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September 17 li celebrated throughout the
United States as Constitution day, since it
was on that date in 1787 that the delegates
to the Constitutional convention in Philadel
phia finished their work and signed their
names to the document under which the
United States has been governed for 148
years. What manner of men were these
■'Fathers of the Republic”? What was their
preparation for their great work? Under
what circumstances did they bring Into ex
istence one of the most important charters
of government in all history? What did
they think of the fruits of their labor after
they had finished?
These and other questions which naturally
come to mind as we celebrate Constitution
day are answered in this article.
By ELMO SCOTT WATSON
mT WAS hot In Philadelphia that sum
mer of 1787—one of the hottest the
little city had ever known. And of
all Its 20,000 inhabitants none sttf
fered more discomfort than a little
group of 40 or 50 men who gathered
every day In a small room In the
State house and sweltering there be
hind closed windows and closed doors
wrestled with the tremendous task
of saving a new nation from chaos.
For Indeed the fortunes of the
United States of America had about reached
their lowest ebb. Only 15 members, represent
ing seven states, were attending the sessions of
the Continental congress, which was making a
futile effort, under the authority given it by the
Articles of Confederation, to function as a gov
erning body. Measure after measure was pro
posed in congress to provide funds for govern
ment expenses but most of these failed for lack
of the necessary nine votes. Even when the
bills were passed the states treated the demands
upon them for funds with the greatest indiffer
ence. In fact, a more appropriate name for the
nation at that time would have been the Dis
united States of America.
The soldiers of the disbanded army which had
won the fight for freedom from England were
unpaid and in an ugly mood. They wanted their
money, long overdue, and large numbers of them
camped outside the city and began threatening
to stone the building where the congress was
meeting unless their demands were met. Pres
ently the situation became sio threatening that
the congress had to flee from Philadelphia to
Princeton, N. J„ where it sat for a while, then
went on to New York.
From New York the congrress authorized the
holding of a constitutional convention and called
on the states to send delegates to such a meeting
In Philadelphia “to take into consideration the
situation of the United States, to revise the Arti
cles of Confederation and to devise such further
provisions as should appear to them necessary
to render the Constitution of the federal gov
ernment adequate to the exigencies of the
Union.” Each state could send as many dele
gates as it pleased, since each was to have but
one collective vote.
Of all the states only Rhode Island, which had
been at odds with the federal government almost
from the beginning, refused to send any dele
gates at all and, consistent with its attitude, It
was the last to ratify the Constitution after one
was finally adopted. New Hampshire was in
favor of the meeting but because of lack of
funds Its delegates did not arrive until the con
vention was well under way.
Altogether 72 of the lending citizens of the 13
states were nceredlted ns delegates although
some of them failed or refused to go. Outstand
ing among the latter was Patrick Henry, the
fiery orator of the Revolution, who was sus
picious of the purposes of the convention. Or,
as he phrased it, "I smelt a rat!” Of the 72 ac
credited delegates, 55 took part in the delibera
tions of the convention at one time or another
but only 39 stayed on the Job until the end.
They were the following:
CONNECTICUT—Roger Sherman and William
S. Johnson.
DELAWARE—Richard Bassett, Gunning Red
ford, Jr., Jacob Broom, John Dickinson and
George Rend.
GEORGIA—Abraham Baldwin and William
Few.
MARYLAND—Daniel Carroll, Daniel Jenifer
and James McHenry.
MASSACHUSETTS—Nathaniel Gorman and
Rufus King.
NEW HAMPSHIRE—Nicholas Gilman and
John Lnngdon.
NEW JERSEY—David lireasley, Jonathnn
Dayton, William Livingston and William Pat
terson.
NEW YORK—Alexander Hamilton.
NORTH CAROLINA—William Blount, Richard
D. Spaight and Hugh Williamson.
PENNSYLVANIA —George Clymer, Thomas
ilTUslinmons, Benjamin Franklin, Jared Inger
(?&rnuUy Jl'U oAUyOru
i/llmLmdjuv Jdarrultoru
soil, Thomas Mifflin, Gouverneur Morris, Robert
Morris and James Wilson.
