THE NOME DAILY NUGGET
GEO. S. MAYNARD, Editor
RUSSELL G. MAYNARD, Manager.
Published every evening except Sunday by The Nome
Publishing Company, Nome, Alaska.
Subscription Rates Payable In Advance.
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Entered in the Post Office in Nome as 2nd Class Matter
MEMBER OF ASSOCIATED PRESS
AMERICA AND BRITAIN
(Cincinnati Enquirer)
Hints of closer Anglo-American
co-operation have been numerous
in the last week or so. The spee
ches made by Secretary Cordell
Hull and Captain Anthony Eden,
British Foreign Secretary, recent
ly were obviously designed to of
fer a more solid front against the
dictatorships. The President’s
speech—that part of it relating to
■democracy and dictatorship—was
calculated to buttress this new
Anglo-American gesture.
A few days later the American
and British Governments protest
ed simultaneously, although not
jointly, against the bombing of
Nanking. Meantime, the United
States joined the League of Na
tions Advisory Committee for
Manchuria, indicating the possi
bility, at least, of a collective pol
icy with the British and other
league members in the Far East
ern crisis.
Two other hints were given.
One arose from talks at the Trea
sury Department between Secre- j
tary Morgenthau and the British
Undersecretary of the Exchequer,
suggesting closer monetary collo
boration. The other was Secre
tary Eden’s clear advocacy of an
Anglo-American tariff agreement,
hopes for which had nearly van
ished.
It is not to be expected that the
United States will risk involve
ment in war either to save her
own stake in China,or to stabilize
the chaotic situation in Europe.
But there is a possibility that
Washington will awaken to its
opportunity and add its weight
in the world’s councils to prevent
new aggressions by the dictator
ships. Such a diplomacy has re
latively few risks, and might go
a long way to restore general re
spect for international law in a
world too largely governed by
the bluffing tactics of reckless, ir
responsible dictators. In this the
British and American Govern
ments have a common interest &
a joint responsibility.
Hanging out the family wash
to dry is a simple problem to the
trailer housewife. If it rains they
move over into the next county.
On the corner of a block of
buildings is a restaurant, with the
flaming sign: “Never Closed.”
On the other corner a drug store
displays its motto: “Open All
Night.” Between the two, Lee
Wong has his modest laundry, j
Not to be out-done, he has an
electric sign that reads: “Me
Wakee Too.”
Riding through the lanes, a
motorcyclist met an old man and
asked him: “Where does this
road go to, guv’nor?”
“It doesn’t go anywhere," re
plied the old man. “I leaves it
here every night and it’s always !
here in the morning, sir.”
.. .
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I
America’s Foreign
Policy Hard One
(Continued From Page One)
estic political scene—a scene in
which he preferred to operate.
Wilson preached the “new free
dom”; Roosevelt upholds the
“New Dea'l”.
In 1914, the Balkan war was
freshly recorded on the pages of
j history—a sinister prelude of
what was to come. What can be
said today of the conquest of;
'Ethiopia, the Spanish civil war,
and the Sino-Japanese warfare
in the Orient?
Again nobody knows the an !
swer. As a matter of fact, when
1 we ask that question we come to |
: the end of possible similarities
between turbulent 1914 and eq-;
ually disturbed 1937.
The common props on the in-'
ternational stage in 1914 were im!
periai governments, the delicate
balance of power between the
central powers and the entente
of Europe, the "open door" in
China, the Monroe Doctrine in
the Americas, and so on, much;
as it was in Queen Victoria’s eta.'
But the war changed all that.,
Now we have a League of Na
tions. We have the labels of com
munism, fascism, and democracy
to mark off blocs of world pow
ers, and there’s no delicate bal
ance of power between them,
merely vague hostility and dist
rust.
We have a train of post war
treaties committing the influential
powers of the earth to national
policies of peace. And yet some
of the signers of those treaties are
actually at war without so much
as breaking off formal relations
with each other or formally de
claring hostilities.
And where does this confused
situation leave President Roose
velt in his announced desire to
fashion an American foreign pol
icy with peace as its keystone?
Treaties Broken
First of all Roosevelt was in'
Wilson’s cabinet as an assistant
secretary of the navy. He says
himself that he learned in Wil-j
son’s troubled day some of the1
things to do, and other things
“not to do.”
He knows:
1—America did not save thewor-l
I
Id lor democracy even though
she entered the world war to
attain that deal.
2— The League of Natons, as now
set up, may be a moral force
for peace, but it definitely has
failed to stop powerful states
bent on getting what they want
by force.
3— No important peace treaties
since the world war—the Kell
ogg-Briand pact, the Nine-Pow
er pact, the Four Power Paci- j
fic treaty, Locarno—has yet'
prevented some of the nations,
that signed them from taking j
up arms against each other. i
4— Most po9t-war international!
conferences have failed to put!
the world’s political and eco-;
nomical machinery in a sane;
balance.
5— The Versailles peace treaty!
ending the war did not alter,
human nature; it merely re
drewthe world map, and, some'
impartial observers think it is
a breeder of w'ar.
6— A revised Monroe doctrine'
which puts all American repub
lies on an even footing is the
topmost star in the American
plomatic crown.
7— The “open door” or trade in
China for all nations may or
may not be open the next time
we take hold of its latch.
Moral Boycott
Therefore the President has
turned to a new instrument—a
moral boycott against war-mak
ers. His state department has told
the League of Nations we are
willing to stand up with other
peace-loving nations and be count
ed for peace.
But neither the President nor
the state department has commit
ted us to a policy of fighting for
peace. Nor have they been will
ing to try to cut off the supplies
of warlike nations, that is, to
carry on an economic boycott.
An that means we are not
committed to use force against
any nation, and we won’t use it,
unless—well, it is anybody's guess
what would make us go to war.
“Been up in Maine hunting, eh?
Did you get a buck?”
“I got something worth sixty
bucks—at least, that’s what the
farmer charged me for the cow
I shot.’”
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