THE NOME NUGGET
Published Monday. Wednesday and Friday by The
NOME PUBLISHING CO.
Nome. Alaska
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W. A. and EMILY BOUCHER . ' .Editors
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Entered as second class matter October 14. 1943. at the postoffice
at Nome. Alaska, under the Act of March 3. 1879.
Friday, February 20, 1948
Gandhi
(Rocky Mountain News)
GANDHI GAVE HIS LIFE for peace.
He failed, as the world counts failure. His goal was
too high to be reached by any man. But perhaps in the
book of life it will be written that he succeeded in the
highest way given mortals to succeed. For, more than
any other in this or many generations, he inspired his
fellowment to strive for that perfect brotherhood.
For his death was glorious deliverance. Many times
he sought it in fasts for human reconciliation. Only a
short time ago the Hindu government modified its dis
pute with Pakistan to spare his life. Before that, in first
one city and then another, he had quieted bloody re
ligious riots by walking among them.
That he was finally assassinated is not strange. The
murderer’s bullet, itself, was an unholy tribute to his
spirtiual power. He was killed by a war fanatic because
he was the greatest force for peace.
If death brought victory to Gandhi the world would
rejoice. Instead, the mob passion, leashed a little by his
presence, have burst in new fury. His final act of for
giveness of his slayer is swallowed up by the waves of
revenge. i
But the sequel cannot yet be foreseen.
At least the assassin was a Hindu and not a Moslem.
The world can only hope that, after the first wild up
surge of madness in a grief-frenzied people, the memory,
of their leader may sober and strengthen them for a
peaceful end to the ancient Hindu-Moslem feud.
The world will hope for this, not only in humanitarian
sympathy for India’s 400 milions, but also because the
peace of many nations is involved. The effects of civil
war in India would be felt in the already turbulent Mid
dle East—in Palestine, in the oil countries and through
out that strategic area.
In India there is a Communist minority with leaders
trained in Russia to take advantage of just such inter
nal strife.
Because of the tense international situation an even
heavier world responsibility now rests upon the Indian
and Pakistan governments to find a peaceful settlement
within the United Nations, while maintaining order at
home. Gandhi can still help them.
I
I
Our Trouble In Germany
(By Jack Foster)
THE U. S. ARMY is being criticized for policy-bung
ling in Germany. We are not so sure the army is to
blame. Transfer of direct occupation control from the
army to the state department, now set for July 1, will
not alone solve the problem.
Certainly the transfer should be made. The Army is
neither trained nor equipped for the civil government
job; its proper function of policing occupied areas and
of providing American land defense is a full-time duty.
But the transfer has been delayed two years because
the state department was even less equipped to handle
the job. The pertinent question now is whether it will
be any better prepared by summer. Rumors that Gen
eral Clay may have to be asked to stay on as U. S. mili
tary governor there, or that Gen. Bedell Smith may be
shifted from our Moscow embassy, do not indicate an
over-supply of civilians for the post.
Basically, both policy and personnel weaknesses re
sult from the fact that our government in the past was
not charged with responsibility for ruling foreign coun
tries. On the personnel side, it never developed pro
consuls and never expected to do so. On the policy side,
responsibilities as the major world power were thrust
upon it so suddenly that our presidents, secretaries of
_STILL CARVMO ,
state, Congress foreign relations committees and attend
ant policy experts have been unprepared.
Under the circumstances and compared with the rec
ords of others—say of the British and French—America
has a fair batting average in making and applying for
eign policy.
That, however, does not relieve America of the neces
sity for a much higher future batting average, particu
larly as regards Germany.
No longer can we swing back and forth from Morgen
thau de-industrialization of Germany to creation of a
self-supporting Reich. We no longer can switch from
appeasement of Russia in Germany to defiance and
back again. Washington no longer can issue contradic
tory and fuzzy directives, leaving field officials to im
provise decisions which proper authorities at home fear
to make.
