THE NATIONAL REGISTER. creating Peers in the person of the Regent were abused, that House had an opportunity of restricting such prerogatives to prevent its future abuse. Were such an occurrence to take place in the person of the Regent, the indignation of the country would be so roused, as would the jea'.ousy of the House of Commons, that there would be no difficulty in immediately putting an end to such an abuse of power. The public opinion would be against the Regent, and that was greater and more powerful than all the rest.—(Hear, hear, hear )—Public opinion, together with the voice of that House, would at all times furnish sufficient checks to a lavish use of the Peerage in the person of the Regent about to be appointed. The opinion of the people was all the check he required, he did not want to rely on the theoretical parts cf the Constitution. The proposed restrictions, with respect to the disposal of places for life, were to him equally objectionable. Even were the Regency to last but for a short time, he would not deprive the Regent of the opportunity of rewarding those who had evinced any attachment to his services, by bestowing on them such places as might fall vacant within such period. While such gifts were allowed to be in the Crown, they ought not to be held from the Crown in this particular instance, for however different he might be in his name, still the Regent would virtually be the King. One reason gleamed from amid the cloud of excuses that had been urged for restricting the Re gent from granting places for life, should they fall vacant within a twelvemonth, which was as remarkable as it was prominent, namely, that for the Regent and his Government to have such a power it would tend to obstruct the King's assumption of his Royal functions in the event of his recovery from his present indisposition ! Such an argument was fallacious in the extreme. The instances of abusing the prerogative for the erection of Peers for corrupt purposes in England were but rare: and he could call but one instance to mind, and that was in the reign of Qin en Anne, who to obtain a majority in the House of Lords created 12 Peers in one day ! Such had been the abuse of the prerogative in one instance ; but he would have the House look to the state of the Peerage in that day, and compare it to its pre sent number. Then there was not more than '2OO Peers, now there were 305 ; and was it possible for any one to imagine in their wildest theories that such an abuse of the prerogative of creating Peers could now occur, as had happened in the reign of Queen Anne ? The apprehension of an abuse of the power, respecting the creation of Peers, was about as well grounded as the idea that a few persons having places for life would obstruct the re-assumption of power by the King, in the event of his re cowry ! For, on an average, not more than one of those offices for life fell vacant in a period of four years, and if one or two were to become vacant within a twelvemonth, could they stand in the breach, and with their mighty strength of offices for life oppose the King's return to power? The precedent of 1788 would not apply to the present case, although it had been stretch ed and cut for the purpose, and afterwards laid before the Com mittee for approbation. He objected to the limited period pro posed for continuing the restrictions, as they would occasion discussions in that House at the eNpiration of a twelvemonth, and the proposer of the resolution,he doubted not,looked forward to the next meeting of Parliament, for support in the measures he might then propose. He would not deprive the King of that splendour and state, which °kilt to encircle Royalty, but in the restricting fur a given time, there was something peculiarly potent and gloomy—it was fi xing an early period for despair. He disapproved of the Restrictions proposed, consequently the Resolution could not have his support. Mr. M. Mo wracu E spoke in favour of the Resolutions, but amid so much noise that he was scarcely audible. Lord CASTLE EACH contended, that the precedent of 17F,F1 rested on sound and constitutional principles, and that it ought to be followed in providing for the necessity that was now un fortunately to be provided for, and 1 e fared that if that prece dent were departed from in the present instance, it might he the cause of great public calamity. The restrictions, he con tended, were highly necessary for the preserving of the King's power perfect, and for the facilitating of His Majesty's re-as sumption of his power in the event of his recovery. Re strictions, he observed, did not weaken the Governxlent, and those which were proposed would keep alive all that was neces sary to insure stability and security. He wished Nvlien his Ma jesty returned, restored, and invigorated to his former function, that he would find them unimpaired and unbroken, and that his powers and: prerogatives had not been violated by his country, whin he was not able to prevent the violation. He would give ft as his resolution to vote, that along with the office of Repent, the Prince should have the command of his Majesty's household also. Lord KENSINGTO N considered the restrictiors and lirnitaticns as diametrically opposite to the true spirit of the Constitution. He then observed that the Ministry had long suffered the coun try to remain deprived of its head, and that