History.

Minialuxe started production of plastic cars about 1954 (some sources say 1959) and ceased production in the late 1970s (Ford Anglia website; Ralston and Forbes 2008, p. 26; Johnson 1998, p. 174). The company was based in the town of Oyonnax in eastern France about 20 miles from Geneva, Switzerland, and about 50 miles northeast of Lyon (where toy makers Norev and Majorette were headquartered). Oyonnax was known for its plastics industry, with experiments in celluloid long before WWII and a new burgeoning industry post-War (Ralston and Forbes 2008, p. 25). One landmark event that saw the area's explosion as a toy center was the local plastics industry's first trade fair which was located in Oyonnax in 1953; Ralston 2007, p. 25).  Minialuxe claimed to be the first to produce models in a new plastic called Rhodalite, but apparently Norev beat them by about a year (Ralston 2007, p. 26). Models featured were mostly, but not exclusively, French makes (Sinclair's 1977). There were two main series, a contemporary line and a classic line. Minialuxe appears to have started with the contemporary line, expanding into the classic line around 1970. Collectors traditionally seem to be more interested in the unique selections of the classic series, but all models, though somewhat simpler than the zamac metal diecast of other companies, were clever and included details that were quite endearing.

The Contemporary Line.

The contemporary line was started in 1954 with a few selections and it continued through the mid-1970s. It featured mainly French brands. Renaults seen were the (Dauphine, Floride, 10, 16, Alpine A310, 5, 17), and an Estafette delivery van. Peugeots produced were the (203, 204, 403, 404, 504, and 604), Citroëns (11CV Traction Avant, Ami sedan and break, Dyane, Méhari, DS 19 and 21, SM, CX, and GS), Simcas (Aronde, Versailles, Marly Ambulance, Beaulieu, 1000, 1100, 1300, Océane, and Aronde Plein Ciel). For plastic, the selection and detail were impressive. Less well known French brands from the 1950s through the 1970s such as the Hotchkiss Grégoire, Panhards, and Matras were available and distinct from Norev – their main competition (Ralston 2007, p. 26,34). Several models were offered in police livery, especially the Citroen 11CV fourgon (delivery van) which was available for several years in a variety of liveries (Minialuxe Forum website). As time passed, model details and proportions became increasingly more accurate. For example, the Jaguar XK-E was simply stunning and could compare well to any Corgi or Tekno version (Ralston 2007, p. 37). The Hotchkiss (and other cars) were available with various trailers or features such as luggage, skis, or a canoe affixed to the roof (Ralston 2007, p. 37). The Peugeot 604 came with four plastic bicycles, advertising the "Grand Prix de la Montagne" in Tour de France style (Ralston 2007, p. 39). This was a major difference between Norev and Minialuxe; though Norevs were better detailed, Minialuxe had cars and train accessories without the trains! Available were stop lights, street lights, fire hydrants, gas pumps, signs, policemen directing traffic, garage lifts and other pieces (Ralston 2007, pp. 26–27, 38–39).  Other non-French makes were a significant part of the line-up. A couple of Volvos, Porsche 911 Targa, Mercedes W196 Grand Prix car, Jaguar E-Type and D-type, a Ford GT Mark IV, a Fiat 124 and a Siata-Fiat were included. European Fords (Consul, Anglia and Taunus), a VW K70, a BMW 1500, and a Vespa 2CV rounded out the offerings. Formula 1 race cars such as a Matra MS80, Ferrari 312B, and a Gordini added extra sport to the line. Minialuxe also made a few motorcycles, a Paris bus, and a couple of trucks.  Multiple car gift sets were offered, for example, six Citroën Tractions Avant in six different colors in one box, or a BP station with pumps and repair jack. Many of these more contemporary Minialuxe models were part of sweepstakes offers or used as promotionals for different companies, another main difference from Norev. While Norev perfected its own clever marketing ploys, Minialuxe went more for different company promotions. For example, "Chèque Tintin" was a sweepstakes offer based on the comic strip "The Adventures of Tintin" ("Les Aventures de Tintin") where one accumulated coupons or stamps out of magazines and other publications and turned them in for model cars. Another example was a Citroen DS19 sedan with "Vêtements Bayard" (Bayard Clothing) imprinted (partially melted into the plastic) on the roof. Other cars advertised Bresilia coffee or Delespaul chocolate (Ralston 2007, p. 26).

The Classic Line.

The classic Minialuxe "Les Tacots" line was started about 1970, after the contemporary line had been in production for almost a decade. The classic line featured 34 vehicles from about 1900 through the 1920s. French vehicles were the most common and included Renaults, Peugeots, Citroëns, Panhards and others like a Lorraine-Dietrich, a Balda, a Park Royal, and a De Dion. David Sinclair, who was probably the first to import Minaluxe models to the United States, noted that one interesting selection was a Panhard & Levassor that was one of the first automobiles and one of the earliest cars enclosed in glass (Sinclair's 1977; Levine 2009). A few non-French American cars like variants of the Ford Model T, an early Packard landaulet, the first Oldsmobile Curved Dash model, and an Autocar taxi were offered. British models produced were an early Austin delivery van and a Lanchester.  Models were all plastic, but this was ideal for the intricate'spiderweb' details needed for thin window supports and long narrow wheel spokes seen on early classic cars. The Minialuxe classic line was contemporary to and similar to early Brumm, Rio Models, Cursor, Dugu Miniautotoys or Safir which were all generally plastic. Some models, like the 1910 Renault came in different forms and sometimes had holes in the plastic where windshield or other pieces were placed on other variants – which gives the appearance that parts are missing when they are not. While most models appeared well-constructed, some appeared with glue sloppily streaked across body panels.  A small series of HO Tacot models were also introduced but Force says that only four were apparently made (Force 1991, p. 150). One very intriguing Minialuxe model was a Hill's 1839 primitive locomotive, similar to George Stevenson's first locomotive built in Newcastle in 1829.

Model Details.

Minialuxe models had both bodies and chassis made of styrene plastic. Early Minialuxe models were fairly simple without windows, had simple chassis, and sometimes one piece tire/wheel assemblies. Early Norevs had better detail and proportion (Ralston 2007, p. 33). Later models were more precisely detailed sometimes with two-tone paint schemes and some opening features (Force 1991, p. 149). Windows were added in the late 1950s, but commonly bodies were molded in clear plastic, then painted except for the windows themselves (Ralston 2007, p 38). Some models suffered from acetate malformation. Usually the only metal parts were axles. Earlier cars had bumpers and chrome parts hand painted in silver while headlights and tail lights were often painted with yellows and reds. Another interesting detail when compared with Norev, was that Minialuxe offered vehicles in two main scales: 1:43 and 1:32, which provided for more detail (Ralston 2007, pp. 26–27).  By 1968 or 1969 interiors, steering wheels, opening hoods and engine detail had all been added on various models (Force 1991, p. 149). Earlier engine detail was painted silver and later, chromed. For example, the Simca 1100 sedan had an opening hood and tail gate. Some models experienced glue distortion under roofs or warping of bodies over time, which is unusual for styrene. Early tires were solid white plastic with solid hubs or with different colored hubs (say beige or dark red) while later tires were a slightly softer polyurethane with simple metal hubs similar to Tekno or Corgi (Ralston 2007, pp. 34–35). Some plastic wheels were done in a wire style, sometimes in chrome, sometimes just in simple body color. By the 1970s, bodies were better formed with pieces fitting together much better (Force 1991, p. 150).  Models were mostly unnumbered in the contemporary line, while the "Tacots" classic line was numbered. As a case study, on the black plastic base of the BMW 1500 sedan was written the name of the car and "1:43" then "Minialuxe" in large letters. Below that it said "Minia Stable" (steady minialuxe?) possibly referring to the workable suspension – and below then "suspension brevetee SGDG"(meaning 'patented'). The chassis was cut along lines parallel with the length of the car which subsections were supported around the axles giving a springy bounce to the car. Lastly, of course, was "Made in France" (Force 1991, p. 149).