The President and secretary of state—after biparti
san consultation with Congressional leaders, and in liai
son with our closest allies^-must be able to formulate
policy with more clarity, speed and permanence. To
blame Soviet sabotage or German non-co-operation for
the present German mess is futile, because we should
have foreseen those obstacles and planned policy ac
cordingly.
More than two and a half years after the fighting
stopped, the United States still has no clear German pol
icy. There is still delay in accepting the implications of
the Soviet-made division of Germany, still indecision
on a new German currency, still evasion on the form
and powers of an interim West German quasi-govern
ment, still disagreement about the Ruhr. Yet the future
of all western Europe, and the Marshall Plan, hangs on
the policy answers to these questions.
So, even if the state department were perfectly pre
pared to take over civil administration of Germany
from the army, which it can’t be, any genuine progress
is unlikely until there is a firm long-term policy.
- - — -- —
Lone Wolf Tactics
(The Denver Post)
ONE DOES NOT HAVE to be conversant with all the
details of the French move to devalue the franc to un
derstand that the Paris government has embarked on a
dangerous course—dangerous to itself and potentially
dangerous to European recovery and the Bevin plan for
a western European bloc.
The french government, in defense of its action, ar
gues that the move was necessary to prevent the inter
nal economic collapse of the country. It argues too that
| the devaluation process merely recognized a reality—
that the official rate of exchange was a fiction.
The danger to the French internal economy of the de
I valuation lies in the fact that each move to . cheapen
money boosts prices, puts a new squeeze on persons liv
! ing on fixed incomes and undermines confidence in the
monetary system, thereby making labor less anxious to
work and produce, since work is to be paid for in a cur
#
rency of doubtful worth.
The French devaluation is rem
iniscent of the currency devalua
tion wars which broke out in Eu
rope during the depression—just
ahead of the political war. The
British view the French move
with alarm. The British, in their
efforts to rebuild their postwar
economy, have been relying on
austerity and sacrifice rather than
currency manipulation.
On behalf of the French it must
be said that the European recov
ery program as outlined by the
sixteen nations at Paris did con
template that each war-torn coun
try should try to stabilize its inter
nal economy and currency so that
all currencies might eventually t»e
convertible.
The French discussed their de
valuation with the international
monetary fund before taking final
action. Fundamentally, however,
the French have taken unilateral
action on a matter which vitally
affects all of Europe.
The creation of the international
monetary fund itself has been a
recognition by all the member na
tions, including France, that cur
rency stabilization is more than a
matter of domestic concern. No
economic order will come out of
the chaos of western Europe if in
dividual countries continue the
policy of juggling currencies to
gain temporary trade advantages.
That method must be junked in
favor of co-operative action to
evaluate all moneys at rates upon
which international trade can
■ rely.
That’s That
By BRUCE GUSTIN
Supremacy in the air is an abso
lute must for American security.
No gift of prophecy is needed to
know that when and if the United
States ever is attacked by a for
eign power, that attack will come
through the air. And if this coun
try is to be able to strike back in
self defense it must be able to
strike through the air. To be rea
sonably safe, the United States
should build up as rapidly as pos
(sible and maintain the most pow
erful air force in the world.
American air supremacy would
not menace the peace of the world.
On the contrary, it would be in
surance for peace. No country is
going to attack the United States,
; if it knows this country has the air
power for immediate and effective
retaliation. And as defense secre
' tary Forrestal has pointed out, de
mocracies never plan for war.
Other countries will understand
i perfectly that whatever military
preparations are made by the
United States are not for aggres
sion.
If we are going to have govern
* ment of the people, by the people^
land for the people in the United™
| States, then the federal govern
ment should take the public into
its confidence on the national se
curity situation. The President's
air policy commission has recom
mended that the American people
be kept fully informed on the mili
tary facts so they will know what
1 our defense needs! actually are and
why. It has proposed a practical
method for doing this.
Every two years, the President’s
commission urges, the President
should appoint a commission of
five civilians, who have no con
nection with the government, to
“review the military establish
ment and its adequacy in the light
of the then international military
and political situation." This com
1 mission would report to the Presi
dent who would be required to*
make its report public. Congress
should adopt this policy. A lot of