THE NOME NUGGET
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W. A. and EMILY BOUCHER.Editors
Entered as second class matter October 14, 1943, at the postoffif'**
at Nome. Alaska, under the Act of March 3, 1879.
Wednesday, August 6, 1947
Italy Stands \Vitii France
(New York Times)
ITALY NOW STANDS formally beside France as,
the second of the western democracies of Europe to ex
elude Communists from her Government. By a narrow
veto of 274 to 231 her Constituent Assembly has en
dorsed Premier de Gasperi’s fourth Cabinet, the first
since the liberation to contain no Communist Ministers.
From the North Sea to Africa there now stretches a
broad belt of nations opposed to Communist infiltration.
In Great Britain the Communists were never recog
nized. But France and Italy both accepted the Russian
Trojan horse. The results proved disastrous. Internal
confusion and dissention prevented the Governments1
from functioning and undermined the authority of state,1
successive crises could be met only with division and
weakness, and civil posts were gradually being filled
with Communist party members. France was the first
to throw off this paralyzing influence. There Premier
Ramadier. a middle-of-the-road Socialist, is waging a1
brave though difficult fight for French independence.
Italy has decided to follow the same road, perilous
though it may prove.
In many ways the position of Italy is more desperate!
than that of France. In France it is the Socialist party,
backed by heavy majorities of moderates and rightists
in the Assembly, which has challenged the Communists.
In Italy the Socialists are Communist allies and together
they form a formidable bloc. Premier de Gasperi re
ceives his latest mandate by a slim margin of only 451
votes. He may lose there when President de Nicola
leaves the presidency, as he is determined to do, and the
new government is confronted with the question of
whether or not to resign with him. Italy is even nearer
the verge of bankruptcy than France. The peace treaty
will leave her virtually defenseless, with armed parti
sans lurking in her northern mountains and a hostile.
Yugoslav army poised on her flank. As in France the
Communists have virtually complete control of labor
and de Gasperi can now expect the same rhythmic wave
of Communist-inspired strikes with which Ramadier
has been valiantly wrestling. Nevertheless, the Cabinet
will no longer be hamstrung. As one of the rightist Dep-:
uties pointed out, “Italy at last has a Government with a!
chance to govern.” How she uses that chance may de
cide the fate of Europe.
Europe's Recovery Needs
(Rocky Mountain News)
SECRETARY MARSHALL is right in emphasizing
that the initiative in developing plans for economic re
construction of Europe must come from Europe itself.
Nations seeking assistance in their recovery should
show first a disposition to help themselves. Co-opeVa
tive action is needed, and an economic federation of
Western Europe would be a good beginning. A pooling
of needs and resources is essential to the success of any
program seeking to establish a sound economy.
Moreover, the United States cannot afford to be put
in a position where it can be accused of attempting to
force its dollars upon any nation—and that certainly is
not our intention. Our resources are by no means un
limited. They should be used where they will do the
most good and be most appreciated.
It is unrealistic and misleading to consider Russia in
the general reconstruction picture, other than as a
strictly negative factor. Most of the Soviet’s satellie
states are in the same category.
This is unfortunate from a humanitarian standpoint.
With the exception of Czechoslovakia and Western Po
-THEY’RE XT THE POST
land, the areas under Russian domination are economi
cally the most backward in Europe. Their people great
ly need constructive help and can expect little from
Moscow. But until circumstance rescues these hapless
peoples from their present predicament, the western
world can do little for their relief.
Economic recovery for stricken Europe is secondary
to its communization, from the Soviet viewpoint, and
we have found that we can work with Russia only on
Russia’s terms.
Even the barest of Western Europe’s rehabilitation
needs will cost five billion to six billion dollars a year
for several years, according to the State Department’s
unofficial estimate. That is a lot of money, and we will
be expected to advance most of it.
Obviously, to the extent that we are able to meet the
demands upon us, we must insist that the bulk of our
funds be invested on a self liquidating basis. An irryme
diate requirement is an agreement on the part -of the
countries desiring assistance that they will work to
gether for the general good of all, and their approval of
a program to which each nation will contribute to its
maximum ability. And this individual participation
must be substantial if the resultant plan is to have the
favorable consideration of Congress.
One Man’s Opinion By Walter kiernan
Pittsburgh is experimenting with lady traffic cops.