at last, when it had thought proper to speak of nominating one, shackles bad been prepared to hold the Regent within bounds which were never 7 proposed to a Regent before. It was not his intention to have risen, but be could not sit tamely and listen to restrictions which be considered as derogatory to both King and people. Mr. LEACH then rose ,and observed, that the precedent of 1788 was a solitary instance sprung from necessity, and did not deserve that deep regard which was paid to it. He considered it merely as the opinion of a certain number of persons on a case which might never occur again. He could find no recorded in stance of curbs and manacles being imposed on kingly authority. The Houses inherited from the people the power of electing A Regent for supplying the want of Kingly authority. Now to place the name of the Royal Pre roeative in the hands of a Re gent, who they had deprived of the power of u,ing it, was nil only insulting his Royal Highness, but it was limiting and curb ing the Prerogalives of the Crown, which had heretofore been held -acred by the Nobles and by the people. Mr. M. Stetertt thought that the Rel:ent should possess the same unrestricted power as the Sovereign, and therefore obj,ct ed to any limitations. Mr. BATHURST contereled that Parliament had a right to say who should be the Regent; they also 'had a right to say what powers he should exercise. Be contended, the precedent of 1788 was exactly in point, although it was net full in all pens, never having been carried into e fleet. Mr. 11. Smell spoke from under the Gallery, in so low a tone, and amid a loud cry of Question, so that with diaiculty we were able to collect that he opposed the Resolutions. Ile conceived, that as the Regent was the Representative of tbe Sovereign, so he should be endowed with all the authority attach.-d to Royalty. The Ques:iou being loudly called for, Strangers were ordered to withdraw, and the Committee decided as follows : For the Amendment, 2UO ; Against it, etle—Majority for Mi nisters, 24. For the second Resolution, 226; Against it, 224—Majority 14. For the third Reeolution, 23.; ; Against it, 9.1 4 Majority 19. The fourth Re solution was carried without a division, antitiee fifth shod over till Tuesday.— Adjourned at One o'Clock. TUESDAY, J.N. 1, 1811. The House resolved itself into a Committee of the who House, on the State of the Nation. MR. Peiter.vse observed, after the attention with which the House had hoiloured him when last he addressedt hem, it would be unpardonable in him to occupy much of their time in re peating what he had then stated; he should merely make one or two observations on the general principles of the Rtsolution he was about to submit to them, relative to the cave or ins Ma jesty's person during the continuance of his indisposition. In the short period of six or eieht weeks, his Majesty might re cover, and what would be his feelings if, on his recovery, he should discover a re-establishment of his household had taken place, and that he had none but strange servants about him ? it might probably have the effect of again reducing hint to that situation the nation now deplored. Some objections had been made to the resolution proposed, on the grounds of economy ; that was a ground which he felt the full force of, hut this was not to be an established reputation for a long period ; it W.:S, at the fullest extent, to be limited to one year, and, during that period, the additional expence of keeping up his Majesty's esta blishment and the Regent could not exceed 1.5,0001.—a trifle not to be put in competition with the evil he had pointed out as probable to result from a different mode of proceeding. Another objection he understood was, that the authority lodged with the Queen and her Council might be abused, and persons be re moved from their situations in the household for their conduct in Parliament. If such conduct did take place, it would be a grei:t abuse of the power vested in them, but he could nut entertain a moment's apprehension on that ground. After some other ob servations, he concluded with moving the following resolution : Resolved, That the care of his Majesty's Royal Pt t son, dte in;; the continuance of his Majesty's illness, shall be coma t. ,'d to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty : and that her Majesty shad have the power to remove from, and to nominate and appoint such persons as she shall think proper, to the several Offices in his Majesty's Household ; a:id to itispiwe, order, and manage, all other matters and things relating to the csre of his Majesty's Royal Person, during the time aforesaid ; and that, for the better enabling her Majesty to discharge this noportant task, it is also expedient, that a permanent Council shall be ap pointed to advise and assist her Majesty in the several matters aforesaid ; and with power, from time to time, as they may st e cause, tot xamine, upon oath, the Physicians and others attend ing his Majesty's person, touching the state of his M. jesty's bed: h i and all matters relative therein. Lord Gowen rose to oppose the motion The Noble Lord contended, that keeping up the full establishment or the King during his indisposition, when he-could have no enjoyment of it, would be burthening the country with an unntcesstuy and heavy ex pence, and would also, by throwing an undue influence iime.ololfr•