section_path: Foreign relations/Relationship with the United Arab Emirates
section_name: Relationship with the United Arab Emirates
paragraph_text: Relationship with the United Arab Emirates
  
  The gold mined in Sudan was sent to Dubai in the United Arab Emirates, where RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo kept most of his money, which he used to fund his paramilitaries. In 2019, Global Witness reported that UAE was a key supplier of military equipment to RSF. Dagalo was funded by the United Arab Emirates and met with the leader of UAE, Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, in February 2022. According to Sudanese diplomats, his closest ally in the Emirates is the country's vice president, Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan.
  
  Despite strained Sudan-UАЕ relations, gold shipments flowed freely from Sudan to Dubаi, with exports facing no obstacles and operating with official approval in Port Sudan. Political tensions didn't disrupt the lucrative trade, which continued despite the December 2023 expulsion of diplomats and accusations of smuggling. Atef Ahmed, the Secretary-General of the Goldsmiths Union, affirmed the ongoing flow of shipments to the UАЕ and the processing of others.
  
  The UAE, which was supporting the RSF, conducted a covert operation under the pretence of aiding refugees. The operation involved supplying potent weapons and drones to the RSF, providing medical treatment to wounded fighters, and airlifting severe cases to one of its military hospitals. The operation was headquartered at an airfield and a hospital in Amdjarass in Chad.
  
  In December 2023, a group of Democratic members of the U.S. Congress called on the UAE to cease its backing of the RSF. In a letter dated 19 December 2023, these lawmakers expressed their concerns regarding the UAE's tangible support, encompassing the provision of weaponry and supplies to the RSF. The U.S. representatives called on the UAE to collaborate with both the United States and the international community in order to facilitate a resolution that brings an end to the ongoing conflict, emphasizing the importance of a solution that aligns with the best interests of the Sudanese people.
  
  In March 2024, Sudan's Permanent Representative to the UN, al-Harith Idriss al-Harith Mohamed wrote a letter condemning the UAE's support to RSF in the war including supplying weapons, equipment, and mercenaries. The 78 page complaint alleged that the UAE planned and supported the RSF's aggression against Sudanese military with assistance from Chad, which was accused of complicity in the Emirates' actions. Sudan's government revealed that new supplies, including 1,200 four-wheel-drive vehicles, reached to the RSF militia from the UAE. On 17 April 2024, the US envoy to Sudan, Tom Perriello said that the US is concerned about the UAE's financial support to RSF, and alleged the UAE and Iran of complicity in the atrocities committed in the Sudan war.
  
  In July 2024, a leaked 41-page document sent to the UN security council claimed that four Emirati passports were recovered from a wrecked vehicle in the Omdurman city. As per the documents, the passports belonged to the UAE nationals who had links to the RSF. A source alleged that they belonged to UAE intelligence officers.
  
  On 9 September 2024, HRW reported that the RSF newly obtained advanced foreign-made weapons and military equipment. On examination of photos and videos of weapons used in the conflict that were posted on social media, the rights group identified that the UAE-based companies were associated with the weapons provided to RSF. In September 2023, the militants used Kornet missiles against the SAF, which were supplied by the Emirates. In April 2024, SAF found six shipping crates of thermobaric munitions with markings indicating a shipment to the UAE under a contract with Adasi, a subsidiary of Edge group. A January 2024 report by the UN Panel of Experts on Sudan deemed the UAE's alleged support to the RSF as "credible", and claimed that the Emirati weapons transfer constituted violations of the arms embargo.
  
  On 29 September 2024, the UAE alleged the Sudanese army of causing "significant damage" to the Emirati ambassador's residence in Khartoum in a military aircraft attack. The Emirati foreign ministry said it would file a formal complaint with the United Nation and regional bodies. On 14 October 2024, Sudan denied the allegations, saying it would take legal action against the UAE and compel it for a compensation for the crisis it is causing in their country by consistently backing the RSF. Sudanese Foreign Minister Hussein Awad expressed his disappointment over many countries echoing the "UAE's lie", stating that the Emirati allegations came from frustration over the disclosure of its support to the RSF militia.
  
