THE NOME NUGGET
Published Monday, Wednesday and Friday by The
NOME PUBLISHING CO.
Nome. Alaska
Telephone: Main 125 P. O. Box 618
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W. A. and EMILY BOUCHER...Editors
Entered as second class matter October 14, 1943, at the postoffice at
Nome, Alaska, under the Act of March 3, 1879. _
Monday, October 15, 1945
Tolerance: A Christian Grace and Democratic Virtue
By George R. Farnum
Assistant United States Attorney-General, 1927-30
Intolerance is a malignant social disease. It is wholly
at variance with practical Christian ethics. It is abso
lutely inconsistent with the fundamental principles and
the true spirit of democracy. It has no possible place in
American life. It plays a large part in the discords that
disrupt families. It stirs up bitterness between neigh
bors. It promotes strife in the community. It envenoms
public life. It poisons international relations.
Religious intolerance is an ugly thing. It spirtuaiiy
impoverishes every person in whose heart it dwells.
Nevertheless, far too many people who should know
better, whether from incurable tactlessness, persisting
prejudices, or some of the other perversities to which
human nature is heir, continue to do and say things that
are bound to keep alive its blighting spirit in our midst.
The other day I tuned in on the radio just in time to
catch the words of a clergyman, “The.—- religion
is the only true religion. It is the only religion that is
divine in its origin.” Most people who have any religion
worthy of the name may feel that way about their be
liefs. But to proclaim it publicly is quite another thing,
for to declare that one’s own religion is the only true
and divinely inspired one is tantamount to publishing
that all others are false and earthly.
Racial intolerance has played tragic havoc with the
peace of the world and a cruel role in the history of
civilization. At the present moment we are witnessing
a terrible recrudescence abroad of this devastating
scourge. Its repercussions are being felt amid the heter
ogeneous population of America, where in spite of our
high ideals and fair protestations, undue emphasis on
race has not been effectively eliminated from political,
business and social life. This is most apparent in cosmo
politan communities through whose gates have flowed
for many years successive tides of emigration from all
parts of the world.
Tolerance toward men ot all races, beiiet ana conai
tions is one of the cornerstones of the good life. Its pos
session is the mark of an enlightened community, and
of an educated and cultured individual. It reflects high
regard for all the potentialities of truth. It exalts frank
respect for freedom of individual conscience and exem
plifies the charity which has been called greater even
than faith and hope. . . _.
—Condensed from Living Tissue
the future and labor
(Cincinnati Enquirer)
Labor, its annual holiday over, faces a year packed
with possibilities—and responsibiltiies. Never in the
world’s history have labor organizations held so much
Oower; never have they been more important in the
success or failure of our economy. Over the last decade
labor has assumed a key position, and with that posi
tion has come a great maze of duties many of which
lb the past rested primarily on the shoulders of man
agemerit. . . . .
For planning production and maintaining employ
ment a generation ago, management was almost entire
iy responsible. There was no other organized agency or
-roup which could act in that position. But today pow
erful unions, assisted by government offices which labor
has sponsored, have a large part in economic planning.
And, if economic troubles develop, they must accept
their share of the blame.
Most of the gains which labor has made can work to
tv,„ 0f tfco nation, nrovided labor organizations
THE PUfHOMENAl tfWPWTH OP THE EMm-POTTlP PAPy
grow in responsibility as rapidly as they expand in
power. Unfortunately, this hasn’t been the case in many
past instances, and difficulties have arisen. There are
promises, however, that the future may see improve
ment.
If labor will realize that there are fields in which
management must remain supreme, then America’s
productive machinery will run smoothly. But if labor
insists—as it sometimes does—that it knows more about
management than management knows, then the wheels
will cease to turn; unemployment and depression will
result.
To be fair, we must argue—and we do—that busi
ness leaders follow the same principle. Capital’s inter
ference in affairs which are strictly the affairs of labor
is definitely out of the picture in these modern times.
Any industrialist who feels that he will again see the
day when he can dictate such policies is -living in a
fool’s paradise.
Cooperation has been the watchword during the war,
and it should continue as our economic battle cry.
