THE NATIONAL REGISTER. serving of out praise, than the vigour by which they coun teracted the possible treachery of Denmark. Most men aie capable of an energetic measure; but to adhere to it and its consequencei, in spite of obloquy, is an undeniable proof of genius. But now the situation of Europe is completely reversed. The energy and firmness we displayed in the most a , %ful crisis in which a nation had been ever placed, would, in the present happy change, be justly condemned as tyranny and impolicy. Our action was solely justifiable, as it was dictated by the most imperious necessity. This necessity now no longer exists, and we can fulfil the duties of honour and integrity, without ru n ning any risk, that our concession will be attributed to weakness or fear. As no thing shews a Government in a more contemptible light, than want of firmness in a dangerous and doubtful crisis, so no one circumstance raises the esteem and admiration of mankind more, than when it displays moderation and magnanimity in the midst of triumph. The Romans af ford us here, as on almost every other occasion, a great lesson. It was a general maxim of the policy of that magnanimous community, to consider the slightest con cession as tantamount to ruin, whenever a public calamity, or danker, ga• e their enemies an opportunity of dictating conditions. This proud, unyielding policy, was observed by them in the lowest. ebb of their fortunes. After the to tal destruction of several armies, after having been aban doned by all their Allies, after Hannibal had deprived them, in the course of three or four campaigns, of all the glorious fruits of 500 years of the most unexampled prowess and public virtue. After they had nothing left but their city, they rejected every overture of Hannibal, as scornfully as if they had been masters of Italy, Sicily, and Spain. This same policy they observed in their war against Perseus. The Macedonian Monarch, after having defeated a Roman army, thought the opportunity fa vourable for negociating with the Republic. The con ions were so advantageous to the Romans, that the would not have dictated any others themselves, had they been in possession of that Monarch's capital. But the Senate was too enlightened, as not to see through the motives of Perseus. Their concession would have im pressed on the several States of Greece and Asia, the su periority of he Macedonian Phalanx over their Legion s . They therefore haughtily refused to listen to any other condition, but an unconditional surrender of Perseus to neir discretion. Hence their famous maxim : Parcere SuOjectiv, debeildre Superbos. Though we make no pretensions, as they did, to found our greatness on the subjection of mankind, let us, 110 - . _ ever, adopt their enlightened policy ; for it is still more conducive to the security of a state, than it is to its ag grandisement. As ministers have adopted the same hanghty, unyielding firmness after the peace of Tilsit ; and as the present fortunate Revolution ►n the affairs of Europe stamps on their conduct the highest political sa gacity ; they will adopt the second maxim of Roman policy, and magnanimously say to the Danes, " We have • taken your fleet, because you were not able to secure it 6 4 from the grasp of our enemy. When our safety, 44 your own, and that of Europe, rendered it a measure • Gf imperious necessity, you obstinately refused to listen "to any compromise. As our conduct on that oc " cas-on was dictated by motives very different from " ambition or rapacity, we easily overlooked The ex " travaganee of your enmity : and whilst we commis " ended your fatal delusion, we made a just allowance " for the resentment you felt. You become the instrument gi of an ambitious tyrant, from whom you had more to 4" apprehend than we had. You have now acquired some g g experience of what von have to expect from this non " strous alliance ; aml we suppose your resentments will " not render you indifferent to the fate of the Spanish " family, and of the sovereign Pontiff, who had inure JULY 24. ,‘ claims to the friendship of your new Ally, th an y can possibly pretend to. We will not insult y our under " standing, by arguments to convince you of s our own interests, nor lessen the merit of voluntary acquiescence, by going through the forms of negociation. N e has e " nothing at present to tear from your weakness, and " though we esteemed your courage, we never appre " hended your enmity. Ifte therefore give back b eur 4, fleet, because the atrocities committed in Spain :aid in " Rome must now convince you of the perfidious cha " ratter of Bonaparte. You may join Europe vgaihst the " common tyrant, or resume your ancient lucrptile l i eu . 66 trality ; frir we do not arrogate, as a detestable enemy 66 would insinuate to cuntroul the conduct of other Co. vernments ; and we will not allow them the slightest in. " terference in our Maritime rights." Let us conceive the admiration which this magnanimity would prodwee on the Continent. What change intu ten months are capable of effecting in public affairs. sing{, : occurrence enables us now to follow the natural dictates of our national character, nod to adopt a magnanimity which some time ago it would have been both villain‘ folly in the extreme to propose. It proves, at the same time, that the situation of a people is never desperate, till they, or their Government have the baseness to think it so. Our Ministers, in the unprecedented difficulties they have been placed in, by only acting up to this maxim of Ito man policy, That the slightest concession, in a dangerous crisis, is tantamount to ruin, saved the country from the most imminent peril, and according to human ealeulation, Europe from the bondage of the most loathsome and detestable ruffian that ever disgraced the annals of history. A happier prospect is now before us ; and if our Ministers display as much moderation in prosperity, as they did firmness and dignity in an unpropitious moment, they will justly deserve the glorious title of being the saviours of Europe. It has been very jwlly said, that prosperity is a surer test of judgment than adversity. As they hare, however, under the most trying difficulties, deserved the confidence and gratitude of the country, we may expect from their future exertions as fortunate a result. It is not the character of this Paper to attain popularity by hubs. criminate abuse, or undistinguished commendation ; but it seizes with pleasure this opportunity of doing justice to an Administration, which in the most awful conjuncture,bus displayed, in the management of our foreign affairs. a rare union of firmness and moderation. We are not afraid of being grateful, where gratitude is due, and as long as they continue to have the same distinguished claims to Pub lic confidence, we will continue to be the organs of the honest and enlightened among our fellow -citizens, and he stow on them the commendation they merit. If Denmark has conducted herself with an extrava gant display of rancour, and with ridiculous animosity, the very idea of her present inability to render us any direct or indirect injury, immediately disarms our ven geance. We can have no dispute with that. State, but in consequence of an impertinent interference in our Maritime Rights. Rut the tremem':nts example we lin‘e given, how dreadful we arc as enemies, and how useful we have been as friends, will teach her more prudence for the future. She will not be so eager to enter into a new Northern Confederacy, or armed Neutrality. tier mis fortunes, in curing her of her rashness and presumption. will leach her to appreciate her relative strength ; and that if a war with us be the greatest calamity that can befit! her, our friendship is the securest prop of her inde pendence and prosperity. Though the present King of Denmark possess es a great deal of exaltation and eccentricity, he is far from being a weA, and by no means a dishonest, man; we believe him. ou the contrary, to possess a great fund of probity and