! THE NOME NUGGET
j Published Monday, Wednesday and Friday by The
, NOME PUBLISHING CO.
I Nome, Alaska
Telephone: Main 125 P. O. Box 618
W. A. and EMILY BOUCHER .Editors
i
l $1.50 PER MONTH $16.00 A YEAR
Entered as second class matter October 14, 1943, at the postoffice
at Nome, Alaska, under the Act of March 3, 1879.
Friday, January 30, 1948
Appeasement Obvious Goal Of Wallace
(By Barnet Nover)
THE POLITICAL DUST-BIN is crowded with the
debris of so-called third parties that flitted across the
stage of American history for a little while and then
disappeared.
There is no reason to believe that Henry Wallace’s
new “peace party” will meet with a different fate.
His recent speeches have revealed the former vice
president to be astonishingly—sometimes, one suspects
willfully—ifnorant of many things: Ignorant of the
world as it really is( ignorant of what the American
people are thinking, ignorant of Russian tactics, strat
egv and ambitions and their real meanings.
It is fair to point out that, when he announced his can
didacy, he made no claims of future success. His claims
as that stage were modest.
What he wants, he said, is to pile up a big “peace
vote.”
The bigger the vote, he declared, “the most definitely
the world will know that the United States is not behind
the bipartisan reactionary war policy which is dividing
the world into two armed camps and making inevitable
the day when American soldiers will be lying in their
arctic suits in the Russian snow.”
That figure of speech is, from a psychological point
of view, extraordinarily revealing.
It gives us a clue as to Wallace’s mind set. It suggests
as well, the type of campaign he intends to wage as a
candidate.
The picture of American soldiers lying in Russian
snows was consciously or unconsciously designed to
frighten Americans, to drive them into the Wallace
camp bv letting their imaginations play on the grim de
velopments that, according to Wallace, will follow if the
present bipartisan foreign policy is continued.
At the same time, it contains the unspoken accusa
tion that if war comes the United States will be the ag
* gressor—clearlv underlined by the circumstances that
American soldiers are portrayed fighting on Russian
soil—and Russia the victim of aggression.
Wallace hastened to deny the familiar accustaions
leveled at him and his followers.
“We are not for Russia,” he said, “and we are not for
Communism.” To give point to this denial he gave Rus
sia and the Russian leaders a very gentle slap on the
wrist.
“Just as we here fight against the spreaders of hate'
and falsehood against Russia,” he said, “the Russian
leaders can make a great contribution by restraininr
those extremits who try to widen the gap between our
two countries.”
Does Wallace suggest that Vishinsky, Molotov, the
writers in Pravda, Izves^ia and the New Times and
other Russian spokesmen are onv giving \fent to their
personal spleen when they denounce the United States
and are not reflecting in every word and syllable the de
liberate, considered and carefully calculated policy of
the Kremlin?
Every schoolboy knows that the efforts thus far made
to create an international police force as provided for in
the charter of the United Nations have been balked at
every turn by Russian intransigeance.
He gives himself away completely when he denounc
es the United States for trying “to hem Russia in.”
The opposite of such a policy, if words have any
meaning, would be to let Russia expand. Does Wallace
believe in letting her do that?
Apparently not* so far as his words go:
“I am utterly against any kind of imperialism or ex
pansion whether sponsored by Britain, Russia or the
United States.” But his attitude toward Russia, from be
tee time_
r
5^
I
ME*
*•*
<3 j
ginning to end, belies his words.
He has a double standard in these matters, one for the,
United States, another for Russia. Otherwise he might
have said something about that Russian expansionism
—not potential but actual—which he professes to ab
hor.
Wallace’s policy, reduced to its bare bones, is one of
undiluted appeasement. He would achieve peace
through a process of capitulation.
The history of our disorderly and blood-drenched era
proves that appeasement of aggressors, whatever their,
stripe, produces the very evils it was designed to avert. |
It is only in Russia and in quarters that follow the
dictates of the Kremlin that Wallace’s new role will
arouse any enthusiasm.
Forty Billions - -: *
(Rocky Mountain News)
FOR A NICE ROUND FIGURE, call it 40 billion dol
lars. In these days, a few hundred millions, more or
less, mean little to our government. Dollars are like
dimes, and dimes like mills.
