THE NOME NUGGET
Published Monday, Wednesday and Friday by The
NOME PUBLISHING CO.
Nome. Alaska
Telephone: Main 125 P. O. Box 618
S1.50 PER MONTH $16.00 A YEAR
W. A. and EMILY BOUCHER.Editor*
Entered as second class matter October 14, 1943, at the post off ice
at Nome. Alaska, under the Act of March 3, 1879.
Wednesday, August 27, 1947
War In Greece Declared International
(By W. H. Crawfurd Price)
(Mr. Price, veteran foreign correspondent and author
of numerous books, has just returned to England from a
two-month visit to Greece. The following is a portion of
a letter to his son, Allan Crawfurd, Denver advertising
man.)
IT IS ENTIRELY MISLEADING to describe the re
cent fighting in Greece as “civil war.” Fighting there
certainly was—and for that matter, still is; but the pic
ture of downtrodden democratic elements forced to take
up arms to defend themselves from political oppression
is completely erroneous. Opposition to the constitution
al government is limited to the south to bands of bri
gands who are profiting by the disturbed state of the
country. The left wing description of these rebels as a
“democratic army” is ridiculous. The strength of the
bands rarely exceeds 250 men.
In the north, however, the situation is much more se
rious. There the war is international. The guerrillas of
the Greek Communist party are operating under the or
der of Moscow, and are aided, reinforced and supplied
from Slav Communist sources in Yugoslavia and Bul
garia.
These bands fight in mountains where a few thousand
brigands can defy an army, and they usually operate
from bases on the Slav frontiers. When the chase be
comes too hot, they take refuge in alien territory where
they are re-formed and re-equipped. They number in all
some 12,000 to 15,000 men.
The immediate object of the third international is to
establish a Slav Communist republic (including Salon
ika) within the U.S.S.R. A similar republic, also under
Moscow, is planned for Istambul and the Straits. This,
of course, is just the old Pan-Slav idea which has domin
ated Russian policy (Czarist and Bolshevik alike) for
over a century; I have myself followed its activities
mainly through Bulgarian channels, for the past forty
years. Its realization would inevitably lead to the set
ting up of a Communist police state in Greece and in
volve Russian control of the eastern Mediterranean
basin.
The Greek Communists have made common cause
with this policy, which is, indeed, their only hope of at
taining power. As early as July 12, 1943, they agreed to
the establishment of a Balkan U.S.S.R. and Russian con
trol of the Straits, to the creation of a separate Mace
donian republic under the control of Russia, and to the
union of all Macedonia and'Thrace “within the lap of
Mother Slavia.” To this end they officially co-operated
with the Bulgarian, Yugoslav and Albanian bandits. Al
though their bands had been armed and financed by the
British military intelligence, they further agreed (Sept.
1, 1944) not to impede the German withdrawal from
Greece and to fight all groups who did so. In exchange,
the Germans handed over to them their heavy weapons
and war material. They therefore possess a large sup
ply of British, German and Italian arms.
This organization the Greek government is fighting
with insufficient and ill-equipped forces. They have
130,000 troops mobilized, and of these 30,000 are over
due for release. They require at least 160,000 trained
men. The men are available; the need is for training and
equipment, which it is hoped the Americans will supply.
In Greece today there are only Communists and anti
communists. The Communists represent a small and
diminishing minority drawn mainly from the larger in
dustrial centers. They are led by desperate men with
powerful backing. The peasants, who form the bulk of
the electorate, are small holders in their own right and
overwhelmingly loyal. They were the principal support
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ers of the dominant Populist party.
Such districts as are controlled by the Communists
are held down by sheer terrorism, and the joy of the in
j habitants when they are liberated by the army is elo
quent in its sincerity and enthusiasm.* In Athens and
such parts of the country as communications with the
capital exist, the people are prosperous and happy.
To the overwhelming majority of the Hellenes the
principles, policy and methods of Communism are tem
peramentally and politically repugnant. They see it at
work in their own land; they see it at work, also, across
their northern frontiers. For them it represents the ne
gation of democracy and the antithesis of Hellenism.
And they are frankly scared.
Tacoma Chamber Manager Reports
(By T. A. Stevenson, in “Tacoma Progress”)
THE ALASKA TOUR was the most profitable, best
timed in twenty years of “good-willing.” We found the
Alaska Steamship Company trying to ooze us out of
the Territory’s business by rate manipulations and
Alaska is all on our side. Alaska people were most
friendly. When you go to Fairbanks and you take or
chids, gardenias,, begonias, American Beauty roses,
fresh Royal Anne cherries, fresh raspberries—and you
pay the check for cocktails, you really surprise your
hosts and that is what we did.