Working together, each in its own field, capital and
labor can bring Ajnerica into its greatest generation
of prosperity, enterprise and happiness. This period of
reconversion, we feel, is an excellent time for a new
appraisal of responsibilities. If each of the great parties
to production will push his own wheel—and fix his
own tires when they go flat—the success of the United
States is assured.
»J fl Ci VI “i r f
VGEOROE S BENBOM
SMicyiAtkiMM
LIBERALISM
Back in America’s colonial days
before the Revolutionary war
when everybody was underprivi
leged, there were only three free
doms. Everybody had a right to
work hard, save as much as he
could of his earnings, and use his
head as profitably as possible in
business. If you have a taste for
long words you might call the
three freedoms industry, frugality,
and ingenuity.
Politics in those days were all
full of rich-man vs. poor-man
problems, same as now. They
were, to be sure, better
with pretty English, but the is
sues were about the same: What
will we have to work with? If we
do well, how much can we keep,
and how much will be taken by
the government? Government in
those days was the far away Eng
lish king, of course.
Lovars of Froodom
People who thought the king
ought to show more liberality
called themselves liberals. In the
ory the king owned the land. In
reality he held a tight rein over
his subjects. He taxed them plenty
and his subsidized buying concern
paid little enough for what they
produced. A liberal, in those days,
was a man who wanted govern
ment to loosen up a bit in favor
of the individual.
Affairs of the people were not
changed very much by the Revo
lution. Colonies changed into
states and new issues arose but
still there was an over-all govern
ment. In this over-all government
were people who had power-lust,
or else feared to trust the com
mon people w’th vital decisions.
“RECONVERSION” OF
SERIES E BONDS
It will be “United States Sav
ings Bonds, Series E” after cur
rent stocks of “War” Savings
3onds have been sold.
Secretary Vinson has approved
amendments to Treasury circulars
Governing the bonds to permit
“reconversion” of the E’s to peace
time sale. Mr. Vinson has ex
pressed the hope that there will
be a continuing large sale of Se
ries E bonds, and widespread
maintenance of the payroll sav
ings plan of purchase.
The Bureau of Engraving and
Printing already has begun pro
duction of bonds without the
“War” designation. However, it is
expected that existing stocks will
| supply most of the bonds needed
j for the coming Victory Drive.
The “War” designation was
dropped from Series F and G
bonds printed after December 1,
1942, when the Treasury deter
mined to place major emphasis on
the E’s as a war security; and in
order to provide a security ac
ceptable to certain groups con
scientiously opposed to participat
ing in war activities.
Opposed to these power-hungry
folk were the liberals, still plug
ging for personal liberty.
Liberals Won Out
The liberals were right. Time
has proved beyond a doubt that
people act better and live better
and make more progress materi
ally and spiritually when they
have more freedom. Since the
United States became a first-class
power in record time, the world’s
wealthiest and happiest people,
the word “liberal’ has been popu
lar here. A liberal, to us. is one
who wants the individual to be
free.
Through the same historic peri
ods America has had reactionar
ies. They were the people, in
colonial days, who wanted the
king to rule them. After the Rev
olution, the same element wanted
an iron-clad rule in Washington
—something like a dictator. Small
wonder that reactionaries have
always been unpopular in Amer
ica, people who howl against the
system and try to grab power for
themselves.
Try io Swap Labels
Reactionaries in America today
are smart. They have learned one
lesson well. They are very sure of
one thing: they have a bad name.
They know also that the word
“liberal” is an asset. Accordingly
they have adopted the term “lib
eralism” and call themselves lib
erals. This is the same political
element that supports more gov
ernment rules and less liberty for
individuals.
By the same strategy, this polit
ical element has begun to call peo
ple reactionaries who hold pre
cisely to the liberal teachings of
Thomas Jefferson. Don’t let any
body tell you that government
control of everything, and the de
struction of individual freedom
and opportunity, is the liberalism
that Americans think so highly of
—nor that it is liberalism at all.
It is a counterfeit road sign de
signed to misdirect American
thinking away from the ways of
freedom.