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•+, Nome Mine Workers’ Union. No. 240. Western Federation of Miners.
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Address all Communications to Dally Nome Industrial Worker,
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Bntered as second class matter March 1, 1911, at the post office at
Some, AlasKa, under the Act of March 8, 1879.
Nome, Alaska, February 2, 1016.
The statement by President Wil
son at Milwaukee that the muni
t.iouists did not start the prepara
tionist. policy of the administration
may be true as far as President
Wilson is concerned, but they cer
tainly started it in the United
States, and reflecting that agitation,
and unquestionably in some degree
influenced by it, whatever may have
been the other influences at work, It
lias become adopted as part of the
administration policy.
Long indeed before President
Wilson succumbed to the demand
for national defense along the line
of the preparationists, tho Navy
league and the National Security
l<eague, all directly or indirectly in
spired by the munitionists to a
greater or less degree, have been
agitating along tho lin s which Wil
son is following, and with even an
intenser vigor than is characteristic
of the president's remarkable atti
tude.
It’s not very leng ago since in his
remarkable Philadelphia speech,
Wilson opined that the country
should be too proud to light, and
that the duellists code of honor had
no place in a national policy; yet in
his latent message we find Wilson
himself awed by the menace cf na
tions which are not too proud to
tight; which will v fight whenever
arid wherever that tight promises
to be a winning one.
The foreign war did not wholly
influence Wilson. Purely, it. i* quite
clear that where it did, it was be
cause it revealed to him the correct
ness of the munitionists’ arguments.
Besides, this )ias to be said, pre
paredness us now urged is a muni
tionist program. It is suggested
by munitionists meetings that the
time will come when the European
war is over and orders must come
to the factories from some other
source. They say why not from the
United States and they have bean
working might and main to effect
just this.
Moreover also, it cannot have been
overlooked that the suggestion that
munition making should be taken
up by the government is answered
by tlie very patriotic* societies that
advocate preparation vflth an em
phatic no. They decline to let go
their grip upon the pri.!,t making
side of the industry, even for the
national good.
If President Wilson would con
voy the impression thet prepared
ness began with him, either he is
vory much at fault as to the great
agitation that has been prcctoding
for years in America, or he is mis
• leading the people. There hasn't
been a great dally deveted to the in
terests but has been persistently
urging a bigger navy and a bigger
army for years, but especially a big
ger navy. Even the comic papers
matje light of the national defense
as so much junk, trying to force
this preparedness idea upon the
people. Moreover President Wilson
himself knews that this agitation
has been bearing fruit for the pasi
ton years and that gradually the
expenditures for army and navy
have boon growing year by year itn
til tho increase in ten years is an
enormous amount.
Now that agitation was not car
ried on by the people. Before this
war in Europe started they didn'i
give a whoop in Hades as to a wai
possibility except (with Japan. And
oven that only half heartcdly and
along the Pacific Coast.
Why all this change? It didn'i
begin with Wilson. It did begin
with the munitionlsts. They have
been activoly urging , more arms
more munitions, more mon,' more
ships, more guns, more flying ma
( chines, greater military;. ancT hava
efficiency. They tpj^tho war tr
' Europe- and• twistgd tty,yaefs to sui
their arguments. They did thli
tirelessly and restlessly and witt
unflagging energy. Thoy affcctet
the press, the pulpit—yes, and ap
pealed directly to the reverends t<
assist them—the legislatures, th<
public platform. In and out of
Congress their voices were heard
loud in the land and they did un
questionably finally affect the policy
of Wilson.
Nothing has transpired in the
war rocontly to compel Wilson in
his third year of office to swerve
from the pacific path which ho had
mapped out. It is not evident that,
any action by any of the belliger
ents since the last session of Con
gress should have compelled the
President to a change of view. On
the contrary if anything events
have occurred which showed the
advisability of a sternly neutral and
a sternly pacific policy if this coun
try is not to bo involved in a war.
If the United States had an army
of a million men and a navy super
oxcellont to all others, the United
States long ago would have invaded
Mexico and shed the blood of thou
sands. The United States would
have by this time been up to its
ears and eyes in the war in Eu
rope.
But preparing for a neu‘ral and
a pacific attitude, the United States
has remained neutral and pacific
and that's the long and the short
of it. It may however very well be
that this is repugnant to Wilson. It
may vary well be that#ever and
anon lie longed for somewhat
more powerful than rhetoric when
sending a note to Germany or Great
Britain or to Mexico. It may very
well bo that ho was anxious enough
after sending his “strong" notes
lest the country receiving them
come to the conclusion that .they
were simply bluffing and would call
the turn.
It so, thers is no reason, why the
country shouldn't know that. It
the President of the United States
feels that there is more ir. the Big
Stick policy of Roosevelt than he
admits, there Is no reason why it
should bo Indicated or hinted only
by dUcroet admissions regarding
the danger of un-preparedness.
Above all things now this is the
time to take the people into the
confidence of the government, so
that they as well as the administra
tion might well know where they
are at.
If President Wilson has finally
concluded that ether nations have
no sonso of justice, havo no Inclina
tion to abide by the accepted prin
cip'es of international law, have no
intention of rogard'.-g treaties and
solemn promises as aught else but
scraps of paper, c’.o now, end will
hereafter continue to, regard all in
ternational relations as utilitarian
purely, to be severed when policy sc
directs and when material gains
suggest it, that force, not honor
principle, mutua.l respect, equity
justice, is the inspiration of national
action, and without arms and met
and ships and war preparedness this
nation is as the just man faller
among lawless and bloodthirsty
thieves, surely secrecy as to this U
cowardly and dangerous.
