Bytilgb Nikmesp Industrinl Masken
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l*>r Nome Mine Workers' Colon, No. Sifl, Western Federation of Miners.
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Entered as second class matter March 1. 1*11, at the post office at
•tome, • Alasita, under the Act of March I, 187*.
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"To secure to each laborer the whole product of his labor, or as
nearly as possible. Is s worthy object of any good government.”—
Abraham Lincoln
Address all Communication* to Dally Nome Industrial Worker,
Box 210 Nome, Alaska. Phone, Black 184.
Nome, Alaska, .Inly 1. H>1 T.
INDKPK.MJENCK l>AY.
All over (lit* I'nited States. this
the Fourth Hay of July, will be ce
lebrated the atiiversary of the Oe
<duration of 1 ndcper.iU lire.
The most important part of that
Instrument in Congress. July 4.
177 , without question is tin natur
al rights doctrine which is pro
pounded in the Preamble.
The ehiefest of these are ( numer
ated with ciire and definitely speci
fied the equality of mankind, the
right to life, liberty and the pur
suit of happiness; the limitation of
governmental authority within the
scope of the consent of the govern
ed; the right to alter or abolish gov
ernment when it takes another
form than this.
The world has moved apace since
those days and the men of the
1 •world with it. A good many Amer
ican leaders have in this day loftily
sneered at the impracticability and
the absurdity of those rights and
the State, as an authoritarian body,
quite regardless of the source of its
power, has become glorified.
It is quite likely that the annual
celebration of Independence Day
and the reiterated reading of the
liecaration has resulted in a purely
mechanical conception of that in
strument. and the mind lias wholly
lost its grasp on its dynamic
strength.
Certainly we live in times whet
Jew of the principles are admittei
oven in law, and the equality thai
is insisted upon is such that is de
limited by proprietary rights, jusi
as the right of life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness as rights
are circumscribed within the re
strictions that dependence upon pri
vale property compels upon the
peropertiless.
The right of revolt against nr
government whatsoever is admitted
today It is treason or sedition un
til rurcess attends the effort, ait’1
v. hen another form is sue essfully
established.
.Moreover the various nations,
without exception, have lent their
aid in the suppression of those
agencies which in one or another
were active in trying to alter or
abolish governments, the right of
asylum has been generally denied,
and those who were active in for
eign lands in promoting efforts to
e-rcate popular overthrow of gov
ernment were arrested and jailed in
many for attempts to foment revo
lution against a friendly power.
Yet, withal, the Declaration of
Independence is one of the immor
tal documents of history. It is one
that marks an epoch in the pro
gress of the world. It is as moment
ous in its significance as the Magna
Charta, for above all and before
all else, its very keynote is the prin
ciple that stimulates men to save
themselves, resistance to wrong in
:apjy shape, manner or form.
,'t does more than this. It applies
to government what has already
been applied by Christ to religion, |
that the Institutions were made for
man and not man for them. It up
holds the immutable principle that
the things which man has created
V'trf for his use and his benefit and
that man does not and cannot
exist for them. lie is the creator
not the creature or governmental,
national and official institutions.
They were made for him. If they
serve him, well! if not, so much the
worse for them and not so much the
worse for him.
It elevates the person above
everything; it declares humanity
above tiiose things which humanity
has created, and it insisted then,
-and its echo still rings throughout
the world, that these instituitons
must be judged and judged alone
as they serve mankind and that
there could lie then, and we still
hear murmurs of this declaration,
faint enough it may be, no judging
mankind by their service to the in
stitutions which arc for his use and
| not tor his undoing.
| Soci<:y In.' travelled far past tlie
I stag)- when natural rights doctrines
w, r ■ In M to In' fundamentally
1 true. Today man lias created such
i great and enormous things that
man himself thinks that the created
i things are greater than himself,
I than humanity of which they are
the handiwork. Hence it is that
| for the State more and more powers
arc not infrequently demanded,
quite regardless of the liberty of
those who have to live thereunder;
heme it is that officials who re
ceive their powers in trust from the
people and for the purpose of serv
ing the people, regard themselves
as greater than the people, as re
presentatives of institutions and
tilings greater than the supreme
majesty of the people itself. Hence
it is that institutions and men who
are supposed to execute the will of
the people, rule the people instead
of being ruled by them, and insist
upon the consent of the people to
government regulations in which
directly they have had no word
whatever.
Thest are days when the war’s
alarums spread throughout the
land. Tin- war clouds lower over
the nation's house. And men are
excited to question the loyalty and
the patriotism of the people, to the
flag, to the institutions, to the au
thorities. We seldom hear anyone
questioning the loyalty of the peo
ple to the people, and yet without
any question, there is only one loy
alty, only one patriotism and only
one devotion wortli while, and that
is the loyalty and patriotism and de
votion which rids itself of image
worship and symbolism and cant,
and directs its energy front the
abundance of the heart towards the
people of the land.
It is the people of this country
whose condition should be the first
suujeci ui anyone a uuiuRius: loy
alty to their interests, their well be
ing, their fundamental right to con
sent to be governed. Their supreme
will in the final disposal of things,
their greater majesty over courts
and congresses, legislatures and
governments is the stimulating sen
timent of real patriotism. The feel
ing that starts with dismay at the
social horrors around us; that
blanches at the sight of popular de
privation, that is excited to resist
wrong in any form and cloaked
with the highest authority though
it be, that is the very essence of
the Declaration of Independence.