SOUTH CAROLINA—Pierce Butler, Charles
Pinckney, Charles C. Pinckney and John Rud
ledge.
VIRGINIA—John Blair. James Madison and
George Washington.
Of this number more than half, 21, were law
yers. Six are classified as "statesmen,” three
were farmers, landowners or planters, three were
merchants, two bankers or "financiers,” one an
educator, two physicinns and one a soldier. Most
of them were well educated. Nine of them had
studied in the Inner Temple or the Middle Tem
ple in England, one at Oxford under Blackstone
and two in Scottish universities. Half of the
delegates were graduates of American or Euro
pean colleges, three were professors and one,
Dr. William S. Johnson, was president of Colum
bia college, on leave of absence to act as dele
gnte from Connecticut,
Moreover It was n convention ot young men.
The patriarch Benjamin Franklin was then
eighty-one years old, but 20 ot the 55 were un
der forty years of age. Jonathan Dayton of New
Jersey was the “baby" of the convention—only
twenty seven years old. Charles Pinckney, who
submitted the first draft of the Constitution, was
only two years his elder. Alexander Hamilton
of New York, destined to play n leading role In
tlie convention but n more Important one In se
curing the ratification of the Constitution, was
barely thirty, and James Madison, who would
become known as the "Father of the Constitu
tion," was thirty-six.
John Marshall, then only thirty-two years old,
was not a delegate to the convention. But be
cause of his part In securing the ratification of
the Constitution and the work he did as chief
Justice of the United States later in Interpreting
It and strengthening the federal foundations of
the government by means of It, he is entitled to
a high place among the "Makers of the Constitu
tion.”
The date set for the opening of the convention
was the second Monday In May. The roads of
that time were poor nncl travel was expensive
and slow, so It wns not until two weeks later
that the first meeting was held.
The convention met formally for the first time
on Friday, May 25, although only a few more
than half the delegates had arrived by that time.
Seven states were represented at this meeting,
according to one authority ; according to another,
there were nine. Whatever the number, those
present got down to business at once by electing
a presiding officer, benjamin Franklin, because
of his age and the fnct that this was ills home
city, was the logical choice for this position but
he graciously waived that honor and suggested
the choice of George Washington, the late com
mander in the struggle for liberty.
Washington’s election was unanimous and he
presided throughout the convention with his
usual dignity. Ills cluiir was on a raised plat
form and It was a rule of the sessions that the
members should stand at their places, upon ad
journing, until he had preceded them from the
room. Occasionally the great Virginian yielded
the chair and took the floor as a Virginia dele
gate to express Ids views on the question at
issue.
On Monday, May 28, the convention entered
upon the business for which It had been called
and from that time until September 17 these men
struggled dally with their great task in that
stuffy room In the old State house, suffering ter
ribly from the heat and—It must be admitted!—
also suffering from weariness with the long
speeches of some of the delegates. One of them
actually spread his speech over a period of two
days, to the disgust of his audience, and while
others were not so long-winded ns he, they made
up for It by the frequency with which they spoke.
Debate, argument, controversy, bitterness over
clashing personalities and viewpoints—all of
these characterized the convention which finally
produced the Constitution of the United States.
Nor was the sultry weather conducive to seren
ity and Judicial consideration of momentous
problems. More than once the convention threat
ened to break up and if it had It might have
meant the end of the federal union. But more
than once wise old Ben Franklin acted as peace
maker and saved the situation.
Once he tided the convention over a deadlock
by suggesting that the delegates seek guidance
in prayer. This brought from Hamilton the
caustic remark that "no foreign aid was needed,”
a remark that was something of a fling at Frank
lin's well-known fondness for the French. When
another crisis came Franklin suggested a tem
porary adjournment and along with the recess
came a proverbial drop in the temperature In
which tempers cooled both literally and figura
tively.
