~_ -~ 2 THE NATION • liberty to the slaves, but when he perceived the brutality of that class of persons, he would not a g ree to a measure which would have devoted many to death. So then, NAPOLEON had it in his power to conquer Russia with her own popula tion, but this would have been an act olanim°si/y, which he could not reconcile to his conscience. From this, we must . suppose, he did not attempt to stir up the Russian people against • their government, and of course believe that be was in no wise concerned in exciting the Poles to hostili ties against Russia. But for his effot is to soothe that irritation which he found among them, they would, doubtless, have been much more formidable to their neighbours. Russia ought to feel very much obliged to him, but what ought to be, and what must be the feelings of the French, when they are told all this? What must the thousand's, now in mourning in his happy dominions say, when they are told that he could, with the means he had in his bands, have conquered Russia, and saved his army the disasters of that disgraceful flight, which made his wretched followers at once the scorn and the pity of all Europe. What will be said by the widows, who " Long look fur Lords, who never will return." when they learn that their husbands were devoted to de struction, by the tenderness of NAPOLEON for the Russians. If they merited this consideration, why did he go to war with them ? Oh, it was a war of policy— and being a war of policy, it was quite natural Tor " a wise captain at the bead of an immense army in Russia," to sacrifice his own soldiers to his regard for an enemy. It was policy to under take this political crusade in order to give the Rus sians a campaingn's drilling, in order to make their Mo narch an enemy worthy the arms of NAPOLEON the flreat. These considerations, and a feeling of humanity, made this father of soldiers" consign his jinni& to all the miseries which have overtaken them in their retreat. • Ile had doubt less made up his mind to c. peel what occurred. To deny this were to impeach his foresight, in praise of which so much has been said, and Which we are well disposed to believe is equal to his valour, and not inferior to his hu manity. What must Frenchmen think of this. speech ? Surely they must feel that it is attrociously false, or they must be lieve that they have been basely sold to destruction. In either case what confidence and what ardour must it not excite in the new conscripts ! What must the Russians think of this statement ? They know it to be untrue, and can only doubt whether it is intended merely to deceive the Fiend) peoplpeople, or whether it is published to deceive them also ? e, charity, and ostentatious compassion, will excite little gratitude in their hearts. They have learnt to appreciate the humanity of 131:0NA P A WEE, and cannot but feel that to be insulting, which ascribes their successes to any thing under Providence but their own valour. What must be She effect of the language of BUON AP A RTE 011 English men ? Are there among us men who will still contend that by the ensuing Spring, the Tyrant will again be enabled to take the field, at the head of an army more powerful than was that which now rots beneath the snows of Russia? Those who have power to think, and honesty to express their thoughts, will surely own losses so immense that all the sophistry of NAPOLEON could not disguise them from the world, mast be of such magnitude, that they can- Itions must inspire The enemy may mask of affected igth so soon as he Council of State been " touched" by .. r n . N. 2: . . • . the recitals contained in the 29th Bulletin, and then, after a senseless panegyric on the hero who deserted his army, their address proceeds in the following consoling strain : " Let our enemies exult, if they please, in the material losses, which -the' rigoui of the season, and the severity of the climate occasioned ; hut F..+. them calculate our forces ; let them learn that there'are no efforts or sacrifices, of which, after the example of your Majesty, the French nation is not capable, in order to realise your glorious plans." This, like some of the passages already noticed, we could almost suptio::e intended .to give a hint to Ru:sia, and as the former seems framed to cajole, the latter appears de signed to intimidate. The strain, however, is to us al toffeiller delilttful. The tone adopted by the c'rest fißen Tyrant strotrly marks his shame and his despair. Lie feels his power shaken to its foundation. It ran only be re-established by future victories; victories as splendid, as his defeat has been signal. Ile has not the means of ob taining these, and he hardly knows where to look for them. He feels a we do, that it will be long before an army will follow him with the same confidence as heretofore. lie knows that France long &vault he was invinciLle, but that she is now awake for ever. FOREIGN lATELLIGENCE. FRENCH PAPERS. PA R rs, Dec. 20.—This day, Sunday, December the 20th, 1812, at noon, the Emperor,—being seated on his throne, surrounded by the Princes Grand Dignitaries, Cardinals, Ministers, Great Officers, Great Eagles of the Legion of Honour, and attendants of his Majestv, received the Senate, who were conducted to this audience by a Master and Assistant of the Ceremon'es, introduced by his Excellency the i. ancf Master, and presented by his Serene Highness the Prince Vice-Grand-Elector. His Excellency M. the Count Lacepede the President, delivered the following Address ! " SIRE —The Senate hastens to present at the foot of your Imperial and Royal Majes!y's throne, the.ofFering of its congratulations on the )rapes arrival of your Majesty among your people. " The absence of your Majesty, Sire, is always a national calamity, while your presence is a blessing which fills the whole French people with joy and confider ce. " Your Imperial and Royal Majesty has laid all the bases of the organization of your vast empire ; but many ob . pcts yet remain to be consolidated or executed : and the smallest delay in the completion of our institutions is a national misfortune. . . ". While your Imperial Majesty, Sire, was at eight hundred leagues from your capital, at the head of your vicnuious armies, attempts were made to disturb public order in this great capital, by men who had escaped from prisons, in which your I mperial clemency had saved them from death, merited by their past crimes. Thoy have paid the penalty of their new olli.nces. " Happy France, whose monarchial constitution places her beyond the reach of civil discord,—and of tI e bloody feuds to which party gives birth,—and of the horrible distractions which revolutions en gender. " The Senate, first Council of the Emperor, and whose authority only has existence when the Monarch calls it forth, and puts in move ment, is established for the conservation of that monarchy, and of tho hereditary succession to your throne, un'ler our fourth dynasty. " France and posterity will find it, under all circumstance;, faithful to this sacrc.l trust ; and all its Members ‘N ill be always ready to die in defence of that palladium of national security and prosperity. " In the commencements of our ancient dynasties, Sire, the Mo narch has been more than once seen to ordain, that a solemn oath should, by anticipation, connect the French of all ranks with tho heir of the throne ; and sometimes, when the age of the young Prince permitted it, the crown was placed upon his head as the pledge of his future authority, and the emblem of the .perpetuity of the Government. " The affection %% Ilia the whole nation feels for the King of Rome, proves, Sire, both the att.ichment of the French to the btoQd of your Majesty, and that internal sentiment which re-asbures every citizen, and which points out to him, in august infant, the security of his own children, the safeginird of his own fortune, and an instirinoutJ able obstacle to those intestine divisions, those civil agitations, and thme pol;tical revolutions, which are the greatest scourges that can afflict nations. • " S, re, your Majesty as %N.:wed the French eagles over the towers of Moscow. The enemy. •ould neither arrest your suci:ess nor tim art -:a-- _ not be easily r-,•,", Ttese considera its with ho.„sk. --' . -'" ez fidence. i N v-'0• atteznet •: i It . -- • gaiet . 4 3 ,, ,i, s t , ~.!•••,_ 1 .:.,•4: . ' -er .the army i... 1. ,) -or, - . ~ .) The 1 • , i s. , Le. 1, 4 stren; lufor $ • t ''" 4 . 2 s ','. . I' , 1;\- =:.-.:-.--- in arl _,_,___ .... rte. v / •y e b e 1 - % lii thir 41.14ra : ow 1 V 1 •