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Address all Communications to Dally Nome Industrial Worker,
Box 210 Nome, Alaska. Phone, Black 114.
Nodr*. Aliwlm,
J tiI % l?M7.
TH<: litlSH '
i’a1. wit;) 1* .: ti> • Irish 1‘nrlia
r.ir" forces for so Song :t I1, riod,
r*v ry • . . th« n to re
wiat that il t-v r the Irish question
whs settled by an outsider, and lie
generally meant Kngland, it would
tiever lie settled at all.
It is how. ver a very doubtful point
if it ran he settled any more satis
factorily by the Irish themselves,
for where was formerly one faction
there are now many, and where was
formerly the simple alternatives of
parliamentary or physical force,
there are today all kinds of other
alternatives, all claiming a share
of support and all creating a divided
allegiance to the solution of the
rjuestion in any particular phase.
Briefly and unaffected by the in
truding Questions of religious senti
ments or nationalistic feelings, the
Irish question attains its main de
gree of bitterness by reason of the
fact that it is primarily an eco
nomic one.
There is great poverty in Ireland,
and it is very important to remem
ber that it is among the poorer
classes that the demand for the set
tlement of the question is most
acute. The well to do, who com
Stlaeer.tly .all themselves the better
classes, have very little regard for
She political problems at all. ecrept
aj, jt affects their business and their
prosperity.
In the main, the Irish people ar
count for tiieir poverty stricken con
dition by the fact that they are at
tached politically to Great Britain,
and it is instinctively held that se
paration from Great Britain, either
totally and nationally or politicall y
and with separate parliaments under
the same imperial flag, is absolutely
■essential to the recovery of the pros
peritv that is more or less a na
tionalist myth with the majority ol
the people.
At no time was there not extreme
poverty and destitution which was
the national order of things since
the Anglo-Saxon at least arrived
with his civilizing influence, and
t&kijig over a nation that had been
generously presented hi". by the
1’ope of that day. And noi even
under the Irish parliaments was
there anything else but sordid pov
erty of the extremist type among
the peasantry.
The real fact then is that the
■workers in Ireland and the greater
portion of the peasontry have had
poverty with them from the cradle
to the grave, and it is only natural
that they should regard the govern
ment which presides over the social
conditions, and gives them enduring
permanence, with responsibility for
tAjis state of things.
Aloieover. the Irish are a Catholic
people, most of them deeply reli
gious and adhering to the older re
ligion with a tenacity of purpose
which became the more tenacious
because the severest kind of perse
. ution was visited upon them foi
their devotion to it. And as thf
Kngiish government officials, foi
tii? greater part, gave positions ol
pover and profit almost exclusivt 1>
to those who wore protestants, tliej
endowed protestnntism with a share
of responsibility for the somewhat
forlorn condition of the masses.
Of later years, the conservative
governments after trying withoui
success various forms of democrat it
^coercion acts, duly passed by par
liament, began another era and in
wfituted what one of the Irish mem
tiers, for always among them wer.
jx asters of phrases, called a policj
*»f ‘'killing with kindness”. Agra
rian reforms, fiscal measures am'
.sc forth calculated to improve the
condition of the farmers and U
promote the interests of manufac
turers were begun.
It was carried out by the British
officials in Ireland witli signal sue
r-ess and there was almost apparent
on th'
• .-urfac,
ness upon tin.
Ir:.-li farmers
oi tilings a willn a- i
, , I
jiart o: most o! the!
imi nian itfaeturi rs t ;>
r-.-laps
perit
•r the seduction of liru.—
< 1 iie-reiised wealth, into a
condemn of West Britonism when >
even the British national anthem j
could he played in public without I
discontented jeers regardless of the I
police.
In any event what it did do was 1
to wean the Irish from their devo- j
tion to all principles of phvsieal
force, and the redouutable force of
the Irish clergy and the bishopry
united with the leading agrarian
forces to follow in the steps of John
Redmond and make the Irish move
nient about as harmless a thing as
could well he imagined. So, when
the Irish Rule Bill is finally passed
intc law and the British parliament
provided the Irish with an emascu
lated lorm of sell government, there
was a majority ready and willing
; to accept anything for they were
I surfeited with agitation. Their sour
^ were getting into government posi
tions The farmers were being com
missioned Justices of the Peace and
one lias to be Irish to appreciate
what the letters J. P. signify from a
social point of view, after a mail's
name -excelling as it dots the Iron
C'ri the Cross of the Legion of
Honor or any of the trumpery
things that are given on the field of
battle. Irish members of parlia
ment became very close to the Brit
ish government. Not a few secured
line positions for themselves and
their sons. The civil service began
to fill with Irish names. London
music Hall songs were thrilled in
the streets of Dublin and the small
caps, cigarettes bicycle and riding
pants affected by the dudes across
the water, became the fad of the
hour. The West Britonism was al
most an accomplished fact.
But events occurred quickly for
several years before the war. For
the first time syndicalism began to
present its head and the strike ol
the transport workers in Dublin saw
Xationalist and Conservative em
] plovers unite to secure police to
smash the skulls of the strikers who
lived, worked and had their being
in the most ungodly conditions
throughout the world.
The strike ended and it ended in
a temporary defeat. The men who
| fought against the great employing
I interests were prosecuted under the
same laws as formerly nationalist
members had been prosecuted under
But this time we behold the edify
ing spectacle of these nationalist
members giving undivided sanction
to the prosecution of the laborites.
Wliat was good to denounce when
applied to them was good to ap
plaud when applied to labor. The
example of this class point of view
lias been powerful and lasting.
