THE NATIONAL REGISTER. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. 1 HOUSE OF LORDS. , 1:7 # ft1FRI•Ifo••••• .1 4 '•c. .MONDAV, JAN. 'l, • s • A Deputation was ordered to communicate to the Commons their Lordships's acquiescence in the Resolutions respecting the Issue of Money. • • a. TUESDAY, JAN. H. A Message was brought up from the Commons signifying that the Rouse had agreed to the.. Amendments made by. their' Lordships to the second Resolution sent to the Commons on the 3d hist. . 'l'he Commons then desired a conference with their Lordships in the Painted Chamber, and a Committee was appointed to; manage the same. Upon the return of the Cpfnmittee, the Lord President pre-N. seined two resolutions fr6m tile Commons, which were read by - , the Clerk. The first was a resolution, requesting his Roy al Highness the Prince of Wales to take upon him, under certain:, limitations, the exercise of the executive power, &c. and thE4' second a resolution, that the Queen would graciously take upon her the care of his Majesty's person, &c. Upon each of these resolutions, Lord LIVER root moved, that the blanks contained in them be filled up with the words " the Lords Si iritual and Temporal," which being agreed to, the e ? Resolutions so altered were ordered to be sent back to the ' Commons. 4 Lord LIVERPOOL then Moved, that the President of Ow Council and the Lord Privy Seal be appointed to wait on his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales with the first Address, and • that Earl Harcourt and LOrd Douglas, of Lochlevin (Lord Mor ton), be appointed to wait'upon the Queen with the second Ad dress.—Agreed to. Lord ELDO N, adverting to the notice respecting Votes by Proxy, which Motion had been appointed for next Friday, said, he should detain their Lordships no further than barely to state . the nature of his motion, the object of which was, principally, to establish the right of that House upon all occasions, except where a standing order did not prevent it, to vote by proxy ' -and that it was inconsistent with the rules and orders of the House, after question had been regularly put by the Lord Chancellor, and in the progress of any Bill, to come to a resolution similar • to that which was adopted on Friday to exclude proxies. Adjourned to Thursday morning, ten o'clock. THURSDAY, JAN. 10. Their Lordships met at ten this morning, and shortly Ail' Lord Lou'vaine, from the Commons, communicated to' the'- House the names of the Members appointed to wait on her Ma- . jesty, and his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, with the Resolutions respecting the Regency. On the motion of the Earl of LIVERPOOL, the Lords nomi nated for that purpose were ordered to attend the Prince and the Queen, along with the Members appointed by the House of Ccmmons. The Earl of LIVERPOOL gave notice, that as it was probable they should receive the answers of the Prince of Wales and the Queen to-morrow, he should then move a Resolution similar to that of the :11st of January, 1789, for putting the. Great Seal to a Commission for opening the Parliament The LORD CHANCELLOR postponed his motion respecting . rrcWes, si uc die.—Adjourned. ' • FRIDAY, JAN. 11. The Duke of NORPont presented a Petition from the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, arid Livery of London, in Common Council assembled. The Lord President of the Council (Earl Caatt rA presented the answer of his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales to the address of both Houses of Parliament, presented to him ye.:ter day, which his Lordship then read.--(Vide 410 *port Qf the . Commons.) Earl HA teouvr then presented the answer a ket Najegy to the Address of both the Houses, presented yestehiarovhich his Lordship read. 'l'he Earl of LI VF.R POOL - then moved the Order of the Day for -. taking into consideration the means of . OPENING PARLIAMENT UNDER THE GREAT SEAL. 7: The measure he should have the honcibr to propose, - was directly , framed on the Resolution passed by that douses on a similar occasion, on the 31st of January, 1789, and, as at that time, it had been thought tit far certain Noble Lords, who dis approved of the measure, to have their names withdrawn from the Resolution, so upon the present occasion, the name,* of s.nznie there the interests of the Empire commands- the union tp victorious nation of those portions of its conquests ; to !1 . . their inevitable dissolution. Anclinjhe deliberation in which,.. you o are occupied; the quistion_sfiould be put thus: Holland and:the Hans Towns being hir„ipa.ble of existing by themselves, Mightthey to :belong-. to .England or to France ?