THE NATIONAL the war system of Talleyrand at that period was this: Ile advised that France should make every possible exertion to s :nd a large force to America and the Isle of France, with ( ut considering what partial losses might be suffered in ac complishing that object. But Decres, Minister of Marine, a weak man, without any political or administrative know ledge, never dared to second the views of Talleyrand. As Dt c es was descanting, one day, on the possibility of invad ing England with 1.)4),000 men from Boulogne ) Talleyrand made the following reply, the truth and good sense.of which, had it been remembered by Napoleon, would have pre vented him from wasting 500,000 lives in his vain attempt to conquer Russia, " You are a naval eieer," said Talleyrand, " and know better than I whether it be practicable to di.ct a landing in England, bat allow me to observe //at you march with 100,000 men against a whole nation of silken Nothing could be a truer exposition, and at the same time a more courtier-like reproof, of the folly of which floonaparte was guilty in attacking Spain, than the short ejaculation with which Talleylind received that intelligence from the lips of Napoleon himself, " I thought that Spain tclonged to your Majesty?" Under the sway of the imbecile Charles IV: and the Prince of Peace, Spain was indeed to all purposes, but in name, a Province of France, and the property of her Emperor, which be only lost through his unprovoked and impolitic aggression. Even when the power of Buonaparte seemed to have at tained its greatest height and to have become irresistible, talleyrand's penetration anticipated its decline. When he first "heard of the preparations for the Russian war, he made use of these remarkable expressions, prophetic of its disas trous end : " Political crimes are nothing when they attain their object, Lut political errors become crimes which sooner or later arc severely puni3hol." These words also give a correct idea of the political and moral honesty of this celebrated Minister. Tirol of continual wars, and foreseeing no end to the am bitious plans of Napoleon, the French only considered the it pompously displayed by the Government, as pro bable losses, and unanimously wished that Talleyrand should be replaced at the head of affairs. If a bon not or sarcasm appeared, they attributed it to his wit, so that since the Rus sian catastrophe he continued to rise in the public opinion. This popularity excited so much jealousy in Napoleon's that it is said he had resolved on his ruin, and was twice on the eve of causing him to be arrested, but refrained through fear. luformed of his danger, and aware that sooner or Lacy his ruin would be certain, if Buonaparte remained in power, Talleyrand followed the example of Talien, who turned against Robespierre when he saw his own bead menaced, and ISTER. 5. seizing the first propitious moment of weakness on the part . of his Master, effected the late revolution. The belief that he corresponded with Alexander, with England and the other enemies of France, is deemed unfounded by those who have had the best opportunity of *atching his political career. Apprehension for his life and his riches was the sole motive of his conduct. It was Maret, who by his pernicious coun sels, prepared and most contributed to the fall of Buonaparte. Talleyrand wished to maintain a just balance between the military and civil bodies, but for the last six years the blin& ed Emperor regulated every thing in a military manner. According to the former it was the duty of Governments to esteem the Military and icspcct the Civil, and he was wont to say : " The military is a voracious animal, the more it cats the more it is ready to devour." IMPORTANT STATE PAPER. THE CASE OF KING JOACHIM, OF NAPLES. Fro)n the Augsburp, , h Gazette, Jan. 20. MEMORIAL. (AS PUBLISHED IN TILE ALLGEMF.INE ZEITUNG.) " Naples December 27, 1814. " Before the prorogation of (the British) Parliament, Mr. Whit bread introduced some discussions on the connections of England with Sicily and Nartles, and there is no doubt of Vieir being the sub• ject of fresh debates when it opens again. For this reason, and also for the better understanding of the future decision of the Vienna Congress, on this subject, we think it of use to relate, from good sources of information. how Joachim, King of Naples, first formed his connection with Amstria, and through this with other , Po wers. ' As early as Mara, 13:3, King Joachim began his first nego ciations at Vienna, by his Minister the Duke of St. Angelo. He had been irritates(' by the well known article in the Moniteur, which placed him below the Viceroy of Italy. -These negociations did not proceed with any degree of activity, till the mouth of June, when the King of Naples substituted for the Duke of St. Angelo, Prince Cariati and Mr. Schenina, Marquis of St. Elia. At the thee that the Emperor of Austria was at Opotichina and Gitsehen in Bo hemia, the negociations were again at a stand, and the Austrian Government once suffered forty six days to pass without answering a line to the pressing representations of its Minister at the Court of Naples, Count Mier, or to the notes of the two Ministers above mentioned. At last, afti r Austria had decidedly joined the Allies, Prince Me(ternich gave Count Mier instructions in cyphers to con clude a treaty. These dispatches were delivered to the Neapolitan Plenipotentiaries, to send then► by a courier of that nation ; it being feared that an Austrian (courier might be stopped by the French in the north of Italy. Mr. Cariati's courier passed, as had been agreed on, through Nlunich, to get their new passports. But Mr. De Carracciolo, the Neapolitan Minister at the Court of Bavaria, de tained him sixteen hours for his own correspondence, so that he did n reach Naples till the 21st of August, where he missed King Joachim. who had left it on the Ist. This Prince, who had been above a month without news from Vienna, tl►ought himself betrayed or neglected, and bad taken the only step which was left him, that