Packaging.

Early Minialuxe vehicles came in simple cardboard cartons without plastic windows and illustrated with colorful standard artwork of the cars. 'Minialuxe' or 'Jouet Minialuxe' was written on the flaps commonly with the color of the car indicated. Colors were bright and saturated blues yellows, pinks and reds. No matter the model inside, Simcas and Peugeots were commonly shown on each early box, emphasizing French origins (Minialuxe Forum website). The flaps said "Les Grandes Marques Francaises" ("The Great French Makes"). In the 1970s, similar to the early German Cursor company, models were offered in a clear flimsy plastic 'box' with a cardboard base.

The Duration of Minialuxe.

It appears that Minialuxe, as a rather sophisticated plastic model maker, lasted about 25 years, though it was not very well known outside France, and less well-known than its main competitor Norev. This is a longer period than several other European diecast model makers – whether in plastic or zamac metal. For example, Minialuxe lasted longer than Italian Mebetoys and nearly as long as Polistil, both of which had more company influence (Mattel in the case of Mebetoys) and more international success. Minialuxe models were very practical and realistic and never made any concessions to Mattel's fast axle wheel developments, flashy paint, and Hot Rod hip style which revolutionized the toy car industry.  It seems as the company declined, it depended more and more on its Tacots classic series and on adult collectors who prized them. Well-known collector Edward Force says, as far as he could tell, the last 'new' model was introduced in 1974, Like Norev and Politoys, Minialuxe also planned a transition to diecast metal, and produced one model in metal: a Berliet Stradair articulated tanker, but it was the only one (Ralston 2007, pp. 26–27). Some models like the VW K70 and Renault 30TS were produced in the 1970s, and the last appear to have been in the late 1970s (Force 1991, p. 150; Ralston 2007, p. 27). In any event, by 1980, Minialuxe was gone.

Minialuxe was a brand of detailed and authentic plastic car and truck models made in Oyonnax (Department of Ain), France. Models were usually made in 1:43 scale, but some larger 1:32 scale vehicles were also manufactured (for example, a Peugeot 403). The official name of the company in French was "Établissements Minialuxe".

Minialuxe est une marque de miniatures automobiles, implantée originairement à Oyonnax, dans le département de l'Ain et aujourd'hui basée à Cestas dans le département de la Gironde.


Description.

Male upperside: pale creamy white; both wings irrorated with diffuse black scales; body, base of the wings and the dorsum of hindwing clothed with long white hairs. Forewing: the irroration of black scales most dense along the costal margin and at base of cell, more sparse on the disc; the apical two thirds of the cell, a portion beyond the middle of interspace 1, and the bases of interspaces 4, 5, 8 and 9 markedly free of the diffuse black scales; a transverse short bar across the middle of cell, another along the discocellulars, and a diffuse transverse series of postdiscal lunules, black; three or four crimson spots encircled with black arranged as follows: one midway in interspace 1, two, sometimes three, beyond apex of cell in an oblique line from the costa; the terminal margin broadly hyaline, with minute black specks at the apices of the veins; cilia white. Hindwing: base and dorsal margin beneath the white hairs densely and broadly irrorated with black scales, the inner edge of this border irregular, rest of the wing with more diffuse black scaling; five or six black-encircled crimson spots as follows: two, sometimes three, obliquely above the tornus, these or one of them occasionally white-centred; one in the middle of interspaces 5 and 7 respectively, these are generally centred with white; and one pure crimson spot at the extreme base of the wing; the postdiscal series of black lunules are as on the forewing, but the lunules are not so well defined and generally separate from one another; finally there is no distinct hyaline border to the wing, but the cream-white scaling extends to the termen; terminal black specks to the veins and white cilia as on the forewing. Underside: shining, with more or less of a glazed appearance; markings much as on the upperside, but indicated as much by those of the upperside which show through as by actual scaling; in addition on the hindwing there is a subbasal transverse series of four dull crimson spots while the crimson spots beyond are all more or less white centred. Antennae deep brownish black, rarely with a few white specks on the underside; head, thorax and abdomen beneath the covering of white hairs, black. Female. Similar, generally darker with the irroration of black scales more dense; the crimson spots are often larger and more brilliant. Anal pouch after fertilization "ovally scoop-shaped in front, convex beneath," furnished with a sharp high carina posteriorly.

Range.

North-eastern Afghanistan, Indus Valley (Pakistan) and (Jammu & Kashmir), Tajikistan (Pamirs), Uzbekistan, South West China and Szechwan.

Status.

Not known to be in danger. The nominate subspecies is protected by law in India.

Taxonomy.

The Latin specific epithet "jacquemontii" refers to the French botanist and geologist Victor Jacquemont (1844–1912).

Parnassius jacquemontii, the keeled Apollo, is a high altitude butterfly which is found in India and Pakistan. It is a member of the snow Apollo genus ("Parnassius") of the swallowtail family (Papilionidae). It is also fairly common at high altitudes from Chitral to Kumaon.

Parnassius jacquemontii est une espèce d'insectes lépidoptères de la famille des Papilionidae, de la sous-famille des Parnassiinae et du genre "Parnassius".


USSR anti-religious campaign (1928–1941)

Education.

In 1928 the Soviet People's Commissar for Education, Anatoly Lunacharsky, pressured by leftist Marxists, agreed to an entirely anti-religious education system from the first grade up, however, he still warned against a general expulsion of teachers with religious beliefs due to the shortage of atheist teachers. In 1929 an Agitprop conference resolved to intensify anti-religious work throughout the education system. This led to the setting-up of anti-religious sections at all research and higher-education teaching institutions. A special anti-religious faculty was instituted at the Institute of Red Professors in 1929.  A campaign was led against schoolteachers of the old intelligentsia who were asserted to be working against the system and were even allowing priests to spiritually influence schoolchildren. Teachers accused of such could be fired, and

Sergii and the Church.

Most of the bishops arrested between 1928–1932 were arrested for reasons surrounding opposition to Metropolitan Sergius and his notorious declaration of loyalty. The state did officially maintain the line that church and state were separate in the Soviet Union during this time, despite the many arrests of people for not following their religious leaders. The GPU often cynically questioned arrested believers "what is your attitude to 'our' Metropolitan Sergii, heading the Soviet church?".  Opposition to Sergius was used as a pretext to close many churches and sending clergy to exile. The last officially functioning anti-Sergiite church in Moscow was closed in 1933 and in Leningrad in 1936. After these churches were closed, they were usually demolished or turned to secular use (rather than being given to Sergii's jurisdiction as though they were really being closed simply for the reason of their opposition to Sergii). This campaign greatly diminished the number of functioning churches in the country.  Although officially anti-Sergiite churches were destroyed, many unofficial underground church communities existed and formed what was called 'The Catacomb Church'. This underground church movement claimed to be the true legitimate continuation of Orthodoxy in

Legislative measures.

