r Z",, 14.- *-"_ '~: b it , 0, No. 470.—V0L. X. POLITICAL DISQUISITION. AN ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE ABOUT TO AS SEMBLE AT SPA-FIELDS TO-DAY. FROM the impression which our appeal to the peo ple against the modern reformers has generally produced, we are led to hope that the purity and sincerity of our motives stand fairly established in the public mind. Baund to no party—biassed by no enmities—circum scribed by no selfish views, we speak openly the lan guage of the Constitution. When we see it violated by extravagant and frantic innovators, we cannot re main unconcerned or unmoved ; we have reproved their audacity—we have exposed their inability to promote the public u elfare—we have laid open their real objects and dispositions. For this we claim no peculiar merit. The Constitution of England is the first and greatest blessing which a Briton knows, and, it is only natural, when he beholds that blessing prophaned by the unhal lowed breath of ignorance and insolent pride, that all his energies should be animated in its defence. What is home—what is family—what is wealth—what is country or life to us if we be robbed of our Constitu tion ? Who that has about him one feeling of British liberty can witness, without resisting, the revolutionary proceedings of such men as Messrs. Hunt and Cobbett ? Of their intentions they may make whatever proles si ms they please. With the secret recesses of their minds we have nothing to do ; we judge them by their public acts, and, in this view, we do not hesitate to pro nounce our opinion, that these reforming companions are the greatest enemies to the sound and practical freedom of this country, of whom history preserves any record. Why they are so, we do not take upon ourselves to determine. The author of the Political Register has, most probably his reasons in the pecuniary emolument he derives from the developement of his principles ; and that gentleman is surely destined to raise a considerable turd in this way, because he neveradvocates a cause with out previously assuring hitnsell that he shall be amply re commenced for his exertions. To him it is no considera tion what side of the question he maintains, provided it be that side from which a greater sum of money may be expected. For Mr. Bunt, we believe that a desire of notoriety originally impelled him to become a public man ; but., we are sure that he has gone much farther than, upon cool reflection, he would go again, if his po litical life were to be re-commenced. In his letter of the 4th instant, addressed to the SecretarsF for the H:,:ne Department, he candidly acknowledges that, " the most ardent zeal is never accompanied with the utm.‘st tlegree a circumspection ;" thus, in truth, admit ting, that it was solcdr from the advice of Mr. Cobbett, and other equally profligate monitors, that he had been driven to those extravagancics, both of language and of act ion,wh ch have particularly signal ized his recent career. W e trust, for the gentleman's own character, that this is the commencement of a full and solemn retractation of all his past enormities—that he has determined to he no !eager the slave of such vile and grovelling influence ns that which has hitherto misdirected his conduct. He has a considerable property, sufficient at least to secure him a genteel competence through life. Let him retire then to his estate, while he can retire without infamy, and resume these rural occupations and amusements which engeossed the earlier dram of his life. lie may thus, in some measure, atone fin- the detriment which he has caused to the public safety ; he may be able to deserve the character of an independant country gentle man, and, Vat county elections, he now and then throws a little of his characteristic boldness into the elective mind, he may even hope to heal some of 010,4; wound* which he has lately inflicted on the freedom of the land. We give him this nvi:•e in the spirit of kindness.— We deem it one of the tere:t!:t c-aktruitiee 17hich Can i . FE RV. befall a human being, to o srough a long life without having conferred some one bOefit on his fellow-mortals, and, it can only be exec: '. in bitterness, by that dreadful misfortune of Sink td g into the grave, lover whelmed by the hatred, a cursed by the anathemas 6 of the free and elevated por of the community. Now we are convinced, thlt, through all his political career, Mr. Hunt has not peibrmed a single act of real utility. He appeared at dui first Spa-Fields meeting at the invitation, it was ,of those with whom it o ld originated. But what g did he elect ? Have his exertions contributed, in theslightest degree, to remedy the public sufferings? Wit widow have they com forted ? What cottage have they cheered ? To what perishing artisan have they 'Larded relief? To-mar row, the same scene of action is to be re-visited, but, may we ask, to what purpose? It is not to receive or reply to any petition, because, the only petition which remains to be answered, could hot have come under the full deliberation of Parliament within the short interval which has elapsed since the opening of the Session.— No necessity for this meeting can therefore be derived from any of its former proceedings; and. as no new pe tition will be proposed for its adoption, it is probable, that the only measures w:iich will be pursued, will be in the first place the proposition of a string of resolu tions, confirming the last votes of the assembly in fa vour of universal suffrage and annual Parliaments. Ulan these two important questions we beg to offer a few brief observations. By universal suffrage is meant the extension of the elective franchise to all persons above the age of twenty-one yesrs. This species of suffrage is a thing totally unknown to the history of England. Its advocates assert, that it was the ancient practice and right of the country. We deny the truth of this asser tion. There is not a single page through all the re cords of our story which warrants such a conclusion, and they who maintain it upon this ground have never read the annals of our Engine. A certain qualification beyond that of age was always required to impart the elective franchise ; in the more remote periods of our history, those alone could vote fur deputies to the great council of the nation who owed suit and service in the county courts, and none possessed this right who did not hold lands either in chief from the Crown, or as sub-tenants of the mesne lords ; these tenures were car.sd free tenures, as contradistinguished from base tenures ; they were, in truth, what we now call free-holds.