THE NATIONAL REGISTER. Cur Iting, Constitution, aim tato. PULL ISHED AT NO. 11, NEWC ASTL E..STREET, STRAND. No 267. SUNDAY. FEBRUARY 7, 1513. PRICE 9CI LE I TER THE SECOND TO SIR FRANCIS BURDETT, BART. M.P. SlR—The elective franchise being perhaps the most im portant privilege which the constitution of this country has secured to Englishmen for the preservation of their liberty, its p!irity is not only essential to bespeak the sentiments of the people, but intimately connected with, and highly ne cessary to preserve that fin m of Government from which it emanates. A free representation is the boast of England— national liberty is outraged by attempts to invade it—the political interest , of the people are destroyed when undue in fluence is used to prevent its exercite—the Commons House of Parliament is the people—the acts of that [louse arc the acts of the people—every public and private interest is con fided to the representative—my opinions so far, I believe, are in perfect accordance with your own (I judge flout your public declarations), and I doubt not but von will admit that whenever a disposition it , evinced to obtain a sea► hi Parliament by any other means than those acknowledged by the Constitution, the liberty of the subject is assailed, and the laws by which it is protected violated. To a man feeling the influence of public spirit, such efforts will even appear atrocious—by a patriot, they will never be attempted nor re- Elected on, but with indignation. The Ejectors of Westminster have manifested a proper knowledge of the importance of a free choice, by sentlitig their representatives to Parliamfnit in a consßtutional man- You have a seat in the Senate as the advocate of their cause, with all the obligation on your side—your constituents, from the mode in which you were returned, have large claims on you—they have selected you as the guardian of their rights, the champion of their liberties—they have re posed a sacred trust in you—they are justified in demanding your best efforts in their service—they are warranted in ex pecting that you will not viithhold an explanation of any part of your political conduct from your first entrance into public life—they have received your professions and may require of you an elucidation of particulars, in which conduct hac rendered your sincerity questionable. I hardly think it ne cessary to use au elaborate argument to she that such ex planation may be urged with propriety ; the magnitude of the interests confided to you is sufficient to demand a positive knowledge, that they are not endangered by a de ceptious appearance having obtained confidence superior to its desert. In ordinary transactions in private life it Would be considered the height of credul:` ' -- tl nfe tion you have made in favour of patriotiqu. What profes sions made appear speculative—acts have rendered certain. On some public occasions you appear exerting your orato rical powers in support of the pure exercise of the elective rights, indignantly exclaiming against inproper interference, and with intemperate expressions (apparently from publi% speech) lamenting the departure of English liberty.—On others less conspicuous, you have not hesitated to invade that very privilege which you profess to think so sacred, and by your conduct, make a desperate effort to dein ive the people of its salutary influence. The little reluctance you evince to propagate slanderous opinions concerning public men, will remove any objections that delicacy might suggest to the use of strong language in the mention 'of your demerits, and the illiberal malignity of your expressions when detailing the teal-practices of others, will warrant a few harsh sentences in the consideration of your own. It is ti nit the country shol i ld know how to appreciat' your professions—it is time the [lectors of Westminster should be informed your public virtue is not to be depended on. You have suer c red yourself to be betrayed into measures con trary to that steady support you so often promised to the eradication of public abuse; you have lightly and rashly en gaged in transactions opposite to that public good you re peatedly pledged yourself to maintain with the most indL.s,- trious exertion of your vowels. You complain, Sir, that " at an election no opportuniti is afforded for the people to appoint their representatives in Parliament;" yet, ch glaring inconsistency, you have sub mitted to become a shield to men who endeavoured to obtain an illegal majority by the horrid aid qf perjwy ; you deplore that a corrupt system prevents the constitutional exercise of the elective right;" and yet, oh most unaccountable, ycu have become a potion of the q9;we by screening offenders from the just visitation of the lazy. In ancient times such gross contradictions would have exposed a man to public indignation, but the country is now so full of modern patriots, and so vcli acquainted with their sinc,rit . n, that anger has long E ncc been softened into contempt. In your intercourse with the world, in the present state of society, I doubt not but you have frequently observed an affectation of virtue, and that you have evidenced instances of men having assumed a character of language, and expr es. sion of sentiment, which breathes public good, purposely e) deft d vh - 'd I ~r uc consiuereo the height of credulity to receive the profes ! cover She detormitics of a mind where pride. ambition, and sions of any man as an evidence of virtue; on the con_ party zeal preponderate. Common Observation must Lave trary, assurance creates suspicion, and doubt occasions in- pointed out to you, that rice upon an exterior rcg ado i y, ; quiry. As a public character, you have tired the senses of may be mistaken fur a more noble property. The S.l l eri, the country with your declarations; their fiequencv makes opportunities which rank and fortuw: afford fyr G.!. t.tr.tin- - 1 1 ,, them disgusting, and your concoct has falsified ev:ry asser- j ment of wi:dorn, have, lam persuaded, not been OVO: 1 j t ied rot. I'7. No CCLXVI!. ner.