463 - • accruing from her restrictions of our commerce with oteer natione. And to entitle those experiments to the more favourable consideraticn, they were so framed as to enable her to place her adversary under the exclusive operation of them. To these appeels her Government has been equally inflexible, as if willing to make sacrifices of every sort, rather than yield to the claims of justice. or renounce the errors of false pride. Nay, so far were the attempts carried to overcome the ateohment of the British Cabinet to its unjust edicts, that it received every encouracement, within the competeney of the exec wive . branch of our Government to expect that a repeal of them would be toll,twed by a war between the United States and France, unless the reach edicts should also be repealed. Even this crmunttnication, although silencing for ever the plea of a disposition in the United States to ac quiesce in those edicts, originally the sole plea fur them, received no attention. I f no other proof existed of a predetermination of the British Go vernment against a repeal of its Orders, it might be found in the cor respondence of the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at London, and the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs in 1810. oft . the question whether the blockade of May, 1806, was considered in force Or as not in force. It had been ascertained that the French Govern . ment, which urged this blockade as the ground of its Decree. was willing. in the extent of its removal, to repeal that Decree ; which t eing foil owed by alternate repeals of the other offensive edicts, might abolish the whole st stem - on both sides. This inviting opportunity for accomplishing an object so important to the United States, and professed so often to be the desire of both the belligerents, was made known to the British Government. As that Government admits that an actual application of an adequate force is necessary to the existence of a legal blockade, and it was notorious that if such a force had ever been applied, its long discontinuance had annulled the blockade :n question, there could be suffix ient objection on the part of Great Bri tain to a formal revocation of it ; and no imaginable objection to a de. claration of the fact that the blockade did not exist. elle declaration would have been consistent with her avowed principles of blockade, and would have enabled the United States to demand from F rance the pledged repeal of her Decrees ; either with success—in which case the way would have been opened for a general repeal of the Belligerent Edicts,—or without success, in which case the United States would have been justified in turning their measures exclusively against France. The British Government would, however, neither rescind its non existence blockade, nor declare its non-existence, nor permit non existence to be inferred and affirmed by the American Plenipotentiary. On the contrary, by representing the blockade to be comprehended in the Orders in Council, the United States were compelled so to regard it in their subequent proceedings. .There was a petted, when a favourable change in the policy of the British Cabinet was justly considered at e;tablished. The Minister Plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty here, proposed an adjustment of the differences more immediately endangering the harmony of the two countries. Tee proposition was accepted with a promptitude and cordiality, corresponeing with the invariable professions of this Government. A foundation appeared to be laid for a sincere and last ii' reconciliation. The prospect. however, quickly vanished. The whole proceeding was disavowed be the British Government, without any explanation which could at that time repress the belief, that the disavowal proceeded from a spirit of hostility to the commercial rights and prosperity of the United states ; and it has since come into proof, that, at the very inomeat when the public Minister was holding the languitge of friendship, and inspired confidence in the sincerity of the negotiation with which he was charged, a secret agent of his Govern ment was employed in intrigues, having for their object a subversion of our Goveinment, and a disanemberment of our happy union. In reviewing the conduct of Great Biitain towards the United States, our attention is necessarily drawn to the warfare just renewed by the savages on one of cur extensive frontiers ; a warfare which is known to spare neither age nor sex, and to be distinguished by features parti cularly shod:tog to humanity. It is difficult to account for the acti vity and combeeitions which have for some time been developing themselves among the tribes in constant intercourse with British traders and garrisons, without connecting their hostility with that in fluence ; and without recollecting the authenticated examples of such ineereeisitions heretofore furnished by the officers and agents of that Government. Such is the spectacle of injuries and indignities which have been beeped on our country; and such the crisis which its unexampled tOr bearaece and conciliatory aims have not been able to avert. It might at least have been expected, that an enlightened nation, if less urged by moral obligations, or invited by fr'endly dispositions on the part of the United Stete,,would have tound in its true interests alone a suffi cient motive to respect their rights and their tranquillity on the high seas; that an eelergcd policy would have favoured the tree and gene ral circulation of commerce, in which the British nation is at all times interested, and which in times of war is the best