THE NATIONAL REGISTER. iF Our Bing, Congitutian, anb Lang. No. 71. POLITICAL DISQUISITION. NU.II.BEIL SIXTY-NINE. SUNDAY, MAY 7, 1809. PRICO9.d. awakens the people to the performance of theirs. The people never act by halves, because they always act under the influence of some predominant passion. If Govern. Meat reform, if they persuade themselves to make the ne cessary sacrifices, every thing goes on as it should do. But if by the neglect of the Government the people are compelled to take it into their own bands, a spirit is let loose, which is not easily confined within anv due bounds. This was the unfortunate case iu France. The people by mere compulr sion took the power into their hands, and according to their invatible custom, most miserably abused it. Re form in their hands became a two-edged swore, which de stroyed every thing wish felt in its way. •Not content with divestingithe tree of that moss and those weeds, which . by creeping up its truukeri eyed upon its vital sap, the people at once annihilatisl te Ac. abuse, and the thing itself ; at once rooted up the weeds, and felled the tree. What we intend to infer from what we have above said, is briefly, that if Reform he necessary, as it is indeed uni versally allowed to be,• that Government should assume and keep it in their own hands. They should take the pruning -hook themselves, and conciliate the people by the appearance at least of doing something. It is not neces sary, it not expected of them, that they should make all sacrifices at once, but it is certainly expected of them, that they should submit so far to the general opinion and to the popular voice, as to make some concessions. Reform by.. ing the . sacrifice of old abuses necessarily presumes t h at there must be some concessions, and if so, better the Go vernment should concede, than that the people should seize the matter into their own hands. _ As to the necessity of reform, it is evident to every one, that there is but one opinion. The whole nation seems to. speak as one man ; every independent Corporation in th• kingdom seems to stand forward, and to call for Reform. In every public meeting, or priN ate society, in every popu lar discussion, or even casual conversation, there is but one opinion, but one voice, generally current, and this opinion is, that the nation has reached that point, in which it has to make its choice between Reform or ruin. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. The public mind is now so strongly set upon this subject, that it will be impossible to elude the necessity of it much longer. For a long succession of years—for year after year, the public have been told, that however necessary Reform was, this was not the due season, that there were some circumstances, and a certain state of things, which at that precise time rendered the attempt of Reform pecu liarly perilous. In this manner, we say, for year after year, has the popular cry been eluded, and if we have to wait till Government shall bring themselves to acknowledge that Reform is not only necessary but seasonable, it is evi dent that Reform will never take place. The advocates of the old system chiefly stand upon two grounds; in the first place, that Reform under existing circumstances would be perilous in the extreme—and secondly, that though there e notoriously many old abuses and inveterate evils, it is still better to bear the ills which we have and which we know, than in the effort to remedy them to incur others, which are of a more uncertain, and therefore perhaps of a more mischievous nature. Every Minister, whenever Re form has been mentioned, has been read). with his pe culiar scarecrow t it would not do altogethet, to oppose it, the neuter way was to elude it. The Minisier of the day, therefore, never heiitated to acknowledde that things were not as they should be, and that the nation and the Par liamentary Representation stood in • need of Reform.— This was willingly granted on all sides, because in point of fact it was too notorious to be denied. The only doubt was whether this was the proper season.—Will you reform, said one man s whilst every thing about you is in confusion, when you see around you on all sides such effects of innova tion, will you ventnre in the effort to reform to incur the peril of utter ruin ? The people are not in a condition to receive this public benefit. Reform in the present moment would be but the commencement of an sera of disorder. It will be easy to let the spirit loose, but who shalt recal it, if they should find it to trespass beyond its due bounds ? Under these and similar suggestions, though the propo sal of a Reform in Parliament is almost as old as Parlia ment itself, the matter remains at present in pi ecisely the same state as nearly a century ago. It is at least fifty years since the Earl of C*ATUAM declared, with a reference to :Ministerial ascendancy in Parliament, that the influence of the Crown had increased, was increasing, and ought to be diminished. Yet this hereditary and pernicious influence still continues in a progressive state, and though every Pa triot and every Opposition have invariably declaimed in the sa:ne language, every thing yet remains in the same state. Reform, whenever it does take place, must originate with the peo;)le, or with the Government. Woe be to the Go vernment, says Montesquieu, vvhicii, selfishly blind to its own interests, neglectt the performance of its duty, till it V. Lei' . L The best argument for the necessity of Reform is cer.' tainly on the actual state of the Representation. Now, will any one give attention to the actual state of represent ation in this kingdom, and afterwards venture to assert, that the Parliamentary Representation does not stand iu need of a vital, a fundamental reformation. From the returns which were laid before the House of Parliament, in the year 1793, it apPcarcd that the English part of the House of Commons consisted of 510 member?, of which number 327 were corruptly returned—Such is the majority of the House of Commons ! that majority, the province of which it is to decree the laws for the commu nity. We of course do not speak of the existing House of Commons, because the laws of the land require, that our sentiments should be applied to the past and not to the present. All that we asssert is, that the kingdom cannot he duty represented, when the majority of the House of Corn mous is returned lq the interest and direct • lumina. I . . when you see around you on all sides such effects of innova- far discussion, or even casual conversation, there is but one i- I', fion, will you venture in the effort to reform to incur the opinion, but one voice, generally current, and this opinioo 4 -i,k. ~ peril of utter ruin ? The people are not in a condition to is, that the nation has reached that point, in which it has to , ' ,- 1 - ti , receive this public benefit. Reform in the present moment make its choice between Reform or ruin. • . ' would be but the commencement of an sera of disorder. The best argument for the necessity of Reform is cers' It will be easy to let the spirit loose, but who shalt recal it, ; i 1 tainly on the actual state of the Representation. Now, if they should fi nd it to trespass beyond its due hounds ? 'I will any one give attention to the actual state of represent- ,! , Under these and similar suggestions, though the propo- ation in this kingdom, and afterwards venture to assert, sal of a Reform in Parliament is almost as old as Podia- that the Parliamentary Representation does not stand iia • .• merit itself, the matter remains at present in precisely the need of a vital, a fundamental reformation. 4:1 same state as nearly a century ago. It is at least fifty ',ears From the returns which were laid before the House of since the Earl of C*ATUAM declared, with a reference to Parliament, in the year 1'793, it appeared that the English ! ... :Ministerial ascendancy in Parliament, that the influence of part of the House of Commons consisted of 510 meniberh the Crown had increased, was increasing, and ought to be of which number 327 were corruptly returned—Such is the ... • • . diminished. Yet this hereditary and pernicious influence majority of the Roust! of Commons ! that majority, the .., -- . . still continues in a progressive state, and though every Pa- province of which it is to decree the laws for the commu- triot and every Opposition have invariably declaimed in the nity. We of course do not speak of the' existing House of iI ', aa:'ie Ling:u s age, every thing yet remains in the same state. Commons, because the laws of the land require, that our l i ',' Reform, whenever it does take place, must originate with sen ti men t s s h ou ld be applied to the past and not to the the peo?le, or with the Government. Woe be to the Go- present. All that we asssert is, that the kingdom cannot ,li , , veronica, says Montesquieu, wbicii, selfishly blind to its be duty represented, when the majority of the House of ... own interests, neglectt the performance of its duty, till it Commons is returned lq the interest and direct • uannivas , - , Vi'. 1 I.— .1 . o. L Xit I . 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