Law because the law is not neces
sarily divine; authority because au
thority is not necessarily sacred; in
stitutions because they are national
| by no means inevitably are blessed
things. Man’s progress is strewn
with torn laws, dead authorities,
and demolished institutions. The
very law^and authorities and insti
tutions of Great Britain, the resist
ing revolutionary fathers trampled
in the dust. Neither the blood kin
ship, nor their natural veneration
for the things that are, nor their
hereditary devotion to Royalty, de
terred them one Iota more than
did their possible fate did failure
wait upon their effort. They saw
what they beheld to be wrong, and
regardless of the Tories and the
Royalists, the menace of the British
army and the British navy, the
grim violence of exercised Royal
force—they determined to destroy
and. as far as they could they did
destroy those wrongs.
Their legacy to America and Am
ericans unquestionably is the su
preme right of the people over all
other rights, and their supreme le
gacy of virtue is the virtue of re
sisting wrongs, regardless of the
dangers, the sufferings, the threats,
the vindictive punishment of the
greatest and most powerful who are
party to those wrongs.
The oldest phase of religionism
is probably some form of ancestor
worship. Men repeat the things
and deeds of which they have heard
and it is perpetuated from genera
tion to generation. It is well indeed
I if those things are repeated for the
| emulation of succeeding genera
tions. It is not well if those things
are repeated only for the gratifica
tion of the vanity of the successors.
It is a terrible thing if many read
the Declaration of Independence
merely for the sake of taking pride
in tlie fact that their fathers were
Americans and the men who had
done these things, while they forget
wholly that it laid upon themselves
the duty and the burden of doing
as they did: of resisting wrong, and
upholding at all times the suprem
acy of the people, even in the pre
sent.
Anyone that believes that the
principles which, as has been ob
served, were the ground work of
the Declaration of Independence,
are principles which will stand of
themselves is likely to experience
quite grim correction hefore he has
lived very long. Man's craving for
dominion, for power over his fel
lows. for wealth, for possessions,
for privilege, has been and is and
will continue to be coming in direct
contact with the popular rights as
therein expounded. No man can
possess public necessities to the ex
clusion of the rest without a cur
tailment of the rights of the rest;
no man can severely order the rest
without there and then restrcting
unduly the liberties of the rest;
no man can reap his comforts from
the labor and poverty of the rest
without there and then challenging
the right and destroying the chances
for the pursuit of happiness of the
rest and no man can control the
means whereby tlie rest live with
out there and then controlling and
limiting and destroying the right
to life of the rest.
No government can say to
an unwilling people do this
at your peril, without
there and then exercising despotic
rights against the consent of the
governed; no nation can say to an
other despite that other’s protest
we will rule you. to up lift you, to
educate you, to civilize you without
there and then governing without
the consent of the governed.
Either man lias the right to
equality of opportunity or lit lias
not, either man litis the right to live
his life his own way providing the
living of it in that way does not
interlore or endanger the rest ot
the lives of the people, or lie lias
not, either a man lias the right tc
the joys of life through the results
of his toil or men have the rigid
to deny him these and to stea
whatsoever his labor produces. The
Declaration of Independence de
clares without equivocation of any
sort as the fundamentals of Aracr
icanism that he has those right;
and that if he is denied anyone ol
them It is the duty to alter or abol
ish the government that strong it;
its authoritarian strength upholds
S. S. Standard
Snils every SIX DAYS to
D1MK AM) MAY POINTS
weal her permitting
SAILS TODAY at 10 A. M.
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CHAS WECKMAX.
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444 Front St. Phone Main 53
a condition where such things are
denied. And moreover it is the
sacred duty of all who venerate
that Declaration in their hearts as
well as upon their lips to determine
that under whatever cloak it ope
rate, and under whatsoever sacred
name it be perpetuated, wrong shall
be resisted as it was resisted in the
battlefields and with the spirit of
’76.
Easy enough it is to read eloquent
ly, resonantly and pridefully the
famous Declaration of Independ
ence. It is not easy to determine
to and actually live up to its living
principles. While Americans may
be particularly blest that the revo
lutionary fathers declared for hu
man liberty and gave their lives
that it should be a real and not an
imaginary thing, today all do worse
than vainly if they pride in such
matter while they allow any en
croachment whatsoever upon the
fundamentals which the revolution
ists dictated.
As we see it, this Declaration of Inde
pendence is much more than a na
tional document. It belongs to hu
manity. Its fine assertion shook
| thrones across the ocean and did
far more than send the British tv
i rants reeling back. It nerved the
J hands that left not a stone of the.j
Bastile standing, and it strengthen-1
1 id strong hearts that uplifted the
. i
| red flag of revolution in Kussia. It j
is a mighty link in the unending j
and unrusting and unweakening
chain binding fast human slavery
and beyond doubt its compelling
force is not for an age, but, so
deathless are all great things, for
all time.
NOTICK OK REMOVAL.
Mrs. Alma Nelson has moved
from the Schneider Buiiding. All
outstanding accounts please pay
personally to me.
(Mrs.) ALMA NELSON.
.Goes
further”a
*l« *|« *|« *|« *|* *j* »|«
j EGGS!!
+ 4 doz. for 50. Erery one '
4* guarnteed
ARMOURS EVAPORATED
1 lbs. tins. Use them in cook
ing, just as satisfactory as
fresh eggs. Try a can.
*
4*
*
4
+
4*
4
4*
4*
* D. E. Crowley X
*4.<. + 4. + + ^. + + 4.j. 4.±
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