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Nome, Alaska, .lainnu v 12, 1010.
The withdrawal of the British
forces from Gallipoli is an incident
of this war which inevitably calls
to mind, the abandonment of the
campaign for the time being in the
Spanish Peninsula during the wars
of the first Napoleon, the latter eva
cuation so well remembered on ac
count of Wolf's remarkable threno
<ly, the Burial of Sir John Moore,
and familiar to almost every school
hoy.
Indeed it is morally certain that
the same popular frame of mine |
will be In evidence In Great Britain
following this withdrawal as found
expression in the mournful yet stur
dy lines by the Irish clergymen who
rose to enduring fame upon thv.tj
.single poem:
“We buried him darkly at dead oi
night,
The sods with our bayonets turning
Neath the struggling moonbeams
misty light.
And lanterns dimly burning.
Kew and short were the words we
said.
And we spoke not a word of sorrow,
But we steadfastly gazed at the face
of the death
And bitterly thought of the
morrow.”
It is quite safe to say that theie
will he many bitter thoughts in
Great Britain over this withdrawal,
critical thoughts and resentful that
the incapacity of tho leaders should
lone brought the country i'o Hit*
present pass.
Now precisely the same thing
was manifested during tho whole of
the Napoleonic wars wlhch were il
lumined upon the side of Grvt
Britain on land with very little ca
pacity for organization, and they
blundered through to final triumph
only bocause they simply stayed
with It tirelessly and with indomit
able tenacity of purpose.
If there is anything made mani
fest today it is that tho organized
human units making up the belliger
ent nations depend for their safetj
not upon the presence of any Moses,
but upon their own organized capa
city to endure and to persist.
The days of a Moses have passed
away for ever, and it is only a myth
to suppose that any particular class
Is endowed with supremcr gifts that
ISic other, and that accomplishments
are easy to ono class bccauco of
tlieir being supermen.
This is no unimportant matter.
It reveals the lack of existence c?
any real aristocracy in the litera:
sense, whether of wealth or genius
•or position. The safety lies in or
ganization of the collective body ot
the people, alwaya supposing that
the masses will persist in the pur
suit of the object sought to be at
tained.
Take any average twelve men, ot
workers and of business men, and
tliey will collectively, despite dis
advantages of education and en
vironment the moat marked, even
up attainments.
Here and there may be an occa
sional one possessed of superior
gifts, but here or there will be one
whose attainments are due to
cauBps purely factitious, and on the
whole the twelve men will equalize,
one another.
Adam Smith said that if all were
given an equal opportunity as to
education and environment; well
fed, generously supplied with hu
man needs and provided with tho
means of coping with life's obstac
les, there would not be anything
like the present time disparity ot
talent that is supposed to be appar
ent.
This is being brought out clearly
In this war. A government like
Great Britain Is dominated by an
aristocracy of wealth or position
(birth). Practically evory one in a
position of control is descended from
a long lino of aristocratic anceoton,
or possessed of considerable wealth
and .property. They arc the domi
nant class. And as the dominant
clas3 they have beyond any doubt
retained power for themselves, not
the least subtle manner of doing so
being by peddling the idea that
they were men of superior brain
of superior organizing capacity, of
superior mental skill, of superior
ability to cope with situations in an
emergency which could not be ex
pected from those sneering referred
to as the groat unwashed.
But this war is wiping cut this
political superstition as it is wip
ing out so many others. It is re
vealing that this dominant class is
the same inert stupid blundering
class that had control of the govern
ment during the Napoleonic wars,
and all that may save the nation is
not their directing ability, but their
national characteristic, above all
valuable in this emergency, but of
which tl’py have no monopoly, tona
city of purpose.
And Groat Britain is not alone in
this view as to the superiority, a
superior position in life endows men
supposedly with.
One can easily overhaul the roll
of legislature and within the list
ascertain that but few if any work
ingmen are there. This is because
the workingmen themselves harbor
a similar superstitition to that
which prevails elsewhere, that the
workers as a class are an "in
ferior” class, and that they can only
be ruled by those who have superior
wealth, superior positions, or supe
rior opportunities.
That this should be a condition
prevailing in a democracy i3 not ai
all extraordinary, for it is a demo
cracy built upon property rights r.e
against personal rights, and natur
ally enough property holders in a
country where individualism is the
keynote of existence, will assume all
the privileges which are possible to
them under the laws that property
has enacted, and under the prece
dents along the same line which the
court3 have established to sustain
them. „
In Great Britain the rule of posi
tion and wealth has been sedulously
maintained in the most wonderful
manner by a system of perverted
education that was manifested on
all sides. Even the poetry that was
popular was a ruling class poetry
that rejected with scorn the radical
ism of the masses.