The greater part of the controversy revolved
around three principal plans of government—
the Virginia plan, sponsored by Madison, which
safeguarded the rights of the states; the New
York plan, sponsored hy Hamilton, which looked
to a strong centralized federal government; and
the New Jersey plan, which was In the nature
of a compromise between the two. Eventually
the substance of the Virginia plan, with Its 15
“resolutions’’ expanded to 23, won out
On July 26 the convention turned over the
Job of mnking a final draft of the complete Con
stitution to a "committee on detail” and ad
journed until August 26. While doing this the
committee embodied some suggestions of Its own
In the document. Then the delegates returned
to their labors, studying and debating every line
and every sentence with the greatest care, fixing
exact definitions wherever necessary, making
alterations and compromising differences In
phraseology. Finally It was turned over to a
“committee on style" which polished up the
phraseology. Out of that committee, headed by
Gouverneur Morris, came the sonorous “We, the
People of the United States, In order to form a
more perfect union, etc.”
Later the final draft of the Constitution was
gone over again for there were still delegates
opposed to one or another aspect of it Indeed
there were some who refused to be satisfied with
It and who refused to sign it.
Gouverneur Morris won over several obstinate
members with his suggestion that the delegates
approve the Constitution ns states even though
they personally refused to sig'n It and at last all
those present except Gerry, Mason and Randolph
signed. Despite the fact that their great task
was ended the delegates adjourned in gloom and
with a feeling of doubt as to the outcome. Not
even the words of Benjamin Franklin, ns the
last members were signing, could entirely reas
sure them. Tolntlng to the sun that was painted
on the hack of the president’s chair, he said:
"I have often and often in the course of the ses
sions and the vicissitudes of my hopes and fears
as to Its issue looked at that behind the presi
dent without being aide to tell whether It was
rising or setting. But now at length I have the
happiness to know that It was a rising and not
a setting sun.”
And history Justified Franklin’s prophecy. For
from that dute 148 years ago a new sun in ths
constellation of nations has been rising steadily
to its zenith. Its name is the United States ol
America.
Cl Western Newspaper Union.
“Gorgeous Georgios” May Reign Again
By WILLIAM C. UTLEY
TO BIO or not to be a mon
archy—that is the question
which, unless some alteration
arises in present plans, will
be put to a vote of the people of
Greece (luring the last days of this
coming September. From the Indi
cations of recent political activity
under the shadow of the Acropolis,
it seems not at all Impossible that
the nation whose tongue gave us
the very word “democracy" will re
turn its young Danish king, now
deposed these twelve years, to his
traditionally shaky throne.
Premier Panayotl Tsaldaris, the
royalist head of Greece's republican
government, may effect a postpone
ment of the plebiscite If he thinks
that the sedative of time has not
yet had sufficient effect upon the
unrest of the people following the
disturbances of recent months.
Wlille the rebels who kicked up
such a fuss In the eleven days’ civil
war this spring have been re
strained from actually taking up
arms for a while, their numbers
make up a large minority bloc, and
with the antagonism of defeat still
rankling In their breasts, they might
hardly be expected to approach the
polls with open and unbiased mind.
However, a postponement of the
plebiscite, which was provided for
by a law passed by the Greek as
sembly In July, if it should occur,
would be only a short one.
So drastic a change in the gov
ernment as a replacement of the
king should not be decided by a
mere majority vote, even the roy
alists agree. Unless political con
ditions Improve within the next few
weeks, an overwhelming majority In
favor of the monnrchy seems hard
ly probable. Even King George II.
whose good looks and sportsman
nature have earned the nickname
of “Gorgeous Georglos," has been
quoted as saying that he does not
desire to resume his throne as a
result of any trick move on the
part of the royalist faction.
