section_path: History/Dissolution of the Soviet Union through Yeltsin's terms (1991–99)
section_name: Dissolution of the Soviet Union through Yeltsin's terms (1991–99)
paragraph_text: Dissolution of the Soviet Union through Yeltsin's terms (1991–99)
  
  With Communist politicians and parties in Eastern Europe mostly defunct, on December 26, 1991, the Soviet Union self-dissolved, and the Commonwealth of Independent States, a loose association was formed on December 8–21 by eventually 12 of the 15 Soviet constituent Union Republics, leaving out earlier the three Baltic states. The Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic became the Russian Federation. It was now an independent state that inherited the USSR's UN Security Council permanent membership and became the sole continuator state to the USSR and one of 12 successor states to the USSR.
  
  Security issues have always been among the most important between the U.S. and Russia. Immediately after the signing of the Agreement establishing the Commonwealth of Independent States on December 8, 1991, Russian president Yeltsin called U.S. president George H. W. Bush and specifically read him Article 6 of the Agreement. "First of all, I talked with USSR Minister of Defense Shaposhnikov. I want to read the 6th Article of the Agreement. As a matter of fact Shaposhnikov fully agreed and supported our position. I am now reading Article 6."... "Please note well the next paragraph, Mr. President (and I urge the interpreter to translate this precisely)."... "Dear George, I am finished. This is extremely, extremely important. Because of the tradition between us, I couldn't even wait ten minutes to call you." According to the text of Article 6, Russia, Ukraine and Belarus form a " common military and strategic space " and " united armed forces."
  
  Current US Secretary of State James Baker stated that no one but Russia could control Soviet nuclear weapons, in particular, making a statement on December 10, 1991, at Princeton University.
  
  On December 21, 1991, Boris Yeltsin, President of Russia, sent a letter to NATO asking it to consider accepting Russia as a member of the alliance sometime in the future. In the letter to NATO, Yeltsin stated, "This would contribute to an atmosphere of mutual understanding and trust and would strengthen stability and cooperation on the European continent. We regard this relationship as serious and wish to develop this dialog on all fronts, both on the political and military levels. Today we raise the issue of Russia's membership in NATO, however, we see this as a long-term political goal." The Collective Security Treaty within the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States was signed On May 15, 1992. (A separate organization outside the CIS framework called Collective Security Treaty Organization was created in 2002).
  
  On January 31, 1992, Yeltsin attended a UN Security Council meeting and said: "I think the time has come to consider creating a global defence system for the world community. We are ready to participate actively in building and putting in place a pan-European collective security system – in particular during the Vienna talks and the upcoming post-Helsinki-II talks on security and cooperation in Europe. Russia regards the United States and the West not as mere partners but rather as allies.
  
  Strobe Talbott, who was Washington's chief expert on Russia, has argued that Clinton hit it off with Russian Boris Yeltsin, the president of Russia 1991–1999:
  
  As the collapse of the Soviet Union appeared imminent, the United States and their NATO allies grew concerned of the risk of nuclear weapons held in the Soviet republics falling into enemy hands. The Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) program was initiated by the Nunn–Lugar Act (really the Soviet Nuclear Threat Reduction Act of 1991), which was authored and cosponsored by Sens. Sam Nunn (D - GA) and Richard Lugar (R - IN). According to the CTR website, the purpose of the CTR Program was originally "to secure and dismantle weapons of mass destruction and their associated infrastructure in former Soviet Union states."
  
  Relations between Yeltsin and the administrations of George H. W. Bush (1989–1993) and Bill Clinton (1993–2001) started off well, but deteriorated after 1997. Yeltsin and his foreign minister Andrey Kozyrev made a high priority Russia's full membership into the family of democratic nations. They wanted to be a partner of the United States. At home they tried to create democratic institutions and a free-market capitalist system.
  
  In 1993, both nations signed the START II arms control treaty that was designed to ban the use of multiple independently targetable reentry vehicles (MIRVs) on intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs). The treaty was eventually ratified by both countries, yet it was never implemented and was formally abandoned in 2002, following the U.S.'s withdrawal from the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty.
  
  Clinton and Yeltsin were personally friendly. Washington encouraged the rapid transition to a liberal capitalist system in Russia. Clinton provided rich talking points but provided less than $3 billion, and much was paid to American contractors. The Russians—aware of the Marshall Plan in the 1940s—had counted on far larger sums. A 1995 NATO study on enlarging the alliance, and the 1999 admission of the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland into NATO, alarmed Russia. With the Cold War over, Russians felt NATO's original role was no longer needed. It feared its dramatic move eastward meant an escalation of NATO's historic role in containment of Russian goals. Fears over NATO enlargement contributed to the rise of Vladimir Putin and his emphasis on Russian nationalism and security issues.
  
  On January 14, 1994, Russian president Boris Yeltsin said at a meeting with his American counterpart Bill Clinton in Novo-Ogaryovo."Russia has to be the first country to join NATO. Then the others from Central and Eastern Europe can come in. There should be a kind of cartel of the U.S., Russia, and the Europeans to help ensure and improve world security." "In truth, Russia is not yet ready to join NATO. Russia firsts needs to start thinking about reactions in other areas. There is a potential Chinese reaction. As a result, without cooperation between the two of us it is hard to envisage continuation of a peaceful and stable world. If we continue to work together as you suggest, we can do much to ensure peace and stability for Europe and for the rest of the world."
  
  In September 1994, Boris Yeltsin addressed the UN General Assembly and mentioned the role of the CSCE in the European security system. Russia had previously proposed the idea of increasing the role of the CSCE to the detriment of NATO. Yeltsin's national security aide Yuri Baturin noted that after the end of the Cold War, 'the time of NATO has passed,' and therefore the alliance 'should change its mechanisms and goals taking into account Russia's military and political weight.' Baturin believes that 'a new mechanism of European security could be born from the combination of the CSCE and NATO, where the CSCE bodies would represent the political and diplomatic part, and NATO bodies would represent the military part.' But Yeltsin himself did not make such a statement. By 1995 the Agreement on the creation the Commonwealth of Independent States, including the Article 6 on "common military and strategic space", came into force for all 12 countries.
  
  On March 21, 1997, Yeltsin stated to Bill Clinton in Finland: "Our position has not changed. It remains a mistake for NATO to move eastward. But I need to take steps to alleviate the negative consequences of this for Russia. I am prepared to enter into an agreement with NATO not because I want to but because it is a forced step. There is no other solution for today. The principal issues for me are the following. The agreement must be legally binding – signed by all 16 Allies. Decisions by NATO are not to be taken without taking into account the concerns or opinions of Russia. Also, nuclear and conventional arms cannot move eastward into new members to the borders of Russia, thus creating a new cordon sanitaire aimed at Russia. But one thing is very important: enlargement shouldn't embrace the former Soviet republics. I cannot sign any agreement without such language. Especially Ukraine. If you get them involved, it will create difficulties in our talks with Ukraine on a number of issues."
  
  Russia stridently opposed the U.S.-led NATO military operation against Serbia and Montenegro over Kosovo that began in March 1999. In December 1999, while on a visit to China, President Yeltsin verbally assailed Clinton for criticizing Russia's tactics in Chechnya (at the start of the Second Chechen War) emphatically stating that Russia remained a nuclear power.