The LMG called for sectarians to be expelled from farm management in 1929.  In 1929 Lunacharsky, made some statements in which he claimed that religious freedom could be suspended "when it is abused for the direct class struggle against the proletarian dictatorship". While Lunacharsky had urged moderation, this quotation would be taken out of context in order to justify the intense anti-religious persecution carried out in the next decade.  The church's successful competition with the ongoing and widespread atheistic propaganda, prompted new laws to be adopted in 1929 on "Religious Associations" as well as amendments to the constitution, which forbade all forms of public, social, communal, educational, publishing or missionary activities for religious believers. The Church thereby lost any public voice and was limited strictly to religious services that took place in the walls of churches. Atheist propaganda continued to have an unlimited right of propagation, which meant that the Church could not respond to the arguments used against it any longer. The Church was not permitted to run study groups for religious adults, organize picnics or cultural circles, or organize special services for groups of believers, such as schoolchildren, youth, women or mothers. Any pursuit of the true pastoral duties by clergymen became punishable by law. These laws also forbade Christian charity efforts, participation of children in religious activities, and religious functionaries were restricted to the area associated with them.  Young Pioneer organizations were urged to participate in the anti-religious struggle by the 16th party congress. The same congress also made it illegal for children to serve as acolytes in churches or to be drawn into groups for home religious instruction.  The official explanation for this campaign was that the state was vulnerable due to foreign religious efforts (e.g. the Vatican, US evangelical churches) and that therefore

Financial persecution.

The church was treated as a private enterprise and clergy qualified as kulaks for taxation purposes, and they were subject to the same oppressive taxation that was introduced for private peasants and shopkeepers (up to 81% of income). The lack of regulations that defined how such should be assessed allowed for arbitrary assessments and financial persecution. The rural clergy were required to pay the full tax on land use, along with tax on income received for special clerical functions as well as a special tax paid by those deprived of voting rights (all clergy were in this category). All church communities were required to pay a special tax on the leased church building at 0.5% of the "market" value of the building, which would be arbitrarily assessed by the State Insurance Office. Furthermore, clergy and conscientious objectors had to pay a special tax for not serving in the armed forces, but still had to serve in special auxiliary forces (felling trees, mining, and doing other labour) when called upon. This tax was equal to 50% of the income tax on incomes under 3000 rubles and 75% of the income tax on incomes greater than 3000 rubles. Through all of these taxes combined, the taxes charged to clergy could exceed 100% of their income. Failure to pay taxes could be criminally prosecuted and lead to imprisonment or exile in Siberia. Failure to pay taxes could also be treated as a subversive activity to undermine the Soviet economy during the Five Year Plan and could lead to execution.  Clergy were deprived of any social security rights as well. Up until 1929, the Church could insure their clergy for medical care and for pension by paying required sums, but after this

Antireligious propaganda.

The antireligious propaganda was critical in order to demonize active believers and foster a mindset of hostility against them as'vermin' or'scum', and it was in some ways similar to the contemporary anti-Semitic propaganda of Nazi Germany. Creating this mindset was critical in order to make the public accept the campaign.  The published anti-religious propaganda was not as conspicuous as it was during the 1920s, but this did not bear reflection on the level of actual persecution. The verbal propaganda was increasingly relegated to public organizations, such as party branches, the Komsomol, the Young Pioneers, the League of the Militant Godless, Museums of Scientific Atheism, Workers' Evening Universities of Atheism under the auspices of Trade Unions, and others.  All forms of behaviour and policies of the Churches were treated in the official propaganda as insincere and aiming to overthrow Communism (including both believers that were pro-soviet and anti-soviet). Even acts of loyalty by religious leaders to the system were considered to be insincere attempts to curry favour in order to retain their influence over the believers and protect religion from its final liquidation as the sworn enemy of the workers.  Religious behaviour was presented in the official propaganda as being linked to psychological disorders and even criminal behaviour. Textbooks for schoolchildren tried to evoke contempt for believers; pilgrims were depicted as morons, repulsive-looking alcoholics, syphilitics, plain cheaters and money-grubbing clergy. Believers were treated as harmful parasites that spread ignorance, filth and disease, and which needed to be liquidated.  The press relayed slogans like "let us deal a crushing blow to religion!" or "we must achieve liquidation of the Church and complete liquidation of religious superstitions!". Religious belief was presented as superstitious and backward. It often printed pictures of former churches that had been demolished or turned into other uses.  The official press instructed people to sacrifice their family ties for the sake of atheism, and that they should not make compromises with family religious tradition for the sake of family unity or loving pity for their relatives.  The

Agricultural communes.

The religious agricultural communes were replaced with state communes. These communes were attacked, not because of poor productivity but because they prevented the penetration of anti-religious propaganda into them. People from religious communes who joined state communes were blamed in the press for sabotaging the harvest and work on the communes.  Churikov, a small merchant from the Volga area who had established highly successful Orthodox agricultural communes began to be targeted by the state in

Muslims.

Sultan Galiev, the Central Asian Marxist leader who had advocated for an independent Marxist state in Central Asia, began to be attacked in 1927. From 1927-1940 he and his supporters were purged from the CPSU. Galiev was arrested and sent to penal servitude; he was later executed in 1940. Many Muslims who had supported a united Muslim state in Central Asia were targeted and liquidated in the 1930s as traitors.  Much of the communist party in Central Asia was composed of believing Muslims, and the state found that it was not pragmatic to eliminate all of them, because of the lack of experience that Russian communist replacements had with Central Asia and the shortage of sufficient numbers of atheist members of the CPSU in those territories.  Muslims nevertheless were attacked along with the believers of other religions during this period. The 1929 law on religious associations for the whole country was implemented in Central Asia by

Activities.

Stalin called "to bring to completion the liquidation of the reactionary clergy in our country". Stalin called for an "atheist five year plan" from 1932–1937, led by the LMG, in order to completely eliminate all religious expression in the USSR. It was declared that the concept of God would disappear from the Soviet Union.  Some of the tactics that had been used early on and discarded in the 1920s due to their crude nature or providing too much offense to the feelings of believers. Included in these tactics were the anti-Christmases and anti-Easters that were organized by groups such as the Komsomol.  Anti-clericalism, and attempting to divide religions by pitting laity against their hierarchy was still encouraged. Most of the clergy arrested and imprisoned in the 1920s and onwards never had trials. The maximum sentence for administrative exile in the 1920s had been three years, but this was extended to four years in 1934 when the NKVD was created and given the power to issue such sentences. After serving such terms, most clergy would return their dioceses. Those whose terms ran out around 1930 were often transported later under surveillance to an isolated village in the far north or north-east, never to return.  There had initially been great resistance by religious associations against the beginning of the attack in 1929-1930 and large volumes of petitions to the government.  After 1929 and through the 1930s, the closing of churches, mass arrests of the clergy and religiously active laity, and persecution of people for attending church reached unprecedented proportions. For example, in the central Russian region of Bezhetsk, 100 of the surviving 308 churches were shut in 1929 (only twelve were closed in this region between 1918–1929) and in Tula diocese 200 out of the 700 churches were closed in 1929. This campaign began to intensify first in the rural areas before it came to the cities after the liquidation of monasteries in 1932.  Much of this was carried out on secret unpublished instructions from the Central Committee, while confusingly the same Committee would publicly call for an end to the practice of shutting churches. In relation to this, the terror campaign of the 1930s was conducted in an atmosphere of absolute secrecy after very bad international publicity that initially followed the campaign run from 1929–1930.  Party members that were found to have religious affiliation were purged. Party members that were found to have insufficiently detached themselves from religious affiliations (e.g. if they continued to be friends with the local priest) were expelled and purged.  In 1929 the Soviet press claimed that an espionage organization serving the Polish intelligence service was uncovered in the Baptist community. It was supposedly headed by the Baptist leader Shevchuk and employed a hundred secret agents that were collecting Soviet military secrets. These claims were doubtful, however, and the accusation followed a decision by the Baptist church to allow its membership to serve in the armed forces, which thereby deprived Soviet propaganda of its ability to make accusations, as it had earlier, that the Baptists were irresponsible pacifists who parasitically enjoyed the security provided by their fellow citizens who shed their blood in that nation's defense. Other accusations of this sort were leveled against the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church, students at the Leningrad Theological Institute and a number of top engineers and scientists, who were accused of doing espionage for foreign powers and the Vatican, or subversion; this led to trials, imprisonments and executions of numerous individuals. The Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church was essentially shut down in 1930 through this means, and in the remainder of the decade most of its bishops were killed as well as many of its followers. A number of Protestant and Roman Catholic dignitaries were "exposed" as foreign spies in 1929–1930. Charges of espionage were commonly used against religious believers in order to arrest them.  There were even accusations that clergy were cooperating with Trotskyites and Zonvievites against the state, although Leon Trotsky was an energetic and militantly atheistic communist leader. In the same theme, Nikolai Bukharin was accused of promoting extreme attacks against