Just at the beginning of the work
ing class movement the Irish work
ers themselves maintained the idea
that they were exploited so inten
sely by reason of their union with
England. They were therefore just
as ardent Home Killers as any. And
when the Clsterites began to arm.
land the Ulster Unionists are in reia
I tion to the rest of Ireland and that
I includes Ulster, a very small minor
ity indeed, for even in Ulster the
nationalists are in considerable of a
a majority, there was very consid
erable concern. The government af
fected to do or be able to do no
thing. until I’rofessor M 'Neill drew
up a plan for the Irish Volunteers.
Thereupon the Transport Workers
took up the work with vim and
gusto. It is said that many ot
these had been members of the mi
litia and had experience carrying
arms and in drill. In any event
they proceeded to arm and to drill
and the movement spread through
all sections of Ireland, the priests
and bishops, good men, doing their
best to prevent its spread and every
now and then threatening the flock
with all sorts of things for their
Fenian ways.
The Ulsterites imported ar:- —from
Germany—and the governin' i.t that
had brought in Home Rule at.. :
not to see any such a tihng. Into
Larne they introduced their guns
and distributed them without any
opposition. The Irish volunteers did
the same thing. They imported arms
at Howtli, but an embargo was
placed upon such immediately and
when from one gun running expe
dition, the volunteers were return
ing they were set upon by a Scottish
regiment that fired into them and
charged with fixed bayonets killing
several men and women. That the
soldiers had considerable provoca
tion is true. That the poor judg
ment that sent soldiers there, in the
person of David Harrell, was pun
ished is also quite correct.
But this happened when war
clouds were lowering, and before
the nation knew it all Europe was
it war. Yet with all these exciting
facts before them, it was the ill
considered view of Redmond and
tlie rest that the Irish would for ret
the rough discrimination against
them: that they should forget the
revolt of the ofib-ers in the Curra :h
when thf y were made ready to pre
rent a massacre of the nationalists
unarmed by nr m i Unionists in
Ulster, that they should be. eager
ind willing to fight men who had
hut a short time before clubbed
them at a strike and as a last act
just before the war shot them down
in cold blood.
Moreover the story of the Sein
Finn revolt is yet to be fully
writen. but it ear, be traced back
unerringly to the events which have
been hurriedly narrated in the fore
going. The fear of conscription, lie
certainty that the Irish would be
heavily taxed, would be placed upon
famine rations—all these things
were calculated to drive home the
ancient slogan that England's ditfi
culty was Ireland’s opportunity and
hence with Germany leaping at the
throat of Britain, the time seemed
opportune for revolt.
Now the folly of that tip-rising
was manifest, but at least it has
not been wholly without result, for
it has prevented conscription being
enforced upon an unwilling people.
The Sinn Fein Revolt was not en
dorsed by the majority of tHe peo
ple, and had the British not shown
such an inhuman and utterly cold
blooded ferocity in suppressing it.
without doubt, the situation would
have been entirely different. Had
the powers that controlled the si
tuation exercised the same wise cle
mency as had been exercised in the
matter of the De Wet revolt in
South Africa, in man ways an ana
logous racial up-rising, there would
have resulted a much finer feeling
in tHe relations between the two
countries than is today manifested
It was not willed that this should
S. S. Standard
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be so. There has always been a
most lamentable lack oC wisdom in
the English policy in Ireland and
i it appears to be certain that one
can rely upon a Liberal government
acting illiberally in Irish affairs, as
the famous Irish rebel ancestor ol
John Purroy Mitchell of New York,
was accustomed to dwell upon.
It is into a country now torn with
faction and dissenting views, with
mant openly convinced that physi
cal force will alone gain them any
thing, with the people completely
reluctant to be West Britonized. that
it is proposed that a convention
finally dispose of the Irish Home
Rule question.
An amusing suggestion is to ex
clude Ulster from its provisions, but
that is not the only amusing pro
vision suggested, and the convention
itself appears to have annoyed even
conservative and nationalist, sein
finner and parliamentarian, protest
ant and catholic alike.
How these divers interests are go
ing to meet and formulate a plan
for settling the question is more
than any person who has tried to
follow it can understand.
The Irish question possesses its
dynamic strength not by reason or j
any particular nationalism, not by
reason of any religious animosity or |
fervor, but by reason of the fact ,
that the masses are sunk in abject
poverty. It is an economic question
and it was the Irish Transport
Workers who placed their fingers
upon the real sore spot and re
vealed it to the world. The radical
ism that is there is a localized radi
calism, to be sure, but real enough
withal its fine flavor of nationalism
and its acute religious sensibility.
NOTICE OF FORFEITURE.
To J. J. Waehenheimer, your heirs,ex
ecutors, assigns, successors or per
onal representatives:
You are hereby notified that the
undersigned has expended in labor
and improvements the sum of one
hundred dollars each year for the
years of 1912, 1913, 1914, 1915
and 1916 on the January Associa
tion, a placer mining claim, situat
ed upon Cripple river and more
fully recorded at page 370 in Vol.
190 in the Records ol the Cape
Nome Mining District, in the Second
Division, Territoiv of Alaska.
The above amount has been ex
pended under the provisions of the
laws concerning annual labor upon
mining claims being the amount re
quired to hold said claim.
And your are further notified
that if within ninety days after the
last publication of this notice you
fail to contribute your proportion of
said expenditure your interest in
said claim will become the property
of the undersigned your co-owner
under section 2324 Revised Statutes
of the United States.
WILLIAM SHEEHAN,
Co-Owner.
Date of first publ., July 9, 1917.
Date of last publ., Oct. 8, 1917. ..
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