THE NOME NUGGET
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W.~A. and EMILY BOUCHER..^Editors
Entered as second class matter October 14, 1943, at the postoffice at
Nome, Alaska, under the Act of March 3, 1879._ ^
Monday, October 8, 1945
Russian “Power Politics”
(Seattle Post-Intelligencer)
The council of foreign ministers at London, which
Secretary of State Byrnes attended as our representa
tive, must be “written off as one of the most dismal
failures in recent history.
It began as a “peace conference'’ among the five lead
ing powers—the United States, Great Britain, Soviet
Russia, France and China.
It ended in a kind of international brawl among the
“Big Three” of Potsdam.
Soviet Russia was insistently obdurate and obstruc
tive.
By reneging on an agreement which he had made.
Commissar Molotov7 had France and China excluded
from any European treaty settlements and even from
the final discussions of the council itself.
This action deprived Great Britain and the United
States of French and Chinese moral support on issues
involving Russian “interests.
Other Russian maneuvers were interpreted in Lon
don as intended to eliminate America from European
affairs and to extend Russian “influence” in the Medi
terranean.
The future alignment in Europe will now be Moscow
against London, with Germany conquered, with France
demilitarized with Italy helpless and with Russia dom
inating the continent through her satellite Communist
states and accumulating naval strength in the warm
seas through which the lifeline of the Biitish Empire
runs. :
Moreover, Russia has also prepared to play herseit
against the United States on the other side of the world.
There was Molotov’s sudden demand at London that
an Allied commission, with Soviet Russia as a member,
supplant General MacArthur in Tokyo.
And Russia has already obtained Manchuria, half of
Korea and all of the Kuriles from conquered Japan.
So it was surely no accident that, while the London
council was bickering into its final hours, Soviet censor
Ship permitted the following dispatch to come out of
Russia:
“MOSCOW, Oct. 1—(Ar)—rravda said editori
ally that the times ‘have gone forever’ when affairs
in the Pacific can be settled without the participa
tion of Soviet Russia.”
Equally significant may have been the announce
ment, as the London council helplessly adjourned, that
Marshal Zukhoff’s projected visit to the United States
had been postponed. _
It is more than reasonable to say, therefore, that Sov
iet Russia’s “power politics” destroyed any purpose or
any usefulness that the London council of foreign min
isters might have had.
And “power politics” does not make for world peace.
In large part, the Russian policy succeeded because
tiie London conference operated according to the meth
ods of the old clandestine diplomacy.
The press of the world was not admitted to its ses
sions. , A ... . .
Imputing much of the American failure to this single
cause, Mr. Herbert L. Matthews reports in a dispacth to
the New York Times:
“If ever the muzzling of the press proved a boom
erang it is surely now in the United States, where for
most readers the failure of the conference will come
as a shock whose reasons they cannot understand.
“The secrecy and refusal of the American delega
tion to permit anything to get out if they could help it
prevented even the most industrious correspondents
from properly presenting American viewpoints,
American ideas and American ideals at this coun
cil . . .
“Had American correspondents been able to keep
opinion at home fully informed of American attempts
to stand up for our ideals and to oppose what we felt
to be wrong our delegations could at least have gone
home knowing that the people understood their dif
ficulties and appreciated their efforts.
“It is hard to believe that they would have been
blamed much, except for their lack of preparation.”
COHTROC IS etStHTlAl
m i
ATOM ,
L
FROM "V" TO "E"
The indicator that points 'o Te
rnary objectives on Uncle Sam’s
dial moved, August 12, from Vic
tory to Employment. Correctly
this nation’s first aim from De
cember 7, 1941. *o V-J Day was to
win the war and save the world’s
free peoples from despotic rule:
worth all it cost in blood, sweat
and tears. Now that’s finished,
and the new primary objective is
to hold what’s been gained.
Damages have been fearful.
Some never can be repaired; some
1 can. There are twisted minds and
broken hearts, wounds to heal and
debts to pay. Those losses that can
be won back will demand much
v,at would overthrow the repub
l’C and destroy our very Ameri-j
can way of life. It is the one ca
tastrophe to be feared by the
whole people of America. War’s
end touched off much talk about
">ost-war legislation but all of it is
"datively unimportant except
t’me and patience. By their very
mature, they are deferred. But un-j
emoloyment is another aggressive
enemy, no* to be put off. We pro
vde work now or lose what our
young men bought with their
lives.
. Something to Avoid
Mass unemployment in this
r^untry might easily start a revo
lution among industrial workers,
| what has to do with gainful em
ployment.
* Legislative acts that merely
promise work to service men are
nothing but emotional brain
storms. Jobs have to pay their
own way to be worth having.
Since 15,000 men will lay down
arms every day for 14 months,
one of three things must happen:
*1» Private industry must expand
and make room for them, <2> Gov
"’’nment will make a big WPA for
them or Want will bring des
peration.
Good Tax Laws First
A hungrv and ou*ra"ed people
nish mob-like to dictatorship. An
'”-Biv-s7.e WPA marches with
slave-like steos to the same des
'ination Well paid iobs in private
industry with oonortnnitv for im
orovement and advancement con
sti'ute the only work fit for a free
people. It is the onlv solution
wo’-thv of America’s clean record.
Tod”strv must expand and make
Jobs. It is *he only way to remain
free.
Only one thin? stands in the
wav—taxes! Expanding industry,
enough to make the needed jobs,
calls for investments which 'same
as jobs* have to pay. Today's
taxes, however, make it impossi
ble to find a paying investment
that will make jobs. The tax laws
were all right in 1940 when they
were passed to take the profits out
of war. Now they threaten to ruin
our future by taking 4he prosper
ity out of peace.
A Simple Tax Plan
It is my conviction that corpo
ration taxes and standard individ
ual taxes should be levied at the
same rate. I think the structure
should be high enough to meet the
requirements of the proposed bud
get without having any surtaxes
higher than 50%. For an investor
to pay out more than half his in
come in taxes will discourage
large investmnets—the very kind
needed.
With a few specific exceptions
I oppose excise taxes and consider
it wrong in principle to tax dis
tributed income of corporations
more than once. Excess profits tax
should be eliminated at once. A
fair tax policy, and certainly an
expedient one, will encourage cap
i al investments for profit in go
ing concerns rather than in gov
ernment bonds. We want the right
taxes for the most jobs.
(Figures based on wholesale prices for 35 commodi
ties, including representative industrials, foods, live
stock, grains, cotton, textiles, and non-ferrous mate
rials. Figures for 1926 equal 100.)