The people ought to know if this
is so. They ought to understand
that our civilization is all a myth
They ought to know tnat there h
just one thing keeps nations in or
der, the policeman's club and tha'
the ideals which are followed an
the ideals of gain, and blood am
iron are the ruling forces in inter
national relations alwryc!
If so, and it has to be cdmlttec
that it may bo so, the sooner th<
people get ready to know when
they are at and act accordingly
the better. But there is no sensi
in parading the country with up
lifting phrases as to the purpose o
preparation, when as a matter o
hard fact preparedness moans tha
the Urflted gltr.tos has no intentioi
of being ,-tho. soft., spot rmong th
nationo, tha eagy pjark for all am
i sundry, extravagant of phrase etei;
••and' too.-proud to fight because un
able to da.so.,
Nov* there Is more In tha Roose
• velt doctrine of tha big stick that
> in the socialist doctrine of pacific
Ism. There’s not a nation in the
world which wouldn’t jump on top
bt the United States with both feet
well shod if it were to that nation's
material interest, and it could do so
successfully. There’s not a nation
if it thought it could get away with
it, but would declare war on the
United States tomorrow, if the
gains also were commensurate witn
the undertaking. And this is true
regardless of lofty principles of na
tional equity, mutu..l tributes of in
ternational respect, hereditary
friendships, treaties and other
scraps of paper.
This world, controlled by the Top
Capitalists, is a robbers’ roost, a
sanctimonious bunch of robbers it is
true, who would llko to blame the
other fellow as we observe by white
books, by red books, by blue books,
by green books and by c. mass of
literature all explaining clearly,
cogently and forcibly that the other
fellow started tho war.
Thore’s not a man does net know
that this world is governed by men
who have obtained control of their
nations by the exercise of fcrcc ana
they would not use it against othe ■
nations to extend that control. The
dear people riont count. The prole
tariat amounts not oven to a bill of
beans; nay they absord with avidity
tho ideas, of tho ruling class and
talk about their country and their
fatherland whore they haven’t had
as much as a 30d of ground to till,
or whereon of their own to lay their
heads.
And yet, it is because this world
Is so, because it made up of pre
datory forces, ready to pounce upon
the soft spots and to penetrate the
weak spots that preparationists can
discover their most forcible argu
ments.
That’s why one respects the
Rooscveltian candor that shouts
about the big stick and looks with
suspicion upon the up-lifting prin
ciples of Wilson which are fine
theories but only tend to conceal
the actual facts. Not ono clngte note
which has been rospectfuly roceivea ;
in Europe but was respectfully re
ceived because the nations receiving
it had more to lose than to gain
by an open break with the United
States. The pretense of‘interna
tional law was all poppycock. Ger
many had more to lose, Austria haa
more to lose, England and tho
llritish colonics had more to lose
and they all of them acquiesce, re
| luctantly, may be, but acquisced
' none the less in the American dfe
j mands. *
His position coupled with the ar
i guments of the munitionistn has
J beyond any manner of doubt there
- ”
!or driven' Wilson to preparedness.
Foil cannot blamo the munitlonists.
rhcy have just one object in life
md that is material gains: profits. ,
They would sell as cheerfully to
Uncle Sam as to the enemies oi
Uncle Sam. Why, when the United
3tatcs marines were fighting at
Vera Cruz, the American munition
sts were sending Huerta arms to
till the United States troops. They
lidn’t care. They had dividends to
pay and th§ coin came without
:aint as well from the caomies of
the United States as from America.
The Latin motto of filthy lucre
sould be fittingly inscribed ovor the
treasury of the munition makers,
ion olet. It doesn’t smell. It
loesn’t smell whether it comes from
widows tears, from the orphan’s
starvation, from the groans of the
wounded or the choking gasp of
ieath. Profit: that's their God.
rhat’s the idea of industrial activ
ity. That's the idea of war; of pa
triotism, of national policies of pre
paredness. It is the incentive, to
»rasp what the other follow Has; to
take if you have the power an 1
keep it if you c-n. It doesn’t begin
between the nations, it begins in
ind among the nations. It startB
it home in a policy of exploitation
which gives to him who hath a d
takes from him who hath not. it
rises to place of profit, of power,
of influence to control the nations,
to carry into international relations
the same covetous avarice which
nailed the labor to the cross and
which with the alchemy of a per
verted morality, turned the labor of
the orphan as the tears of the wi
dow Into refined gold.
It’s the system; the system that
prays to one loving God and with
uttered and hypocritical blashphemy
to the Prince of Peace while sacri
ficing to the God of hate who is God
of Battles. It’s the system with
its tainted civilization and Us p-r
verted moralities which begins it,
and, thank heaven, will one day end
it in ending itself.
at the old stand.
Now open Tot easiness, The
MERCHANT’S CAPE, serving as
usual the best meals in the best
style in Nome.
DAN HALPIN. Prop.
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at the Industrial Worker Office.
Satisfaction assured.
GET THE ivEWS RIGHT. REA 11 j
THE WORKER.
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