—We shall search in vain a third • alternative. That inheritance of rivalry, alwiys increasing by the importance as well as by that of the trusses, our generation, Senators, has succeeded to, without I) . 4ll:gable to reject a single port;on of it. It is no longer two mimics. who , combat on the plains of Fontenoy ; it is the erapife of the seas which still re nds that of the Continent : a memo' able, a terrible struggle, and of which the catastrophe, perhaps not far distant, will long occupy the attention of future generations. 66 Let us listen to the political writers of England ; their alarms confirm this truth, still less, however, than the desperate measures of its Government : if it were not led on by the im minency of its danger, would it have dared, in the presence of civilised Europe, to tear the compact of honour and of eternal justice, which connected the neutral powers with the Bellige rents ? One would believe, in reading the acts of the English Ministry, thit the law of nations exists no longer • and who, then, has substituted for its immutable principles die excesses and the violence of barbarism ?. Fngland. - " So early as 1756, her first attempts uponsthe imprescriptible rights of nations compelled Sweden - and Penntark to defend tlitai by the dcveloptment of an armed neutra . .lity. . Some years later, the tAtith of February 1780, England pushing her .endea yours still farther, Russia saw -no safety for the bonour.of na tions, and that of Sovereigns, but in a- public exposition of the maxims acknowledged by all civilised ,people; she proclaimed the conditions on which her neutrality was to depend : " That neutral ships should navigate freely, from port to port, and on the coasts of nations at *war. " That property belonging io the subjects of powers at war , should be free on ,board neutral ships, with the exception .01 contraband." , . . 44 That to determine what characterises a blockaded port, that designation should only he given to such into whith there was an evident danger of entering, in consequence of the ships of the attacking power being stationary and sufficiently near. " Such were literally the declarations in which the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh laid down the rights of all Sovereigns. England replied by throwing off the mask; and signified to the States. of Holland, that the flag does not cover the property. Ftom that period she thought herself able, without danger as without-Ob stacle, to give Lull swing to her usurpations.. " It was necessary to wait for a period when powerful re prisals would compel her to return to justice. That day is ar rived ; the decrees of Berlin and Milan are the reply to her Orders in Council. The British Cabinet has, so to speak, dic tato(' them to France. Europe receives them for her Code; and that Code shall be the palladium of the seas. 44 Let England abjure her madness ; let her reinstate neutrals in their rights ; justice has never ceased to demand this of her. If she had not rejected the counsels and the offers of moderation, what dreadful consequences might she not have avoided ! And to confine ourselves to the subject of our present deliberation, she would not have forced France to enrich herself by the ports, and the arsenals of Holland ; the Ems, the Weser, and the Elbe, would not have flowed tinder our dominion : and we should not have seen the first country of the Gaols washed by rivers, united by an internal navigation, to seas which were unknown to them. Where still are the boundaries of possibility ? Let England answer it. Let her meditate on the past, let her learn the future. France and Napoleon will never change. Your Committee unanimously propose that the &flatus Consullupt be adopted." The French Papers contain an article, dated " Copenhagen," though evidently written in Paris, which strongly accuses the Swedish Government of not taking the necessary steps for de stroying English goods. It is not difficult to foresee, without much poliical sagacity, that the reign of the present King of Sweden is drawing to a close, and that P.ernadotte will soon be called upon as King, to enforce the Continental System, as it is cared, with the utmost rigour. But unless Buonaparte can co,itrive to tr.i.nsport a very considerable body of troops into Sweden, he will not be able to carry his burning decrees into effect. The Swedes are not-yet suffincntly humbled to submit, without resistance, to such outrageous oppression. The situa tion in which Bernadotte is is not very pleasant, nor, unless sup ported by a French artify,.will he find it avery safe *une. Butinaparte has settled upon Louis, the Ex-King of Holland, two aliliions of francs, as a Prince of the French empire; one half lauded property, the other half secured by pension. Tito landed property WAS to go to his issue.