TILE NATIONAL REGISTER. 818 NA . I lONAL REGISTER. IL melon, SUNDAY, DECEMBER li, 1814. THE CONGRESS, " Dull as a tale twice told," do the questions of—" When it is to commence, and when we are to learn its decisions," sound in our ears. At first the 18th of October, next the 2d of November, then the 15th ; but, although the accounts from Vienna have arrived till nearly the end of the month, not a word of authentic intelligence is to be heard as to the result. The King of Prussia possesses himself of Saxony, and dances with the Archduchess Beatrice. The Emperor of Russia is possessing himself of Poland and preparing for an attack upon Turkey, and attending at all the fetes. Aus ti is is the beneficent host, but is not forgetful of her interests itatv, a s well as marching troops towards her Gallician fi—ntiers. These gentlemen appear in the situation of the debating club, the Members of which, after spouting all the 'evening, discovered that they did not know what ques tion was m; discussion. Or, the meeting may he assimilated to a congregation of the people of London and Middlesex for an Old Bailey Sessions, the Judges for which were to be elected from the crowd. For each of the high contracting parties has gone to this assembly with clauses to he heard— with grievances to be redressed, and inclinations for aggran dizement to he gratified. They are judges, and judged at orre and the same moment—they are claimants and benefac tors—they are dictators and supplicants. The first decisive step (though it is now said to be only a provisional one) appeals to have been the cession of Saxony to Prussia. lord Castlereagh, we are happy to bear, differ ing from the learty.-d Editors of the Times and Courier, has strongly protested against its annexation to Prussia. Austria, we are told, has united in the protest—all this in defiance , of the assertion by Prince Repnin, that it was done in conse quence of a treaty between Russia and Prussia guaranteed by Austria and Great Britain. This violation of truth, for so it should appear to be in an official document, seems " passing strange." However, it is evident the Emperor of Russia does not think the conduct of Prince Repnin repre hensible, for in the papers we hear of the gracious appro bation act-faded to him by that monarch. Hence the conduct of Prussia and Russia in this particular instance appears strange. Prussia in the course of the ne gociation, seems evidently to have made every attempt to get a principle of aggrandizement acknowledged as to herself. Russia yields to her the possession of Saxony, which it ap pears she intends to hold as a pledge, while the former (Rus sia) makes a convenient use of this measure, and removes the Grand Duke Constantine and his troops to Warsaw, there to reward the virtues of the Polish Army in peace, and to grant them those decorations they so bravely.gdined in the war they waged against him under Buonaparte. And it is to be observed. that these events are almost simultaneous. The proclamation of Prince Repnin—the departure of Constan tine, and the publication of the general order at Warsaw are simultaneous.. To complete it, Czerni Georges is made a Russian Prince, and visits his nessly adopted country. By these measures our Ambassador seems to have been perplexed. His idea of the aggrandizement to be granted to Prussia, seems to have been that it was to be obtained on the side of Poland. Alexander anticipates this idea, and sends his brother to Warsaw. The-independence of Poland ! this is the watch-word. :• . • • DEC. li This circumstance, we fear, will give rise to some diffi culty, ,particularly as our Ambassador has to support two principles ; the one, the status ante Bellum as to France, and some other Powers—the other an aggrandizement for the new kingdoms of Hanover and Belgium. in short, as we have before observed, a considerable degree of inconve nience appears to have arisen ft om this adoption of two prin ciples. The Noble Lord, may sing with Macheath, " how happy could i be with either, were t'other dear charmer away." . And however intelligent a diplomatist he is, he will find the support of two, and two so distinctly oppo site principles, as difficult a task as Gay's hero did the upbraidings of both Polly and Lucy. There seems to be an evidcht attraction of Russia to Prussia ; whereas, heretofore the connection between Rus sia and Austria,. arising from the jealousy entertained of Prussia by the latter power, and combined with that of France, has been deemed the most natural. It was so in 1791, but Catherine made then a very different use of Poland, to that now attempted by Alexander. Its result, as well that of the attempt of Pt ussia, to erect herself into the preponder ating Power of the North of Germany, we have yet to learn. Generally speaking, she has been detested, and from the newness of her rank. Some imagine that this feeling will not opet ate now as much against her as it would formerly have done. The minds of the Germans certainly have been partially revolutionized ; and it is possible, that Sovereign will obtain most respect and support, who is the most able to support himself: otherwise, the Empire of Prussia will not cohere as it ought to do. The following statement appeared in The Sun 1. st night, as translated from the Austrian Observer, a paper considered as speaking the sentiments of Prince Metternich. The ac• count which it gives of the proceedings of the negociating Powers, is no doubt intended by its diplomatic author to answer some political purpose; probably to dispel the doubts which are now starting up on every side against the sincerity of the principal members of the Congress. "The business of the Congress is prosecuted without noise : but, nevertheless, steadily and with effect; and we are daily more and more convinced, that if time Cabinets dispensed with all troublesome formalities, this was done only fir the purpose of accelerating the decision of the great points refeired by the Treaty of Paris to this Congress, as much as the multiplicity of the relations connected with them will admit. From the declarations of the Bib of October and the Ist of November, it is evident that the Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris feel themselves likewise authorized to give to the article which referred the solution of the questions that still re mained open. its precise bearing and application. It requires hot profound political penetration to be aware that this Congress of Vienna could not take any preceding Congress for its model. The subject of the Meetings which have hitherto borne this name, was, a mode rtf proceeding founded on the law of nations, be tween two or snore Parties prepared for War or engaged in hos tilities, with a riew to the preservation or restoration of. Peace. In this imstance, peace has been already concluded ; the different parties came forward as friends, who are willing to exert them selves, though with more or less divided interest, yet• conjointly, to confirm and consolidate it; and the various subjects of Negovration are contained in questions partlyprepared by preViqns decisions, and partly as yet entirely undecided. The Powers who conelnded the Treaty of Paris were incontestabiy most authorized to deter mine the signification which should be attached to the word Con gress, in this perfectly new combination, and conserptently to fix the form also best adapted to the accomplishment of the objekt which they had in view. This, their just right, they exercised ' a manner equally advantageous for all the parties more immediately , interested, and,for the general welfare of Europe, when, by the Declaration,of the 8111 of .October, they called upon all the Pleni potentiaries assembled at Vienna, to negociate the matters at issue between them in the most speedy and etlieaciotes manner, that is to say, the Confidential. ~. " Thus has the Congress entered upon its functions withont any formal opening ; or • any previously prescribed :ceremonisywhieb t i •-ifir r -sv, PP