THE NATIONAL REGISTER. I~ I i ~~i r~ y you, and in your search after knowledge it would be an ill compliment to suppose you have neglected to make your se.f acquainted with the variety of influence to which the human mind is susceptible. Admitting you to be in posses sien of every acquirement that well cultivated talents can bestow, your discernment will naturally have discovered that the specious subtelty of accomplished villains, is able to delude the senses of superficial observers by a false colour ing, the hriliiancy of which, in the absence of reflection, fiequently cur es conviction along with it, and that it re quires the penetrating genius of attentive consideration to discern the sophistry which disguises a want of harmony in the tints, to perceive the dark shades of hypocrisy, and to re move the seductive veil by which they are secreted from public notice. In the pre ent day it excites little astonishment to hear disafiection termed loyalty—malignity and revenge, public chatity—artifice, honoto able principle—faction, patriotism honesty, &c. in short, it so frequently occurs that designing individuals who have some secret object in view, endeavour to impose upon the senses of the people with volumes of disinterested professions, and from pure pa triotism and public honesty endeavour to excite discontent in the ea untrv, that when a man enters upon a patriotic career imd eedmvours to force himself into public estima tion by the strength of his promises, he immediately be comes an object of suspicion to prudent minds, and as it slug ys tequ'les a clear perception to discover fraud when pra( Csed wi,h address, it is a duty incumbent on those who " really mean the cause and the people, who have no view to private advantage, an who have virtue enough to prefer the general good of the community, to the gratification of personal animosities—it is time for such men to interpose." WI en public alarm is excited without substantial cause, Mid the peace and safety of a country are endaagered by the influence of malicious misrepresentations, it should be the rt-of every honest man to eradicate the evil, or weaken i operatien by exposing the artifice. It is La t professedly) one of your approved maxims, that men should be esteemed only in proportion as their ac ticns are praise-worthy : agreeing with you on this point, to es im ite your public character with accuracy, your conduct most necessarily become the subject of reference, the coun try may then draw an inference concerning you from a basis declared by ourself to be the fair and only true criterion ler judgment. Disclaiming every personal consideration, I am happy to give you the choice of position, and anxious to adopt an argument that may defy your most ingenious advocates so to torture my language by misconstruction, as to deprive it of a liberal and dispassionate character. I am solicitous to awaken you to a just sense of the degradation you sutler from the propagation of erroneous principles. To convince you that to be entitled to a respectable consideration, you must withdraw front the influence of those mal-contents.who at present make you the deluded instrument of their malig nant puiposes—men who seek to fan a flame by any means that may enable them to escape a burning. In forming an opinion of your public intentions, I am content to let your political conduct be the subject of in quiry :—to confine myself to that consideration, and make it the source from whence an inference can be drawn—to let the people judge you by your own mode—they ale sensi ble of your professions—your actions remain to be as clearly understood. FEB. 7 concerned. In no political occurrence have you been more conspicuous than election contests ; always profuse in de. clarations of public spirit, the opportunities they offer for the display of eloquence and professions of patriotism were too alluring, and the importunities of diAcinpered minds too strong, to be resisted. When a candidate for 'Middlesex, in opposition to Mr. MAINWARING, sets. the Treating Act enabled you to triumph over that Gentleman's majority—the election was annulled.. On that occasion you displayed the at t of a General well ac quainted with the rature of his ecntest, who in desperate circumstances, takes atktantage of the errors of an adversary, rather to prevent the humiliation of defeat, than to acquite the laurel of victory. The measure was constitutional, but to entitle you to the praise which such a consideration may ap pear to merit, it was necessary your own proceedings should have been correct. It is noble to oppose innovation with purity of intention, but it is hypocrisy to make a false dis play of honesty, a stepping ladder for vicious ambition. Public good may sometimes favour individual presumption, and whenever they are so connected, it is essential (in order to appreciate the value of the act justly) to ascertain the in fluence or operating cause from whence it springs, a know ledge only to be obtained by reference to the conduct of the party. Flagrant and unconstitutional as the proceedings then were, lam content not to enter into particulars. The election immediately succeeding, in which you were opposed to Mr. GEORGE BOULTON MAINWARING furnishes suffi cient matter to establish a correct judgment of your purity, and I am willing to omit a detail, the enormities of which would wound the feelings of a man, whose conscientious ab horrence of electioneering manoeuvres would induce him to make them the subject of complaint, and to perform so im poi taut a public duty, to sacrifice the gratifying exercise of that political charity which great minds always entertain. In the meridian of your popularity, you invited the free hulders to give you their sutruages on public grounds—pro fessed yourself an enemy to corruption—pledged yourself to oppuse innovation wherever it should appear—exposed every act of public men which you considered unconstitu tional—and declared that the good of your country alone made a seat in Parliament desirable, as it might aftbrd op poi tunity to detect abuse, and bring the offenders to pu nishment er di., 4 rate Amongst oilier evi!s of which you particularly complained, was an iuterfeience in elections that operated to deprive the electors of a free choiee; this you considered of the most dangerous description, striking deep at the eery rout of liberty--an alatming invasion of a vital privilege. line sentiments, Sir, are pleasing to the ear—a persuasive tongue has peat influence with credulity, but the discreet bearer will panse before be allows his judgment to be guided by professions, he will wait (for something more than " mere words") for positive action, befote he grounds an opinion. For any man to date insult the country with professions of public honesty, when his actions are in direct opposition to every moral and political virtue is beyond the conception of modesty—it is unparalelled impudence—it requires more than common effrontery to impress upon the mind the im portance of a privilege at the time you invade it. But, Sir, your patriotism is able to surmount more than common obeles; it appears at once so heroic and servile, that I am at a loss to understand it;—heroic, as above the influ ence of sense and conviction—servile, as submissive to the sentiments of a mob: it has something in it of a peculiar nde , ” that sell , t ad it of a favourable construction. I 1 i The purity of elections is one of those su bje c t s on w hich tendency, that Nvill not admit of a tavouranie you profess to be much t 4 rested. Lit is also one of those It is on record, that at time very time you indignantly CN• • 111 , privilezes in the e. /4, have been actively claimed against undue inkluence in elections, men were • ./-0 , it *AI Af! lc , r , P A*?