  In October 2024, the RSF shot down an Ilyushin Il-76 in Sudan's Malha region, mistaking it for a SAF aircraft that had been routinely bombing them. The aircraft belonged to New Way Cargo of Kyrgyzstan, and was previously identified supplying arms to the RSF from the UAE via Aéroport International Maréchal Idriss Deby in Amdjarass. Documents identified at the crash side included a Russian passport and an ID, belonging to Viktor Granov, who had links with a UAE-based company, Airline Transport Incorporation FZC.
  
  On 11 October 2024, Sudan wrote a letter to the UNSC, calling for an urgent action against the UAE's continuous aggressive activities. The letter contained new proof of the UAE providing military, financial, and logistical support to the RSF. It also included images of artillery ammunition boxes, as well as Dubai-based trucks used for transporting arms and ammunition, which were later seized by the SAF. Sudan alleged the UAE of hiring mercenaries to fight for the RSF, and presented evidence indicating that the militia fighters received medical treatment at Zayed Military Hospital in Abu Dhabi. The letter urged the Security Council to condemn and hold the UAE responsible for its involvement in the conflict, claiming that the Emirati actions are against international law and the UN system.
  
  In November 2024, Chris Van Hollen and Sara Jacobs filed a joint resolution of disapproval aimed at blocking arms sales to the UAE until it stops arming the RSF. The two U.S. lawmakers raised concerns about the government's decision to approve another weapons sale worth $1.2 billion to the UAE, while it is one of the primary foreign actors involved in intensifying the war in Sudan and warned that these arms could end up in the hands of the RSF.
  
  On 14 November 2024, an investigation by Amnesty International revealed that Nimr (armored personnel carrier), which are produced by the EDGE Group in the UAE and consolidated with the French Galix System, were being used by the RSF in Sudan. Agnès Callamard called it a violation of the UN arms embargo imposed on Sudan, and urged France to ensure that Lacroix Defense and KNDS France, which designed the Galix system, to halt the supply of such systems to the UAE.
  
  In March 2025, top Democrat Gregory Meeks halted U.S. arms sales to the UAE due to its role in the Sudan war. He also introduced the "U.S. Engagement in Sudanese Peace Act", a bill that aimed to stop U.S. military aid to nations fueling the conflict. The bill also intended to impose sanctions on warring factions and allocating funds for a special envoy for Sudan. On 11 March, other Democrats, including Chris Van Hollen and Sara Jacobs, also reintroduced their own separate legislation– the "Stand Up for Sudan Act". It aimed to block U.S. arms sales to the UAE under the Arms Export Control Act, until it stops supporting the RSF. Citing the UAE’s complicity in a genocide in Sudan, the lawmakers stated that America should not arm nations which are profiting from these atrocities.
  
  On 23 March 2025, senior Sudanese army commander Yasir al-Atta warned that the airports of N’Djamena and Amdjarass in Chad would be considered a legitimate military target, and criticized the UAE for supplying weapons to the RSF. Sudan claimed the UAE provided RSF Chinese-made “Long Wang 2” strategic drones in December 2024, which were used in attacks launched from Chad. Al-Atta claimed to take a retaliatory action against Chad President Mohamed Kaka and the “corrupt centres of influence” in South Sudan, that is, the UAE. Calling the UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed “the devil of Arabs”, al-Atta said to pursue the UAE, a major supporter of the war.
  
  In April 2025, Sudanese diaspora-led groups called for consumer boycotts, accusing the UAE of inciting the crisis in Sudan and complicity in genocide. Investigations by journalists, human rights organizations and the UN experts revealed that the UAE provided material support to the RSF in exchange for access to Sudan’s resources. In the same month, the Sudanese government filed a case against the UAE at the International Court of Justice, accusing it of breaching the Genocide Convention. Nas Al Sudan, an organization leading advocacy work and mutual aid campaigns, also accused the UAE of fueling the conflict by backing the RSF. Moreover, Activists Tasneem and Rania, associated with London for Sudan and Madaniya, alleged that the UAE exports most of its gold from Sudanese mines controlled by the militia.