Notable atrocities and victims.

As a result of the secrecy of the campaign, detailed and systematic information of all of the activities carried out by the state is not existent, as a result of this the information known about the victims and actions of this campaign is limited. However, there were a number of notable incidents that were largely recorded by the church.  Father Arkadii Ostal'sky was accused in 1922 of inciting the masses against the state. At his trial every witness refuted the charge, and the prosecution then argued that this number of witnesses was proof that the bishop was very popular and because he preached religion, which was harmful to the Soviet state, he ought to be condemned. He was sentenced to death, but this was commuted to ten years hard labour. After he returned early he was consecrated a bishop, but was then arrested and exiled to Solovki in 1931. He returned again in 1934 and then went into hiding, but he was caught and sent to another concentration camp. He was released shortly before the war broke out and was told by his camp administrator that he could have safety and job security if he agreed to remain in the area of the camps and give up the priesthood. He refused, and was then re-arrested and disappeared.  Bishop Alexander (Petrovsky) was consecrated in 1932 and appointed to Kharkiv by Sergii. In 1939 he was arrested without charge and he soon died in prison thereafter (it is unknown if this was a natural death or not). Afterwards the authorities decided to close the last functioning church in Kharkiv; this was carried out during Lent 1941 when the church was ordered to pay a tax of 125,000 roubles (the average annual wage at the time was 4,000 roubles). The money was collected and submitted, but the church was still shut down before Easter. At Easter a crowd of 8,000 people reportedly participated in a service carried out in the square in front of the church around priests dressed in civilian clothes and impromptu sang the hymn "Glory to Thy Passion, O Lord!" The same was repeated at the Easter Sunday service with an even larger crowd.  Metropolitan Konstantin (D'iakov) of Kiev was arrested in 1937 and shot in prison without trial twelve days later.  Metropolitan Pimen (Pegov) of Kharkov was hated by the communists for his success in resisting the local Renovationists; he was arrested on trumped-up charges of contacts with foreign diplomats and he died in prison in 1933.  Bishop Maxim (Ruberovsky) returned from prison in 1935 to the city of Zhytomyr, to where by 1937 almost all priests from Soviet Volhynia were sent (total of about 200). In August, all of them as well as the bishop were arrested; they were later shot in winter 1937 without trial. Afterwards the Soviet press accused them of subversive acts.  Archbishop Antonii of Arkhangelsk was arrested in 1932. The authorities tried to force him to "confess" to his activities against the Soviet state, but he refused. He wrote in a written questionnaire given to him that he 'prayed daily that God forgive the Soviet Government for its sins and it stop shedding blood'. In prison he was tortured by being made to eat salty food without adequate drink and by restricting the oxygen in his dirty, crowded and unventilated cell; he contracted dysentery and died.  Metropolitan Serafim (Meshcheriakov) of Belorussia had been an active leader of the Renovationists before he returned to the Orthodox church with much public penance, thus incurring the enmity of the Soviet state. Soon after his return, he was arrested in 1924 and exiled to Solovki. He was then re-arrested and shot without trial in Rostov-on-Don along with 122 other clergy and monks in 1932.  Metropolitan Nikolai of Rostov-on-Don was exiled without trial to Kazakhstan, where he and other exiled clergy built huts out of clay and grass; they also ate grass to survive. In 1934 he was allowed to return to Rostov and to return to his post. He was re-arrested in 1938 and condemned to death by a firing squad. After being shot he was dumped in a mass open grave, but when believers came the next day they found that he was still alive, took him away and secretly took care of him. He served as Metropolitan of Rostov under the German occupation, and he evacuated to Romania as the Germans retreated. His subsequent fate is unknown.  Bishop Onufrii (Gagliuk) of Elisavetgrad was arrested in 1924, without cause. He had returned to his post within a year. In 1927 he was re-arrested and exiled to Krasnoiarsk in Siberia. He returned and occupied two more Episcopal sees, but was re-arrested in the mid-1930s and deported beyond the Urals, where he was rumoured to have been shot in 1938.  Bishop Illarion (Belsky) was exiled to Solovki from 1929–1935 in retaliation for his resistance to Sergii. He was re-arrested in 1938, for continuing to refuse to recognize Sergii and shot.  Bishop Varfolomei (Remov) was accused through information provided by own of his own pupils (future bishop Alexii (not the patriarch Alexii)) of having operated a secret theological academy and was shot in 1936.  Bishop Maxim (Zhizhilenko) had worked as a transit prison medical doctor-surgeon for twenty-five years before he was consecrated as a bishop in 1928. His medical and humanitarian work had become famous, and he used to eat prison food, sleep on bare boards and give away his salary to the prisoners he worked with. He was ordained a priest in secret after the revolution and he had reportedly converted many of the imprisoned to Christianity as well as performed pastoral functions and confessions for them. He broke with Sergii after 1927, and he was arrested in 1929. The regime was annoyed with him because he was a popular and outstanding medical doctor that had "deserted" them to the Church, he had been a charismatic bishop and he had chosen the most militantly anti-Sergiite faction (M. Joseph). He was described as a "confessor of apocalyptic mind". He had brought many parishes over from Sergii's faction to his and he had also introduced a prayer that would be introduced in many churches that called on Jesus to keep His word that the gates of hell would not overcome the church and He "grant those in power wisdom and fear of God, so that their hearts become merciful and peaceful towards the Church". He was executed in 1931.  Fr. Roman Medved remained loyal to Sergii. He was arrested in 1931 because of his magnetic personality and acts of charity that were drawing people to religion. He had set up an unofficial church brotherhood in the 1920s that continued long after his death. He was released from his camp in 1936 because of ruined health and died within a year.  Fr Paul Florensky was one of the Orthodox church's greatest 20th century theologians. At the same time he was also a professor of electrical engineering at the Moscow Pedagogical Institute, one of the top counsellors in the Soviet Central Office for the Electrification of the USSR, a musicologist and an art historian. In these fields he held official posts, gave lectures and published widely, while continuing to serve as a priest and he did not even remove his cassock or pectoral cross while lecturing at the university. This situation caused him to be arrested many times beginning in 1925. He was loyal to Sergii. His last arrest occurred in 1933 and he was sent to a concentration camp in the far north. He was given a laboratory at the camp and assigned to do research for the Soviet armed forces during the war. He died there in 1943.  Valentin Sventsitsky was a journalist, a religious author and thinker of Christian-socialist leanings before 1917. Some of his writings had brought trouble from the tsarist police and he was forced to live abroad for a number of years. He returned after the revolution in 1917 and sought ordination in the Orthodox Church where he would become its champion apologist against the Renovationists. This caused him to be arrested and exiled in 1922. After his return he became a very influential priest in Moscow and formed parish brotherhoods for moral rebirth. In 1927 he broke with Sergii, and in 1928 he was exiled to Siberia, where he died in 1931. Before his death he repented of breaking with Sergii and asked to be reaccepted into the Orthodox Church, claiming that schism was the worst of all sins and that it separated one from the true Church; he

Foreign criticism.

