time and there was a general de
mand after his unearthing of the
vast system of insurance corruption,
that the newspapers joined in the
demand for Hughes as governor,
and to be governor with the express
intention of carrying out the re
forms required of insurance compa
nies.
To the campaign fund which elect
ed Hughes governor, J. P. Morgan
contributed $20,000, Levi P. Mor
ton $20,000, Andrew Carnegie, John
D. Rockefeller Jr., H. B. Hollins
and E. M. Wells each $5000. Har
vey FiBk and Son, Chauncoy M.
Depow. John W. Gates, J and W.
Seligman and Co., Kuhn Locb ana
Co. and sundry others gave $2,500.
Charles M. Schwab, Edwin Gould.
Jacob Schiff, William H. Moore,
Adolph Lewisohn and many other
millionaires e-ch contributed one
thousand or two thousand dollars,
the total sum thus obtained being
$313,923.
Governor Hughes as Governor
did not make a single move to re
medy the evils in industrial insur
ance which weighed upon the work
ing class and not a single man
whom the investigation found had
been guilty of fraud, perjury or mis
management was prosecuted ip
spite of petitions at Jerome’s failure
to do so being filed with the Gover
nor. The governor appointed a com
mittee to investigate the charges,
against Jerome, but the lnvostlgat
ing commission simply whito
• *. i * V. ■
washed Jerome.
William Jennings Bryan when
Hughes was appointed to the Sur
preme Court charged Taft with de
liberately packing the Supreme
Court with pro-Trust men.
He said in the Commoner: “In its
1908 platform the republican party
promised to amend the Sherman
Act. During the campaign of 1908,
Governor Hughes of New York in
terpreted that promise to mean
that the “rule of Human Reason”
must be accepted.
Later Taft appointed Hughes as
well as other men of his mold ol
thought to the United States Su
preme Court.
George W. Perkins, associated
with J. P. Morgan in trust control,
delivered a speech recently in which
he complained that the Republican
Congressmen had not tried to re
'deem their platform promise, but
that it had been redeemed by the
Supreme Court in the recent Trust
Decision wherein Governor Hughes
“Rule of Reason” was applied.
Here we have it. Governor
Hughes was put forward to repre
sent the republican party; he as
sured the trusts that “the rule or
reason” for which they had been
waiting for more than ton years
would be adopted. Congress re
fused to keep the promise, so Gov
ernor Hughes was put on the Su
preme Bench and helped to ameno
the law in accordance with the re
publican promise, and now Presi
dent Taft, in whose Interest the
promise was made and who appoint
ed Governor Hughes, says the Anti
Trust law as amended by the court
must not be disturbed.
Here is a chain of circumstantial
evidence sufficient to convict in a
criminal court.”
So said Mr. Bryan.
And it against Brandeis that now
Hughes is reported to take the
stand lest another such as he be ap
pointed to the Supreme Bench. Tht
reason being of course obvious.
But the puzzling matter in this
connection is where Hughes obtain
ed the lofty reputation he has en
[joyed as a progressive and reform
ing up-lifter. His whole career
stamps him as a reactionist. Where
firmness might have accomplished
something in the prosecution of the
insurance higher-ups he failed mani
festly. He has been a corporation
lawyer all his career, and there is
no reason to think that if elected
President he would change his
spots. 4
A year ago a certain steel stock
was being sold on the New York
Stock Exchange at abcut 30 per
cent of its par value. This week it
Is changing hands at about 495 per
cent of its par value. The price
will probably go higher, though
thero will be speculative fluctua
tions. It happens that this stocK
is a "war stock”. But the Increase
in this and other "war stocko” has
been so great, and the signs of per
manency have been so numerous, as
to indicato that tho bocm is not due
solely to war orders. The war may
coon be over, and when it is over
the belligerents will be able to m>
mufacture witlhn their own
borders all tb« munitions that they
will need. The munition export busi
ness will then ,cr.ve in.
There remains but one country
where American munition plants,
now so extensive and so mr salve,
can hope to And a large and perma
nent market fer thoir goods. That
country, alas! is our own. The sale
of munitions to the United States
Government, while limited by our
peacefulness, has always been a pro
fitable business. As a rule, the
government has paid about twice
what the goods were worth. But
if tho United States goes in for pre
paredness and does not provide for
government manufacture of all war
supplies, tho market will bo inde
finitely broadened. If the country
accepts without a murmur the com
paratively small pill of militarism
now proposed, it will be asked to
swallow a still larger pill. The pro
cess of militarization, once begun,
will be difficult to check, because it
is very easy for a citizen of Wash
ington, D. C., to mistake tho clamor
of New York newspapers for tho
voice of the people, and because
money interests still influence legis
lation.
The "popular demand” for suen
preparedness :.s we are likely to get
aro30 within hearing of the din of
Wall street. This assertion has al
ready been mado in this column; it
may be repeated with the authority
of Henry Ford, who said to a Bulle
tin reporter:
"The only jingoes I know are la
Wall street. The further away you
get from New York, from tho men
who make money out of war, the
less talk you hear of war or pre
i paratiens for war.”
New York’s supposed financial in
terests are only the interests of a
thin scum on the surface of New
York’s swarming millions; but they
may dominate New York, and they
may control territory as far west as
Chicago. But they can’t control the
Wc3t. They can’t dictate to many
people west of the Missouri Riv r.
Out here wo can stand on our own
feet and do our own thinking. That
io, we can if enough of us wont to.
—San Francisco Bulletin.
Anything in the line of job work
at the Industrial Worker Office.
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f
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