1 Gorgeous Georglos" may be pre
suming a little, even at that, for
there are not uncommon .rumors
that If Greece once more welcomes
n king it will not be he, but King
George V of England's youngest son,
the duke of Kent, who married
Georglos’ cousin Marina. Scandal
Is the reason. Georglos' wife, the
ex-queen Elizabeth, In early July
was granted a divorce by the Ru
manian Appeals court at Bucharest.
She charged the king with being
unfaithful. Greeks want a king who
has a kind and loving wife, such as
Marina. Marina Is the most popu
lar at home of all the members of
the Greek royal family.
Greece Gain* Freedom.
Throwing over the republic In fa
vor of n monarchy would be a move
of novelty In the course of the
world's events, but one consistent
with the turbulent trend of modern
Greek history. One of Its outstand
ing characteristics Is that It will
be the first such move in many
years to be effected without the dy
namic character of one Eleutherios
Venlzelos storming about on one
side or the other.
For Twentieth century Greek his
tory is largely the personal history
of Venlzelos, the '^father of the
Greek republic.” Glimpsed in his
seat of exile In Paris, the seventy
one-year-old ex-premier might well
he mistaken for George Bernard
Shaw. He has the same bald head,
the same pointed white beard and
the same twinkle In Ids eye.
Until 1821 Greece was a prov
ince in the Ottoman empire. In that
year there wns a revolt which even
the Terrible Turks failed to crush,
and In the following year a Greek
national assembly was formed and
a Constitution drafted. In 1825 the
Turks massacred enough Greeks to
bring doom to the new republic
Government troops assemble for action before ruins of Temple of
Zeus in Athens. Inset, left: King George II. Inset, right: Ex-Premier
Venizelos.
and would have quashed it. How- |
ever, mightier than the Turkish
sword was the pen of I.ord Byron,
and ns a result the sympathy of
other European powers was aroused
In favor of the trampled Greeks.
With the aid of England, France
and Russia, the Turks were driven
out and Greece was declared an In
dependent kingdom, with Otho of
Bavaria as its monarch.
Otho was not very sympathetic
with his Greek subjects and the
Greeks didn't care a lot about Otho,
so In 1802 they revolted and de
posed him. As his successor they
named the second son of the king
of Denmark, who became George I
of Greece.
Boundary settlements had left the
island of Crete a part of the Turk
ish empire, and in 1807 the Greeks
opened warfare with their former
rulers across the Aegean sea and
tried to get Crete back. They were
unsuccessful. In 1008 Cretans them
selves revolted and declared them
selves a part of the Grecian king
dom. They were led by Venizelos,
who by that time had becomeJJie
island's political boss and a real
force In Greece.
Cretan Springs Coup.
When Crete declared its union
with Greece, Athens sent an Incom
petent prince as minister to the is
lands. Venlzelists sent him scurry
ing back home. Venizelos would
have no prince who regarded Cret
ans as Ills subjects. Venizelos was
a republican.
lie decided that all Greece should
be a republic, went to Athens and
gained control of the government,
lie created a national assembly
which revised the constitution and
named him premier. In the first
Balkan war with Turkey Venizelos
took what is now some of the most
productive and valuable territory in
all Greece—Macedonia and the Ae
gean islands. He also doubled the
Grecian population.
When the World war came on,
the king, Constantine I, who was
a Dane, naturally was In sympathy
with the Germans. Venizelos wnnt
ed to maintain a neutrality favor
able to the allies.
Despite being held up as a traitor
by the Greek church, which Invoked
all manner of curses upon him, the
Cretan and his followers seceded
from the kingdom and caused the
abdication of the king.
Meanwhile the Turks had become
annoying again and Venlzelos was
forced to leave Athens to straighten
out that little matter. Upon his
return to Greece the people re
pudiated him and returned Con
stantine to the throne. The lat
ter's son, George II, followed him.
Another revolution and the Vene
zellsts knocked "Gorgeous Geor
glos" out from under Ills crown.
Venlzelos wns premier again.
Rebels Steal Navy.