Many protests occurred in Western countries against the wild persecutions in the USSR, and there were mass public prayers in the United Kingdom, Rome and other places on behalf of the persecuted

Resolution of debate.

The ongoing debate between the "rightist" and "leftist" sides of how to best combat religion found some resolution by 1930. The journal "Under the Banner of Marxism", edited by Abram Deborin, proclaimed victory of the leftist side of the debate in 1929, but it was a year later withdrawn from publication until February 1931, when an editorial appeared in it that condemned both the rightist thinking and the Deborin

Drop in enthusiasm for the anti-religious campaign.

The failure of the propaganda war was evident in the increasing reliance on terror tactics by the regime in the antireligious campaign in the 1930s. However, by the end of the decade it may have become apparent to the leadership of the antireligious campaign that the previous two decades of experience had shown that religion was a much deeper rooted phenomena than originally thought.  Anti-religious museums began to be closed in the late 1930s and chairs of "scientific atheism" were abolished in universities. The average figures for those who attended atheist lectures was dropping to less than 50 per lecture by 1940. The circulation of anti-religious journals was dropping as was membership in the League of the Militant Godless. There are different reasons that may have caused this, including some moral alienation of people from the brutality of the campaign as well as the fact that the centralized terror did not have much tolerance for autonomous organizations, and even those who worked for anti-religious purposes could find themselves criticized in the campaign or subject to purge for deviating from the established line. Stalin's mind may have changed as well; he may have lost patience with the campaign, alternatively he may have thought that it had reached its goals once organized religion had ceased to exist in any public way throughout the country or he may have thought that the looming war clouds needed a more unified country. The leadership may also have concluded that a long-term, deep, insistent and patient persuasion would be needed in light of religion's perseverance.  In 1937, Grekulov, a Soviet historian published an article in an official journal that praised Russia's conversion to Christianity in the 10th century as a means that culture and learning entered the country. This was in contrast to years earlier when the League of the Militant Godless had attacked school teachers who claimed that the church benefitted Russia in this way. What Grekulov wrote would become the official Soviet position until the fall of communism.  Even still, the persecution continued full swing and the clergy were attacked as foreign spies in the late 1930s and trials of bishops were conducted with their clergy as well as lay adherents who were reported as "subversive terroristic gangs" that had been unmasked.  The tone was changing at that point though, especially following the annexation of the new territories in eastern Poland in 1939, as party leaders, such as Oleschuk, began to claim that only a tiny minority of religious believers were class enemies of state. Church institutions in Eastern Poland were abolished or taken over by the state. The anti-religious work in the new territories was even criticized for being too zealous and Oleschuk advised against setting up new LMG cells in the territories. When the Nazis invaded in 1941, the secret police rounded up many Ukrainian Catholic priests who were either murdered or sent into internal exile.  Official Soviet figures reported that up to one third of urban and two thirds of rural population still held religious beliefs by 1937 (a decrease from estimated 80% of the country being religious in the late 1920s); altogether this made up 50% of the state's population (and even these figures may have been low estimates). However, religion had been hit very powerfully; the number of churches had been reduced from 50,000 in 1917 to only a few hundred (and there was not a single church open in Belarus) or perhaps even less, out of 300 bishops in 1917 (and 163 in 1929) only 4 remained (Metropolitan Sergii (the head of the church), Metropolitan Alexii of Leningrad, Bishop Nikolai (Yarushevich), and Metropolitan Sergi (Voskresenski)), out of 45,000 priests there were only to 2,000–3,000 remaining, not a single monastery remained open and the only thing that enthusiasts of atheism could still do was to spy on individual believers and denounce them to the secret police.  There were 600 religious communities in Moscow in 1917, and only 20–21 of these still existed by 1939. In Leningrad, where there had been 401 Orthodox churches in 1918, there were only five remaining. Belgorod and district, which had 47 churches and 3 monasteries in 1917 had only 4 churches left by 1936. Novgorod, which had 42 churches and 3 monasteries in 1917 had only 15 churches by 1934. Kuibyshev and its diocese, which had 2200 churches, mosques and other temples in 1917 had only 325 by 1937. The number of registered religious communities by 1941 had dropped to 8000 (of which the vast majority were present in the newly annexed western territories). Proportionally more churches had been closed in rural areas than in cities. All religions in the country by the end of the 1930s had had most of their buildings either confiscated or destroyed, and most of their clerical leadership arrested or dead.  The anti-religious campaign of the past decade and the terror tactics of the militantly atheist regime, had effectively eliminated all public expressions of religion and communal gatherings of believers outside of the walls of the few churches (or mosques, synagogues, etc.) that still held services. This was accomplished in a country that only a few decades earlier had had a deeply Christian public life and culture that had developed for almost a thousand years.

The USSR anti-religious campaign of 1928–1941 was a new phase of anti-religious campaign in the Soviet Union following the anti-religious campaign of 1921–1928. The campaign began in 1929, with the drafting of new legislation that severely prohibited religious activities and called for a education process on religion in order to further disseminate atheism and materialist philosophy. This had been preceded in 1928 at the fifteenth party congress, where Joseph Stalin criticized the party for failure to produce more active and persuasive anti-religious propaganda. This new phase coincided with the beginning of the mass collectivization of agriculture and the nationalization of the few remaining private enterprises.

La politique anti-religieuse soviétique de 1928 à 1941 est une nouvelle phase de la persécution religieuse en Union soviétique. Cette politique commence en 1929 à la suite de la création d’une nouvelle loi interdisant sévèrement les activités religieuses et appelant à un durcissement des attaques contre la religion afin d’encourager la diffusion de l’athéisme. Cette loi fait suite au congrès du parti en 1927 au cours duquel Joseph Staline critique ce dernier au sujet de son incapacité à produire une propagande antireligieuse plus active et plus persuasive. Cette nouvelle phase coïncide avec le début de la collectivisation forcée de l'agriculture et la nationalisation des rares sociétés privées.


Background.

While they never considered each other primary rivals, as two of the biggest and most successful clubs in London there has always been strong needle between the fans dating back to the 1930s. Matches between them would often attract large attendances.  The Arsenal and Chelsea rivalry has been more recently considered an important derby, after Chelsea's rise to the top class of the Premier League in the 2000s, when the two started to compete constantly for the Premier League title.  According to an internet survey of fans in December 2003, the Arsenal fans who responded to the survey said that they considered Chelsea as their third rival, after Manchester United and Tottenham Hotspur.  Those Chelsea fans who responded to the survey said that they considered Arsenal as their main rival, however Tottenham and Fulham are their more traditional rivals.  In a 2009 survey by the Football Fans Census, Arsenal fans named Chelsea as the club they disliked the most, ahead of their traditional rivals Tottenham. Chelsea fans named Arsenal as their second most-disliked club, behind Liverpool. A 2014 Bleacher Report article ranks Arsenal as Chelsea's second-most hated rival.