Established Churches preached
contentment in one’s station in life,
and while the newspapers emitted
articles, sound in tory principles,
the laureates hired by the Crown,
threw a glamor of romance upon
the most reactionary and tyranni
cal of principles.
In vain one of them mourned upon
the defection of the noblest:
"Just for a handful of silver hr
left us—
Just for a ribbon to stick in his
coat”—
there were many to follow in the
steps of the loyallct seceders, who
sacrificed liberalism to get a pen
sion.
Thus, too, when genius did ap
pear upon the scene to magnify th-?
achievements of Toryism, that wa3
hailed as the greatest of Intellects,
and there was really a time when
the people of Great Britain left un
read the poetry of Browning and of
Swinburne to gloat in ecstasy upon
the reactionary imperialism of
Tennyson the Tory.
And when Tennyson died and
they sought around for successor
to the laureatesh’.p, they selected
him from amid a crowd of minor
poets in the person of Alfred Austin,
who wrote perhaps finer bathos than
any of his contemporarloc.
How a man like Swinburne was
passed over—one of the realy great
poets of the age, is to be explained
only by the man’s radicalism and
his paganism.
How could a people with a non
conformist conscience, or an Estab
lished Church with hell fire or.
cetera as one of its most important
accessories in maintaining tithes,
tolerate a man as laureate who fore*
saw such a reason for thanks in the
afterworld:
"For too much love o£ living;
From hope and fear set free—
We thank with brief thanksgiving
Whatever Gods there be
That no life lives for ever;
That dead men rise up never;
That even the weariest river
Winds somewhere safe to sea.
Then sun nor star shall wakin
Nor any change of light;
Nor sound of waters shaken
Nor any sound or sight;
Nor wintry leaves or vernal
Nor days, nor things diurnal:
Only the sleep eternal
In an eternal night.”
Here was one who sought in Gar
dens of Proserpine, surcease from
the terrific evils that capitalism
hurled upon society, and who de
scribed, not darkly that too ninth
love of living had in itself bee 1 the
means whereby those who could en
;oy it, hud in bondage those who
secured it fc* them, and were de
nied it themselves.
.And it is a fact that throughout
the history of the times, we dis
cover this same tendency in all na
tions. The favored or the privileged
iu all countries assert the right to
-make laws, to execute them, to in
terpret them, and the persistent ef
fort is to compel the masses to ac
cept tlieir right not so much based
upon that which they received from
the laws or from their titles or from
their social position or by reason
of their wealth but upon the vague
metaphysical superstition of super
iority inherent in all of these And
the masses have been taught to
venerate them for the wealth th"
had, the positions they hold, the
fathers who reared them while the
material basis of their superiority
depended upon their ability to denjf
or allow to the masses access to
the means of existence, which rights
of ownership of the means of pro
duction and distribution conferred
upon them by legal sanction.
But we now see that when great
emergencies arise, the measure of
a people’s success depends not
upon able leadership and brilliancy
in individuals. It depends not upon
the power of an hereditary Moses,
or the ability of a temporary Napo
leon; but upon the collective solid
arity of the nation, upon the sup
port extended the collective organi
zation’s plans by the individuals
which composed society.
Thus where the leaders ^ge left
to their own devices, and planned
many and diverse schemes to com
bat the perfect collective organiza
tion of a well planned military ma
chine, we see those plans fall in
hopeless chaos: monuments of en
during official stupidity and indi
vidual folly. We see them today
as we read of them hundreds of
years ago; revealing the secret that
infinite collective effort and infinite
individual perseverance a'e neces
sary to success, and that the indi
vidual mind is unable to cot e with
the sagacity of collective action:
that, in fine, two heads are better
than one and that the only reason
why a few can persistently rule and
enforce their ruling is because they
have persuaded the masses that
those are unfit to do so. Thus sowing
the seeds of lack of confidence in
the subordinate, they have thrust
deep a poison within tho solidarity
of the masses, and dividing and rul
ing have become an accomplished
fact. None the less this war is
showing how far is individual
stupidity compatible with the great
est wealth and the highest station,
it is revealing the might of collec
tive efficiency. It is demonstrating
that without systematic organiza
tion of collective action success is
impossible and that as a last resort
those who have been the rejected
and the slighted are appealed to
for their support as upon them, de
pends entirely the final successful
outcome.
This lesson will not be loct upon
the masses anywhere, and will re
new upon the more direct economic
field the confidence in solidarity and
the faith in the future which is the
only earnest of final achievement.
Confidence and perseverance and
solidarity: With these the working
classes can achieve anything. With
out them, the search for and dis
covery of a Moses will have been
performed in vain.
GET THE NEWS RIGHT. BEAR
THE WORKER.
PROFESSIONAL CARR.
Dr. A. F. Heimlich
PHYSICIAN A SURGEON.
Office & Residence:
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Phone: Ray or Night Main 88.
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