Whatever else you see in the President’s new budget,'
—and lots of things are in it—one thing not in it is a tax
cut. not even a cut of $40 per voter.
The projected surplus—precisely defined as an excess
of receipts over expenditures—is fixed at (for another
round number) five billion dollars. And all estima+es;
are based on hope for the present high level of prosper
ity continuing 18 months into the future. As economy
minded Senator Byrd of Virginia has pointed but, a 10
per cent recession would change that surplus into a
‘deficit.
Before Congress can afford even to think of voting a
tax cut. it will have to do a considerable whittling job
on the President’s budget.
We do not envy the honorable members that chore.
They are dealing in so many intangibles, unknown fac
tors, unforeseeable developments.
The fiscal year 1949 will start July 1. next, nearly
three years after the big shooting stopped.
Still there is no peace. From Berlin to Athens, from
Mukden to Jerusalem, the bullets of hot war and the
economics and politics of cold war press upon our na
I tional security. If Russsia were satisfied with all she
already has grabbed in Europe and Asia, there would
be no need or excuse for 11 billion dollars for national
defend and nine billion dollars to support our occupa
tion of Germany and Japan and help the remaining free
nations of Europe and Asia stand up against further
Soviet pressures.
It will not be easy for Congress to decide how much
these items can be cut with safety.
They deal in terms of atomic fission, supersonic
speed ,the price pi gravel on the Danube and the need
for a river valley authority and some machine guns on
the Hwang-ho.
But one thing is sure of this budget— as of all previ-i
ous budgets. It’s padded, and j
can be pared down.
The executive department offi
cers who do the spending subm
the figures, and they always giv
themselves some leeway.
Congress can learn as muc
about the needs as the men wh
did the original estimating. Th
LaFollette-Monroney Act ga\
Congress the power to employ i
own experts to check the figur<
of the budget bureau.
Also, the figures of the Ma
shall planners, the armed force
strategists and the common, ga
den variety bureaucrats who wa
to control the floods, irrigate t]
deserts, keep the books on Soc
Security, hire more help and rai
their own pay.
The President submitted the e
ecutive budget. Next comes—
should come—the legislative bu
get, which we think can shave <
a few billions here and there.
; Maybe then some taxes can
reduced. If not, we’ll have
tighten our belts and pull do1
our hats for a rough ride.
That’s That
By BRUCE GUST
Two features of the report
the President’s air policy cc
mission should appeal particul
ly to the common sense of
American people. One is its fi:
ing that “the defense of the Uni
States must be based on
power.” The other is a recc
mendation for periodic PUB1
reviews of our military establi
ment so the people will know
military facts they are facing.
Policies of military seer
which only keep the Ameri
people in the dark certainly n
overhauling. As the air po
commission points out, facts
gaj-ding dangers of military sil
tions confronting this country
kept from our own people
though they are known to all
ei'gn governments. It takes
sound position that we never
have “an adequate military es
lishment unless the people of
country know fully what the
ternational military and polil
situation is, what kind of a r
tary force is necessary if we
to be ready for that situation
how much it will cost to \
this force.”
President Truman is tall
out of both sides of his mout
the same time. He asks Cong
to fight inflation. At the s
time he asks it to approve his
billion dollar budget—the big
in the peacetime history of thi
any other nation. Inflation ca
be halted until the causes are
moved. And astronomical gov
mental spending is the m
cause of inflation now.
Describing the President’s 1
get as “staggering” is puttin
mildly. It calls for an expendi
of $270 for every man, woman
child in the nation* That comp
with a per capita cost of fe<
government of $69.15 in the f
year of 1939. The year b<
World War II started in Eui
out international spend
amounted to about 15 cents
capita. Under the President’s
get proposal, this would jum
$48 next year.
Biggest item in the proposet
tional budget is 11 billion dc
Tor national defense. There’s
much, if any chance of trim
that. But the President’s 7-bil
dollar item for international
grams is bound to draw fire,
4 billions of that is for Eure
aid under the Marshall plan
President Truman won’t
any medals as a prophet. A
ago, he told Congress “the p
when large-scale relief is req
•