History.

The first league meeting between the two teams took place on 9 November 1907 at Stamford Bridge. This was the first Football League First Division game played between two London clubs and drew a crowd of 65,000. A match between the clubs at Stamford Bridge in 1935 drew a crowd of 82,905, the second highest recorded attendance for an English league match. They met in two close contested FA Cup semi-finals in the 1950s, with Arsenal winning both times. In the 1960s Chelsea dominated the tie with 14 wins, two draws and just two losses during the decade.  The two teams have met in the quarter-finals of the 2003–04 UEFA Champions League, with Chelsea winning 3–2 on aggregate to go through to the semi-finals.  In 2006, the transfer of Ashley Cole from Arsenal to Chelsea further stoked the rivalry, as Cole had been caught meeting Chelsea officials months before.  The 2007 Football League Cup Final was one of the most noted incidents. The game was marred by a fracas involving Frank Lampard, Cesc Fàbregas and others that resulted in yellow cards for the two and three other players sent off, the dismissal of Emmanuel Adebayor and incidents of Chelsea fans throwing celery at Arsenal players. This led the media to dub it the "Snarling Cup final". The match ended in a 2–1 victory for Chelsea.  On 27 December 2010, Chelsea came into the Emirates having beaten Arsenal five times in a row by a goal differential of 13–2. Arsenal, however, were victorious, 3–1.  On 29 October 2011, another game was played at Stamford Bridge. Arsenal won 5–3 with Robin van Persie scoring a hat-trick and André Santos and Theo Walcott scoring one goal each. Frank Lampard, John Terry and Juan Mata scored the goals for Chelsea. On 22 March 2014, in Arsène Wenger's 1,000th game in charge, Chelsea won 6–0. This marked the most goals Chelsea had scored against Arsenal, Chelsea's biggest margin of victory against Arsenal and the joint heaviest margin of defeat suffered by Wenger at Arsenal. Notable incidents in the match included Chelsea jumping out to a three-goal lead inside of 15 minutes, as well as the sending off of Kieran Gibbs by referee Andre Marriner for a handball committed by his teammate Alex Oxlade-Chamberlain.  On 5 October 2014, Chelsea beat Arsenal 2–0, which meant Arsenal manager Wenger had not won against José Mourinho in twelve attempts. This game also featured former Arsenal captain Cesc Fàbregas playing against his former club for Chelsea for the first time, recording an assist on Diego Costa's goal. The match, however, is most notable for a touchline fracas that occurred between the managers in the technical area during the fierce match.  On 2 August 2015, Wenger finally recorded a win against Mourinho, defeating Chelsea 1–0 in the 2015 FA Community Shield.  On 24 September 2016, Arsenal beat Chelsea 3–0 at the Emirates Stadium. It was the first time Arsenal scored against Chelsea since 2013, and Arsenal's first win over The Blues since 2011 in the Premier League. All three goals were scored in the first half by Alexis Sánchez, Theo Walcott and Mesut Özil. It was Arsenal's biggest win over Chelsea since 1997.  On 4 February 2017, Chelsea beat Arsenal 3–1. Former Arsenal captain Cesc Fàbregas scored Chelsea's third goal.  The two teams have met in the 2017 FA Cup Final, where Arsenal won their record 13th FA Cup trophy by defeating Chelsea 2–1. Arsenal repeated the feat in the 2017 FA Community Shield, winning 4–1 on penalties after the match ended 1–1. It was also the first time the "ABBA" penalty taking system has been used by The Football Association. On 29 May 2019, the two teams met in their first-ever European final, doing so in the Europa League, where Chelsea defeated Arsenal 4–1 to clinch their second title in the competition. The game was also the final career match of Petr Čech, who played for both teams between 2004 and 2019.  In December 29 2019 Arsenal coach Mikel Arteta lost is first home game to Chelsea. The match ended with Arsenal 1-2 Chelsea Premier league

Statistics.

"As of 21 January 2020"

The Arsenal F.C.–Chelsea F.C. rivalry, also known as the North West London derby, is a rivalry between London-based professional association football clubs Arsenal and Chelsea. Arsenal play their home games at the Emirates Stadium, while Chelsea play their home games at Stamford Bridge.

La rivalité entre l'Arsenal FC et le Chelsea FC, se réfère à l'antagonisme entre deux des principaux clubs de football de Londres. Si les supporters de Chelsea considèrent Arsenal comme leur plus grand rival, les "Gunners" (supporters d'Arsenal) voient Chelsea seulement comme leur troisième plus grand rival.


License.

The JSLint license is a derivative of the MIT License. The sole modification is the addition of the line ""The Software shall be used for Good, not Evil.""  According to the Free Software Foundation, this clause makes the license non-free. The clause has also prevented JSLint-related software from being hosted on Google Code and from being included in the Debian free software package repositories. Because of this restriction, according to Crockford, IBM asked Crockford in 2011 for a license to do evil, such that their customers could use it.

Influence.

JSLint is considered by some to be the first JavaScript syntax checker. It has since inspired various other tools.  In 2011, Anton Kovalyov created a fork, called JSHint. The main motivation behind the creation of JSHint was to provide a "less opinionated" and "more configurable" way for developers to analyse code.  In 2013, Nicholas C. Zakas created ESLint. Both JSLint and JSHint lacked the ability to create additional rules for code quality and coding style. After contributing to JSHint, Zakas decided to create a new linting tool, ESLint, where all rules are configurable, and additional rules can be defined or loaded at run-time. ESLint also supports linting the latest versions of JavaScript, aka ECMAScript 2015 and above.  In 2014, Marat Dulin created JSCS. In 2016, The JSCS Team joined the ESLint project, and has since discontinued maintenance of the JSCS tool.  In 2015, a comparison published by SitePoint, recommended ESLint above JSLint, JSHint and JSCS. In 2016, CodeKit also praised ESLint for "finding more issues", being "far more configurable", and being "the industry standard" for JavaScript syntax checkers.  In 2016, Palantir Technologies created TSLint, which is the TypeScript equivalent for ESLint. It was deprecated in favor of ESLint with a TypeScript integration in 2019.

JSLint is a static code analysis tool used in software development for checking if JavaScript source code complies with coding rules. It is provided primarily as a browser-based web application accessible through the domain jslint.com, but there are also command-line adaptations. It was created in 2002 by Douglas Crockford.

JSLint est un outil d'analyse statique du code source JavaScript qui a été développé par Douglas Crockford. Il est disponible principalement comme outil en ligne mais il existe également une version en ligne de commande.


Life.