Despite the gaining strength of
the royalists, Venizelos was elect
ed premier for another term In
1928. It was the eighth term.
His successor was the Incumbent
Tsaldarls, royalist nnd bitter Venl
zelnn political enemy. The stormy
genius of Crete decided last March
that Tsaldarls, who was believed to
have tried to restore the king in
1933, was getting ready for' another
monarchist attempt. It wns the
signal for another revolution.
Venizelos almost got away with
It again. A handful of rebels seized
the two most Important nnd potent
warships In the Greek navy, load
ed them with ammunition, nnd set
out to bombard royalism from the
sea.
At the same time another force
of Venlzelan converts in Macedonia
nnd Thrace, from which come the
crack Greek troops, the kilted Ev
zones, began to march upon Athens
from the north. They were met
by government soldiers under the
command of Gen. George Kondylls,
minister of war, who had had him
self appointed field marshal.
Short of ammunition nnd not suf
ficiently protected against the cold
weather, the Macedonians nnd
Thracians were stopped by the
heavy artillery nnd machine guns
of General Kondylls along the
hanks of the Struma river. When
the revolution was only eleven days
old they were completely routed
and their officers left in flight, for
the larger part on foot, across the
border to Bulgaria.
‘'Curtain" for Venizelos.
At sea. the Venizelists lost be
cause the government had airplanes
ami they had none. Bombs brought
about the surrender of the Averoff
and Helle, the two warships which
the revolutionists had confiscated.
Venizelos himself had planned
the revolution ns a bloodless one,
hoping to take the government by
bluff, surprise and confusing speed
of action. He did not want civil
war. With all of the shells that
were fired and the bombs dropped,
only 100 lives were lost. In fatali
ties it was Just another banana war.
In Greek political history it was
highly important. It marked the
end of Venizelos' real power. He
has had to tlee from his country,
where n reward of $9,500 awaits
any man who will assassinate him.
He went first to Kosos, then to
Rhodes, later on to Baris.
Most of Venizelos’ financial aid
came from the $15,000,000 fortune
of his second wife. Now the Greek
government has sealed seven of
their houses, one of which is in
Athens and Is reported to have a
library worth $5,000,000, prepara
tory to confiscation.
Political factions in Greece are
at present trying to estimate the
comparative strengths of the repub
licans and monarchists at the polls.
In an election last June, Tsaldaris
retained his office and his ticket
won 287 out of a possible 300 seats
In the chamber of deputies, which
is the only legislative body in
Greece now, the senate created by
Venizelos having been abolished
some time ago.
Royalist Strength Hidden.
While the Tsaldaris ticket Is
claimed to be neutral It is known
that the premier is a mild royalist,
and the contention Is that the 685,
673 votes which it pulled from
the 1,074,422 cast In June were In
large pnrt those of royalists who
were banking upon the govern
ment’s promise to conduct the
plebiscite in a fair and orderly
fashion In September.
A rather liberal estimate claims
that 170,000 Greeks, mostly Venl
zellst supporters, stayed away from
the polls and that this bloc will be
enough to beat the monarchy. An
Interesting sidelight on the election
was the fact that there were 94,140
votes cast for the Communist party,
more than ever before.
Tsaldarls recommends the draft
ing of a new document that will not
be so uncompromising that It has
to be thrown aside by revolutionary
methods every few years. It seeks
a better balance between legislative
and executive power. None of the
commission for revision favors an
absolute dictatorship ns a method
of relieving the chief executive
from the hamstringing of the cham
ber of deputies, but all of them be
lieve he should be given stronger
veto power and the power to set
aside certain provisions of the con
stitution during times of extreme
emergency.
The United States has whnt is
generally called a “presidential re
public.” France has a “parliamen
tary republic." Whnt Greece wants
is a sort of happy medium between
the two.
' Greek presidents today have vir
tually no power at all. The present
one's name Is Alexander Zalmis.
You've probably never heard of
him.
C Western Newspaper Union,