alleviation of its ca !plates to herseil, as well as the other belligerents; and more espe cially that the British Cabinet would not, for the sake of a precarious and surreptitious intercourse with lic:tile markets, have persevered in a course of measures which necessarily put et hazard the invaluable market of a great and growing country, disposed to cultivate the mu teal ad van rage, of an active commerce. Other Councils have prevailed.. Our moderation and conciliation have had -no other cfnct than to encourage perseverance and to enlarge 1 1 I . i TIIE NATIONAL RE.GISTER7 AU G n . pretensions. We behold our seafaring citizens still the daily victims of lawless violence, committed on the great and common highway of nations, even within the sight of the country which owes them p ro . tection. We behold our vessels freighted with the precincts of our soil and industry, or returning with the honest proceeds of them, wiestcd from their lawful destinations, confiscated by prize criers, no longer the organs of public law, but the teatrumeets of arbitrary edicts, .end their unfortunate crews dispersed and lost, car forced or in veigled in Briosh p; its into British ; whilst arguments are employed in supnort of these aggressions, w Inch have no foundation but in a principle equally supporting a claim to regulate cur exter nal commerce in all cases whatsoever. W e behol:, in tine, on the side ot Great Britain, a state of war against the United States ; and, en the side of the United States, a state of peace towards Great Biitain. Whether the United States shall continue passive under these pro gressive usurpations, and these accumulating wrongs, or, cppoitiee force to hirer in defence of their natitral rights, shall conimii a loot cause into the hands of the Annelle). Oiapo ot eveets, avoitline ail r connexions which might entangle it in the contests cr views of other powers, and preserving a constant rcad . ness to concur in an honourable re-establishment of peace and friendship, is a solemn question, whi c h the Constitution wisely confides to the Legislative Department of tite Government. In recommending it to their early deliberations, am happy in the assurance, that the decision will be worthy the enlightened and patriotic councils of a virtuous, a free, and a powerful nation. Having presented this view of the relations of the United States with Great Britain, and of the solemn alternative growing out t f limn, I proceed to rettark, that the commenications last made to Congress °a the subject of our relations with France, will have shewn, that since the revocation of her decrees, as they violated the vent rid rights of the United States, her Government has authorised illeeal captures, by its privateers and public shies; and that other outrages have been prac tised on our vessels and out . citizens. I t will have been seen also, that no indemnity had been provided, or satisfactorily plc god, for the ex tensive spoliat ions cominitted under the violent and retrospective Order of the French Government against the property of our citizens seized within the jurisdiction of France. I abstain at this time from recommending to the consideration of Congress definitive measures with resnect to that nation, in the expec tation that the result of the unclose ddiscussiens between our Minist:o . Plenipotentiary at Paris, and the Fre ch Government, will speedily enable Congress to decide with greater advantage, on the course due to the rights, the interests, the honour of our country. Washington, June 1,181 ( 2. JAMES MADISON. AN ACT, DECLARING WAR BETWEEN THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, AND THE DP.PI7NDLN - CiES THZREOF, AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, AND THEIR TERRITORIES. " Be it Enacted, by the Senate and House of Reprentatires f the United States of America, in Congress assembled, that \V:ir the same is herby declared to exist hatween the United King.it m of Great Britain and Ireland, and the Dependencies thereof, United States of America, and their territories ; and the Presis!e , . 01 the United States be, and is he: - ::by authorised, to use the whole 1.011 and naval. force of the United States, to carry the same into tdett ; and to issue to private armed vessels of the United States, Coninas sions or Letters of Marque and general Reprisal, in such form as lie shadthink proper, and under the. Seal of the United States , ite i nst the vessels, goods, and etkets of the Government of the r.aikl Liatcd Kiegdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the subjects thereof. " JunelB,lSt.2..—A pp roved. " JAMES MADISON." IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS. MONDAY, JULY 27. The Volunteer's Agent General's, the White Herring f i:/iery, the London Prisons, and the Woods and Forests Bills, were read u third time, and passeA. On the third reading of the Dissenters' Worship Bill, The Loan CHANCELLOR proposed the attaching of a clause to 11 11, IT. by way of rider, which he described went to obviate s.,:ne an: biguity of expressions in the Bill , respecting Places of Worship, and not in the smallest degree to affect the provisions of the Bill. The Noble and Learned Lord having read the Clause, it was agree , l to by the House, and attached to the Bill , which was then iead third time, and passed. PEACE PRESERVATION BILL. On the Report being taken into consideraticn, Lord HOLLAND, in a speech of some length, urged a variety of ob. jections, not only to the principle, but to the details of the treas ure' His• Lordship stated it to be his intention to move iiCYCIAI am endments when the proper time come. Pe thi hi: vii