Charles-Grégoire was born and baptised at Cherbonnières, roughly 19 km (13 miles) to the east of Saint-Jean-d'Angély, between Poitiers and Bordeaux in rural western France. He was a younger son of Henri-Charles de Beauchamps (1701-1777), lord of the manor at Cherbonnières. His mother, Madeleine-Dorothée de Lescours, was probably also of aristocratic provenance. He embarked on his military career late in 1757 when he took part in the disastrous (for France) Battle of Rossbach, receiving but surviving fourteen injuries, and retaining his "colours", albeit in a badly shredded condition. He was awarded the Cross of St Louis for his valour and progressed with a military career that took him, eventually, to the rank of a Maréchal de camp.  In April 1789, with the government in financial crisis, the French parliament (States General) was summoned for the first time since 1614 in order to come up with ideas for solving the government's cash shortage. As matters turned out, delegates arrived with their own agendas and the French revolution broke out a couple of months later. The parliament was divided into three classes (estates): Church, Nobility and Commoners. The Marquis of Beauchamps, by now a cavalry colonel, had been elected in March to the Second Estate and proved a passionate supporter of the threatened Ancien Régime. Mindful that his skills were better suited to fighting with a sword than with words, he persuaded his friend Michel-Louis-Étienne Regnaud de Saint-Jean d'Angély to present a powerful protest on his behalf against the actions of the States General, which d'Angély duly did, even though Beauchamps's conservative views were contrary to his own position.  The early years of the French Revolution found the Marquis of Beauchamps on the wrong side of events, and he emigrated to Liège where he had property and family connections. His wife was the sister of one mayor of that city and had been the widow of another. However, as the Revolutionary army rolled across into what later became Belgium his estates in Liège were confiscated and he was driven into a remoter exile, staying with the Duke of Brunswick who was another (more distant) relative. By 1802 much of the earlier revolutionary savagery had been diverted into a more conventional war of territorial conquest and he had been able to return home, greatly impoverished but alive.  At the start of 1802 he was still banned from France, and Beauchamps again requested a favour of his former neighbour and friend, Michel-Louis-Étienne Regnaud de Saint-Jean d'Angély, who by now held a senior government position and was on excellent terms with the First Consul. Initially, however, d'Angély reported that he had been unable to have Beauchamps' name removed from the banned list, because of information found in police files. Beauchamps quickly expressed his conviction that his name must be on the police list because of the passionate protest which d'Angély had himself composed on his behalf thirteen years earlier, against the actions of the States General. Regardless of whether or not this was indeed the cause of the problem, by the end of 1802 d'Angély had succeeded in getting the ban on Charles-Grégoire de Beauchamps lifted.  With the Bourbon Restoration in 1814 the Marquis of Beauchamps lost no time in rediscovering his enthusiasm for the monarchy, and early in 1815, before Napoleon's brief return to France, the 84 year old Charles-Grégoire de Beauchamps had written a letter of eye-watering but presumably appropriate obsequiousness to the relatively youthful the king. He was promoted to Maréchal de camp on 29 February 1816 and died fifteen months later. Sources differ as to whether he died at his Paris home at Rue St-André-des-Arts 55, or at Saint-Jean-d'Angély, close to his birthplace in rural western France. It was in any event at Saint-Jean-d'Angély that his body was buried.

Personal.

Charles-Grégoire de Beauchamps married, as his first wife. Marie Anne Jeanne Françoise van Buel (1710-1778) on 7 June 1761 at Liège, at that time in the Austrian Netherlands. She came from a leading family in the city. His second marriage, which took place around 1785, was to Louise-Hélène de Rosen (ca. 1749-1789), who came from another leading Liege family.  Outside his marriage he had a daughter with Ferdinande de Horion, the young third wife of (and a niece of François-Charles de Velbrück). His paternity was freely acknowledged by all concerned and the girl, known as Catherine de Saintes, later went on to marry Antoine-Augustin Renouard and become the matriarch of a prominent Paris dynasty.

Charles-Grégoire, the Marquis of Beauchamps (25 July 1731 - 5 May 1817) was a French military general and politician. During the run up to the revolution he sat as a "second estate" member of the States General in the summer of 1789.

Charles-Grégoire, marquis de Beauchamps, seigneur de Grand-Fief, Champfleury, la Neponthiére en Saintonge, de Baimont, Varzé et la Mellé (, Cherbonnières -, Paris), est un général et homme politique français, député aux États généraux de 1789.


Early life.

Born Alexander Viespi Jr. to an Italian family in Floral Park, New York, Cord was stricken with polio at the age of 12. His family then moved to Wyoming, where doctors advised him to take up horseback riding as a therapeutic exercise. This helped him recover from the disease by the time he was 16. Cord attended New York University in New York City and the American Shakespeare Theatre at Stratford, Connecticut.

Career.

In July 1960, Cord (billed under his real name) acted in a production of "The Curious Savage" in Canal Fulton, Ohio. He had a role in the 1961 episode "The Mountain Men" of the TV series "Laramie". Cord's second role came a month later as Nino Sanchez in the episode "Winter Quarters" of "Frontier Circus". In 1962, he appeared as Larry Rome in the episode "Take a Number" of the crime drama "Cain's Hundred".  Cord appeared in the 1962 film "The Chapman Report", directed by George Cukor. He briefly enjoyed a leading man status on the big and small screen during the 1960s and 1970s, and starred or co-starred in mostly crime dramas, action films, and westerns.  In 1963 and 1964, Cord was cast as different characters in five episodes of the series "Route 66", including the role of Michael in the two-part "Where There's a Will, There's a Way." In 1964, he played the part of Sam in the episode "If Your Grandmother Had Wheels" of "East Side/West Side", starring George C. Scott. During this same period, he appeared twice on "Naked City", starring Paul Burke.  In 1965, Cord was cast as Jed Colbee in the episode "Survival" of "Branded", starring Chuck Connors as a United States Army officer trying to clear his name of a false accusation of cowardice. In 1966, he played the Ringo Kid in a remake of "Stagecoach", which arguably remains Cord's most heavily publicized endeavor. The role was originally portrayed by John Wayne in John Ford's 1939 version. Cord co-starred with Kirk Douglas in "The Brotherhood", about a Mafia figure being sent to murder his own brother.  He guest-starred on the classic Rod Serling anthology series "Night Gallery" where he met his co-star and wife Joanna Pettet while filming the episode "Keep in Touch - We'll Think of Something". In 1974, Cord worked twice with Diana Muldaur: as a guest-star on her weekly NBC series "Born Free" and as her love interest in the motion picture "Chosen Survivors", an apocalyptic horror film that acquired a cult status.  Cord is among a handful of actors to appear on both the original and revival versions of CBS's "". Cord also is known to science fiction enthusiasts for having portrayed Dylan Hunt in the failed 1973 television pilot "Genesis II," which was created by Gene Roddenberry. In 1977, he starred as the title character in the epic western "Grayeagle".  In 1972, he appeared as Pete Brown in the episode "The Sodbusters" of "Gunsmoke". In 1973, he played the role of Haynes in "The Night of the Long Knives" on "The F.B.I.", starring Efrem Zimbalist, Jr. From 1973 to 1976, he appeared in four episodes of "Police Story". In 1979 and 1981, he appeared twice on "The Love Boat". In 1988, Cord was cast in an episode of "Simon and Simon"; in 1988 and 1992, he appeared on "Jake and the Fatman". He also appeared in an episode of the "War of the World", a TV series. He appeared twice in "Murder, She Wrote", starring Angela Lansbury. In 1995, Cord played the character Larry Curtis in the episode "The Guardians" of "Walker, Texas Ranger".  Cord had two children, daughter Toni Aluisa and son Wayne Viespi. Toni is the daughter of Mary Ann Hutchinson, whom Alex never married, and Wayne was the product of his first marriage. His second marriage was to actress Joanna Pettet. His third marriage was to author Susannah Boye-Moller Cord.  Cord now resides in Fort Worth, Texas. Cord suggested that Robert Fuller, his friend from "Laramie", also move to Texas to raise horses. Fuller and his second wife Jennifer Savidge did relocate to Cooke County in 2004. Cord and Fuller often make appearances at western film festivals highlighting their continuing mutual interest in "The Spirit of the Cowboy."

