h. • - ' ll ‘ P'011'4"" • ... 1144 1 114., _ . 4 •• • • 1.1 • : Out fling, Consititution, anb No. 24. MONDAY, JUNE POLITICAL DISQUISITION. I All these these are enemy ; NUMBER TWENTY-FOUR. ON THE CATHOLIC PETITION, AND ITS RECEPT . (Continued from our last.) We have pointed out some of the chief advantages to be derived from the Emancipation of the Catholics; let us, in this Number, say a few words of the dangers that attend a continuance of the present system. But first we beg leave to observe, that me do not urge this Emancipation as a certain mode of instantly removing every evil which their degradation has occasioned. The work of good must probably be gradual and slow. A body that has long been the prey of disease, revires a considerable time, even after the malady itself has been expelled, to recover the tone • and strength of its former habit. But we must not, there fore, refuse to attempt the cure. The dangers then, which we have principally to appre hend, arc the dangers that must generally threaten every Government that sways by force instead of ruling by jus tice; and the dangers that in a more particular manner menace this unhappy country, from the insidious attempts of foreign powers. We have to deal with no common enemy; with no puny retailer of half-measures, who be gins to-day what he trembles to accomplish to-morrow.— We arc not engaged- against a foe whom conscience, -po licy, or cowardice, can withhold from the adoption of those yast plans which he conceives will be conducive to the ends of hii own magnificent ambition : be will spare no prejudices of education, he will respect no niceties of religion, he will draw no practical distinction between the professors of one religion and those of another, between reli gious people and people who have no religion at all. No plea will avail his subjects as exemption from service : all alike gnust be called into the actual business of their country's warfare. The English Government has no such seminary methods of fortifying itself. We are not, thank 'Heaven, a nation of slaves, except only in the imaginal-' tons of ignorant declaimers : the Ministers cannot yet drag every Englishman from his home, and force him into' the Operations of their hostility. ...What thert remains for'. Etig;hind, what hope is left to her, except the collect:ra t:on Of the largest possible body of British subjects, in . %opposition to the threats of onr enemies ? The spirit of , the Constitution does not permit us to recruit our military powers by v i o l ence : l e t us then e mploy conciliation to recruit them, for recruited they must be, or the downfall of England is at hand ! And when at last that awful hoar are'Yes(against(aainst which it becomes every man to provide, however confidently he may look forward to its events) in what part of the United Kingdoms can we suppose that .the main attempt of Bonaparte will be made ? In England ? or in Scotland ? or in Wales ? No : we ha:e too great a confidence in the natives of' those districts, 'to believe that they wo - Ai jcir. the foe of their country. They cnioy 1,4 Rights of.Bfi tons and tho . se rights are too valuable to be thrown away. once must may gain plc 1 Why, he will find then: among the Roman Catho lics of Ireland. The Catholics who petition, desirous of avoiding every thing that can, look like a threat to the Government of which they make their request, say no thing of this dangerous disposition among the people : but the enemies of the Catholics arc very ready to own it and that is sufficient_for our purpose. We - will not here discuss the question : " Would not the Catholics be blame " able in joining the Invaders of their country- ?" because that question has nothing to do with the present affair. We certainly think that they ought by all means to avoid such a step : but we are reasoning now, not from the pro priety, but from the probability of their avoiding it. If it appears, and we think it has most fully appeared, that the Catholic Priests, who labour under dreadful restraints and embarrassments, are•, on all occasions, eager to stir up revolt among the misguided people whom they govern; if it appears farther, that these people are not only goad ed by their guides, who cannot brook exclusion from clerical benefits, but stung by their own civil injuries also, surely it becomes us to consider, and to g,eard against the probable effects of so general an exasperation. It was the intention of the late _Administration, avowed by Earl Grey, then Lord Ilowick, in his speech in vindica tion of the principles which had led to the removal of his party from power, to have followed up the measure of Catholic Emancipation by regulations for the improvement of the condition of the Catholics with regard to tythes. There can be little doubt that if to the salutary measure of Catholic Emancipation a relief from the Tythe Laws were superadded, Ireland would rapidly recover her tranquillity. The priests would no longer have a ground for inflaming the minds of the people, and the people would no longer have a pretext for insurrection. Seine turbulent spirits must necessarily remain, who would be desirous of continu ing the original acrimony i h..3t such persons must gra dually become extinct, when a pretence for insurrection was withdrawn : and the mass of the people, who care little for the schemes of tyrants on one hand, or of des peradoes on the other , as long as their humble comforts are not abridged, will not trouble themselves to co-operate with insurgents, nor leave the peace and safety of the cpade furthe riots of the market-place . or the triumphs of the scaWold. It is fortunate for the friends of the Catholic cause, that they have a striking and undeniably analogous case already in their favour, we mean the case of Scotland. During the reigns of Charles 11. and hislueces,sors, the Presbyte rians of Scotland, who were, as the Catimiics are, in Ire land, a large majorii v of the whole popnlation. cot only here the hurtful: of an Episcopal Establishment. but en dured the most cruel perseesitions for their non-coefomiiiy. Ancient and hereditar) pre; 2dices, prel.e.ces powerful an all nal itms,but pei•lip Fs particalai y rwerfol a mong the gallant and Lubl t•;.cots, •,/,:re all in favour of .. ..... hOl • _ irii , . , 1 • A,llg GIST ER. f' . . _ . , . . TrioLatuo. -, !'i .. "c' -- - - , i, • i . . . r ' . ",' , ,• . . ; • 13, 1808. PRICE Bd, • . . !se have something to lose ; little to gain. • But . re not fit subjects then for the experiments of an ; Bonaparte knows that his best chance of assist- . ust be with those who have nothing to lose, and tin every th'ng, and where will he find these peo- 1• ` ~ 4 ~1 l• 'U -...-.- .~►+a ~. •