— Every male driver is straightening his tie in antici
pation of being asked to pull over to the curb. . . . But
women should make good traffic cops. — They have
long experience in telling men when to slop. ... It’s just
going to be difficult to get accustomed to a cop who
shrieks, “Where do you think you’re going — to a fire
sale?” . . . But the fellow who blames all traffic tieupsj
on women drivers can now add the attractive cop on the!
corner to his maledictions. . . . British films are begin
ning to cut into Hollywood’s output — The boast now in j
London is that the sun never sets on J. Arthur Rank. . . .j
What Hollywood needs in this crisis is more performers1
who can speak broken English as well as the next Ox
ford man. . . . Some of those Britishers handle the
mother tongue as though it was the language of their
mother-in-law . . . The appeal of the British film is ob
viously in its mystery. — Whether drama, comedy or
musical, there’s that same mysterious dialog.
Headache In Java
A
While fighting was still going on
in isolated areas, botn ;n Java and
Sumatra, the Dutch troops appear
ed to have made short work of
the organized resistance put up by
forces of the Indonesian republic.
As a military operation, then the
campaign launched on July 22 can
be put down as a striking success.
As a political venture, however,
and the basic aims of the Dutch
authorities are political, the cam
By Barnet Nover
paign may prove something else
again.
In the first place, there is the
threat voiced by President Achmed
Soekarno of the Indonesian repub
ic that the struggle would con
tinue on a guerrilla basis.
So far few Indonesian soldiers
appeared to have been taken pris
oner. This suggests that they have
melted into the civilian popula
tion or fled to the jungle with the
intention of carrying on the fight
from there.
Should that happen, the Dutch
may be in for a prolonged, diffi
cut and costly struggle.
In the second place, by resorting
to force before they had exhaust
ed all peaceful means to settle
their differences with -he Indones
ian republic, the Dutch richtl" nr
wrongly, have antagonized public
opinion in Ind:n, Austrnfn, Great
Britain, the United States and
elsewhere.
• In condemnation of the Dutch
stand the clause in the Cheribon
agreement of Nov. 12, 1949, is
cited. There it is stipulated that in
the event of a dispute over the
terms of that pact outside media
tion be sought. Such mediation
was offered by the British govern
ment, but was rejected.
The Dutch contention is that
the chief obstacle that stoo ! in the
way of carrying out of the Hheri
bon agreement was one involving
a principle that they could not ar
bitrate.
That was the principle that dur
ing the interim period the coming
into being of the United States of
Indonesia on Jan. 1, 1949, the
maintenance of order in Java, Su
matra and Madura <the islands
that are to form part of the repub
lie of Indonesia) should be a joint
enterprise of the Dutch and the
Indonesians.
Soekarno opposed this demand.
He has insisted that the job of po
licing should be left entirely in the
hands of the Indonesian republic.
On May 27, 1947, negotiations
were broken off by the Dutch.
Sporadic civil war. ending the
truce made the previous October,
broke out anew. Finally, having
completely lost patience with Soe
karno and his henchmen. the
Dutch decided to use military
means to enforce their views.
On the other hand, it would be a
cardinal error for Americans to
assume that Achmed Soekarno is
a Javanese George Washington, a
knight in shining armor, without
fear and without reproach.
It may be too much to say that
he played the role of a quisling.
His basic loyalties were undoubt
edly Javanese rather than Japan
ese. He was prompted, no doubt,
by nationalist sentiments rather
than by any desire to play the
game of the occupying power.
Nonetheless, he did play the Jap
anese game by making himself
the mouthpiece of violent o atribes
against the Allies, including the
United States.
The fact is that whiie it ;s, on
the surface, a one-sided statement
from a highly interest d source,
there is a good deal of tru*’. in
the Dutch contention that th * at
titude of the regkne dominated by
Soekarno has been one of “marked
truculence and political expan
sionism” and that it has manifest
ed some of the unpleasant aspects
of n totalitarian regime
It is obviously to the interests
not only of the Indonesians and
the Dutch but of the entire world
that the fighting should cease ai
promptly as possible. It is ais-> to
the interests of all concerned that
the liebrated and enlightened plan
of Indonesian federation proclaim
ed by the Dutch seventeen months
ago should be carried out.
Tn this particular a major re
sponsibility rests on the Nether
lands government and its agents
in the East Indies. A heavy re
sponsibility rests on the Indonesi
an nationalist leaders as wed. In
emphasizing the one it is well for
Americans not to forget the other.
Red goggles have been devel
oped so that eyes can be adapted
for night vision more quickly in a
lighted room than in darkness.