•We asked for plain talk and got it. Now we are in
formed and shall make the most of our information.
Alaska, we were told, is suffering from absentee owner
ship, absentee government, absentee union control and
Western Alaska insists it is suffering from a steamship
monopoly.
Incidentally the Washington Travel Bureau (Jim
Kerr, Nels Hong) did an excellent job in arranging all
our transportation. And Charlie Wolf is an excellent
M. C. It must be mentioned also that Frank Johnson
“wowed” the Territory with his stories and the way he
told them.
Words Of Gen. Peron Sound Noble
- A
(By Barnet Never)
" It is more than a little ironic to
have Gen. Juan D. Peron pose as
the champion of justice, interna
tional co-operation and world
peace.
When the United States and the
overwhelming majority of the
other nations of the new world
were joined together in a death,
struggle against the Nazi, Fascist
and Japanese aggressors, Argen
tina remained aloof. No dictates of
abstract justice, no promptings of,
hemisphere solidarity moved her(
then.
The totalitarian leaders of Ar-|
gentina, among whom Peron was;
a prominent figure long before he
became president, were determined
that their country would sit out
the war and pursue, so far as pos
sible, a policy of “business as usu
al” with the Nazis and Fascists.
They showed no disposition to
carry out the pledges assumed by
all the American republics at tiie
Rio conference of 1942. They man
ifested no haste in living up to the
terms of the act of Chapultepec of
1945. It was only ver£ recently
that the last tardy measures were
taken by the Buenos Aires govern
ment to comply with its pledges.
In the meantime, democratic
rights in Argentina have been
trampled upon by Peron in the
months since he assumed power
there.
All this has not prevented Per
on from assuming at this time the
role of an apostle of peace in this
hemisphere and in the world.
In line with Peron’s new and
surprising role, the Argentine for
eign minister Juan Atilie Bra
muglia, recently addressed a letter
to Secretary of State Marshall
which the latter has now ans
wered.
If the profession of noble mo
tives and high aims could bring
about international peace and a
just world order the Bramugha
missive could be hailed as a great
document.
It is shot through with concern
for the plight of mankind. It urg
es a course which, if followed,
would undoubtedly bring peace
nearer at a time when, in actual
ity, peace is further away than
ever. No one can argue with its
premises of conclusions.
Certainly it would be a boon if.
as Bramuglia suggests, the peoples
and governments of the world
“work for internal and internation
al pacification;” if they “respect the
rights inherent to the human per
sonality;” and if in their relations
with one another they live up
to the principles of “mutual re
spect, juridical equality, obliga
tory arbitration . . . social jus
tice.”
The tragic history of our* times
proves anew, as all history dem
onstrates, that high professions
only have meaning when they re
flect a real determination to act.
On that basis Bramuglia’s elo
quent words are subject to ^ery
considerable discount. Argentina’s
record of international co-opera
tion has not been particularly bril
liant.
It is not being forgotten, for in
stance, that the South American
republic is the only one that has
defied the desires of the United
Nations and maintained its ambas
sador at Madrid. Nor is the fact
being lost to sight that at a time
when international co-operation
with respect to the world’s food
situation is absolutely imperative,
Argentina has played a lone wolf
and peculiarly selfish role.
There was. therefore, a measure
of politely concealed irony in Gen
eral Marshall’s reply to Bramuglia.
While welcoming the latter’s ex
pression of “the Argentine repub
lic’s high purpose” the secretary
of state took occasion to point out
to what an extent the United
States, for its part, has already
been carrying out the program so
e n t h u siastically advocated by
Buenos Aires.
Although he did not directly do
so, the implication to be drawn
from Marshall’s remarks was
clear: If Argentina means what it
says she will follow our example.
VESSEL MOVEMENTS
IN BERING SEA
The MS Reef Knot arrived in
Nome Roadstead Tuesday at 2:00
a.m. Unloading of the 1724 tons of
cargo was stopped during the
morning because of rough seas,
but was again resumed late in the
evening. The cargo consists of gen
eral merchandise, building mate
rials and petroleum products for
Nome, and about 1300 tons of gen
eral cargo for other Norton Sound
points.
The vessel is scheduled to sail
late Friday night or early Satur
day morning for Seattle.
The Terminal Knot, also owned
by the Alaska Steamship Com
pany, is stormbound at Kotzebue,
but is scheduled to arrive at
Nome September 1 southbound for
Seattle.