— Their value was not specifically determined until the reign of Henry VI. when a Statute was passed, ordain ing, that all electors should be possessed of free-holds of at least the value of 40 shillings. It is unnecessary to refer farther to history ; the fact is established, that free-tenures, of whatever amount, were at all times ne cessary to bestow the elective franchise ; and, it is evi dent, that every male inhabitant of Frigland, above the age of twenty-one, could not have possibly held such a tenure, and therefore that no such thing was in exist ence as universal suffrage. Now we say, with those il lustriom and fi.arless Barons who extorted from King John the great charter of our liberties, nolumus /eger Anglia meloni—we never can consent to change the ancient laws of England ; ant l we believe there is no man who duly appreciates the value of liberty that will not join us in this our snleum and determined decla ration. It is quite unnecessary to add that, even upon the grounds of reason, nothing could be more absurd than a system of universal sutle.ruge. If the sQtvengers, the porters, the grooms, and servants of whatever kind, had it in their power to return a numb2r to Parlia ment, is it not clear that as their poverty and abject stations would render .tk - ,tn inure aeces.sible to bribery and more subservient to influence, than those who hold a higher rank, the Parlianient would, necessarily he cone infinitely more corrupt titan it can even be sup- Piney: 94(1. alio Our iting, Com MONDAY, Ur t issitr+ tutton an ital 336. 'ARY 10, 1817. posed at present ? Besides, how could men s uneducs. ted, so fi•ehle and fluctuating in their opinions as the ' T ‘ rubble geaurally arc, and always have been since the consulship of Curiolanus, be able to judge of' the qua. lifications which ought to recommend a candidate to their selection ? The idea of annual Parliamentsis equally unsupported by history, take it upon the grounds of utility and rea son, and it will appear fully as erroneous. It is alledged that they would overthrow the influence of the Crown at the elections. On the contrary, we are sure they would increase it, because they would urge the Minister to gre. , ter exertions, and absolutely compel bins to ex tend his patronage much wider than it is at proscnt If he deem it necessary, now that the Parliaments are septennial, to secure the support of a certain no:n%)er of . the country gentle:nen, he would then be obiiged mot , only to Mni them by stronger ties in proportion to the frequency of their services, but to add all those whom honours and rewards could purchase to the catalegue of his friends. We do not say that this srstem of patronage ought to exist, but we contend that from the infloenots of splendour over the human mind,and front the neces sity of that influence being exercised, this system never can cease to exist, so long as there is a Parliament to furnish supplies, and a Minister to demand them. If it it be said that annual Parliaments will keep the repre sentatives in constant fear of voting for any measure . not approved of by their constituents, then the Parlia ment ceases to be a deliberative assembly—the mombets • no longer give their own free opinions, and in this view it would be bet te; at once to retract the delegated power, and to retain the right of legislating in the original as semblies of the people. Annual Parliaments lend in evitably to this conclusion, and consequently they would go to destroy the whole frame of government. . So much for universal suffrage anal annual Parlia ments. It is probable that these subjects will be again brought befbre the public view to-day, amid when they arc disposed of, •the people collected at Spafields will be entertained the live-long day, with a detail of a conspiracy which Mr. Hunt has recently discovered against his honor g ad reputation. He will produce the libels which were written against him—he will tell of all the dangers he has undergone—the mid night daggers he has escaped—anti the combats which he has sustained, all flit the public good. Be it so. Let the gentleman talk of himself as long as he pleases—if it amuse the populace, vec have no objection to his telling curious anecdotes and dismal stories, even to the setting of the sun ; but we would then reemnmend him to return to his home, and remain there. Ile never can become a great man, as his friend styles him, he has nut the talents, nor the virtues, nor the inthr mation necessary to gain an ascendancy in these days, of civil and military renown, anti of literature and sci ence—he has no one attribute r, , quisite to constitute a great man . Let him go home in the name of reason. He is deluded into a belief of self imprtance, because 3 few of the rabble shunt after his ea•rriaze ; but even this source of fume is poi:salons to his ambition. The po pular litvour is always held by a very slender thread, " A breath can bred. it, as a breath has made," and the example of &Janus, ho was much more accept able to the people of Rome, than ever Nfr. Hunt was, or will be to the people of London, ought to make him feel, that though his image may be a;l:rrod to-day, it may to-morrow be flung from its pedestal amidst the hu z aas o: the .poral It remainv for us to expr;ss our fer...mt hope, that thAse who m2an to attemi to-ma row at Spatiells, will be cautious in voting. fir such measures as must eventu.... ally produce confut,ion and revolution in the state, anti • annihillite every s: stem piness and the freedom of which is sacred to the Lae l t r, rain. , ..„....-......„ ... t • ~ 1,....f ' ,„ ." " , . ,