Alex Cord (born May 3, 1933) is a retired American actor who is best known for his portrayal of Michael Coldsmith Briggs III, better known as Archangel, in 55 episodes of the television series "Airwolf" (1984–1986). Early in his career, he was credited as Alex Viespi.

Alex Cord est un acteur américain, né le à Fort Worth au Texas. Il est connu dans le rôle de Ringo Kid dans le film "La Diligence vers l'Ouest" en 1966 et le rôle de Michael « Archangel » Coldsmith-Briggs III dans la série emblématique "Supercopter" grâce à laquelle il devient une star de télévision internationale dans les années 1980.


History.

The Drama and Comedy Theater was founded in 1946. The head director was Aleksandr Plotnikov and the actors came from various Moscow theater schools and provincial theaters. By 1960s the theater's attendance was at its lowest and in January 1964 Plotnikov resigned. In his place came Yuri Lyubimov, then an actor at Vakhtangov theater who brought with him his own students from Shchukin Theater School.  Under Lyubimov, the theatre quickly shot to popularity in Moscow, with Vladimir Vysotsky, Zinaida Slavina and Alla Demidova as the leading actors. Other notable members of Lyubimov's troupe have been Valery Zolotukhin, Veniamin Smekhov, and Leonid Filatov. Nikolai Erdman (famous for his work with Vsevolod Meyerhold in the 1920s) was responsible for the theatre's repertoire. As an artistic director Lyubimov continued the traditions of his alma mater, the Vakhtangov Theatre, while also exploring the possibilities of Bertolt Brecht's "epic theatre".  The theatre had been deep in trouble with Soviet authorities, who banned many of Lyubimov's productions, and eventually in 1984 the director was stripped of his Soviet citizenship while working on a stage production in England and thus forced to stay in exile in the West.  When another outstanding stage director, Anatoly Efros, was appointed to run the theatre in Lyubimov's stead, he was boycotted and reviled by leading actors in the foulest terms. After Efros's death three years later, a staunch Communist supporter, Nikolay Gubenko, was nominated to lead the troupe. Lyubimov's return to the theatre in 1989 led to the troupe being split, with Gubenko and his party seceding from Lyubimov's company and forming their own "Community of Taganka Actors" ().  In June, 2011 before a performance of Bertolt Brecht's play "The Good Person of Szechwan" in Czech Republic the actors of the theatre refused to rehearse unless they were paid first. The 93-year-old Lyubimov paid the money and left the theatre. "I've had enough of this disgrace, these humiliations, this lack of desire to work, this desire just for money", he said. Two leading actors of the theatre, Dmitry Mezhevich and Alla Smirdan, as well as some administrative assistants, followed Lyubimov. After Lyubimov's resignation the theater was headed first by Valery Zolotukhin (2011-2013), then by Vladimir Fleisher (2013-2015) and since March 2015, by Irina Apeksimova.

Taganka Theatre (, Театр драмы и комедии на Таганке, «Таганка») is a theater located in the Art Nouveau building on Taganka Square in Moscow.

Le Théâtre de la Taganka – ou Théâtre sur la Taganka (en ) – est un théâtre de Moscou, inauguré le, rue de la Taganka dans le district de Taganski.


History.

In 1981 two researchers, Garold Stasser and William Titus, set out to challenge strongly-held beliefs about group decision making. The researchers attempted to use a number of formal models to identify what would happen when people are not fully informed. One of these was the persuasive argument theory (PAT). The theory, in this case, would state that polarization of judgments is due to culturally pooled arguments. This will bolster popularly held beliefs and arguments, yet not take into account unshared information. The novelty of arguments, on the other hand, does create change, but PAT assumes they are consistent with the norm. Stasser and Titus posit that this is not always the case. Through providing selective, unique information, they felt they could separate informational influence and normative influence. Though they ultimately found opposing results, they had devised "hidden profiles".

Causes.

Hidden profiles occur when some information is shared among group members and other pieces of information remain unshared. This phenomenon has a tendency to co-occur and interact with the shared information bias to produce poor decisions. Though each person in a group will have unique knowledge, group members will have the propensity to discuss already shared information. The motivation to do so will be to reach a consensus. This, however, does not yield the optimal decision choice. Initial decision preferences differ from what is ideal, but integrating the unique knowledge of individual group members will allow the optimal decision to be realized.  Stewart and Stasser (1998) state that shared information bias, and in turn hidden profiles, occur more often for judgment-based tasks because of the ultimate goal of reaching consensus. To support this, a meta-analysis of information sharing and teams by Mesmer-Magnus and DeChurch (2009) found that information sharing most affected intellectual tasks. These findings supported Laughlin’s (1980, 1996) claim that intellectual tasks require more information sharing. That is, tasks featuring a hidden profile were less affected by the shared information bias when they were intellectually based (i.e., goal of correctness) rather than judgmentally based (i.e., goal of consensus).  One issue with hidden profiles is the time dedicated to discussion. Shared and unshared information are markedly different in the amount time each is debated in group discussion. In other words, shared information is discussed far more often than novel, unshared information. This unbalanced approach to group decision making does not yield optimal decision choices. This effect is even more prominent for judgmental tasks, as discussed above. Due to this, though an optimal decision is attainable, it will likely not be realized. In hidden profile situations, groups rarely find the alternative decision, likely the optimal one.  One’s affect may also have an effect. When in a group setting, the unbalanced time dedication to shared information may be due to the uncomfortable nature of sharing novel, unique information. Discussing shared information can help to enhance other’s evaluation of a person, while unique information may impair on evaluation. As well, affect does influence reception of knowledge. In a series of studies, it was found that knowledge transfer of novel ideas is greater for those with a positive affect rather than those with a negative affect. This trend does not implicate the sender of information, but the receiver. However, if pairs are affect-congruent (negative-negative, positive-positive) rather than affect-incongruent, knowledge transfer is greater.

A hidden profile is a paradigm that occurs in the process of group decision making. It is found in a situation when part of some information is shared among group members (i.e. all members possess this information prior to discussion), whereas other pieces of information are unshared (i.e. information known to only one member prior to discussion). Furthermore, shared information and unshared information have different decisional implications, and the alternative implied by the unshared information is the correct one given all information available to the group. However, no group member can detect this best solution on the basis of her or his individual information prior to discussion; it can only be found by pooling the unshared information during group discussion. This topic is one of many topics studied in social psychology.

En psychologie sociale, un profil caché est un modèle qui se trouve pendant la prise de décision collective. C'est une situation où une partie de certaines informations est partagée entre les membres du groupe (c'est-à-dire tous les membres possèdent cette information avant de discussion), tandis que d'autres informations sont non partagé (l'information est connue à un seul membre ou seulement certains membres avant le débat ). En outre, l'information partagée et de l'information non partagée avoir différentes implications décisionnelles, et l'information non partagée implicite la bonne orientation et peut mener le groupe à une décision correcte.


Music video.

The official music video for the song was made available for download on iTunes on August 10, 2011. The video was produced by French company HK Corp and directed by Tony Truand. It was released on Skrillex's official YouTube channel on August 17, 2011 and has accumulated more than 360 million views.  The video focuses on a paedophile who follows a young, innocent-seeming girl as she skips down the street. As she descends into an underground area, he pulls out a cloth with chloroform. Just as he is about to attack, she screams "Call 911 now!" and begins utilizing telekinetic powers to manipulate the man's body. She raises him into the air and contorts his body into a variety of positions, slamming him against walls and shooting black smoke into and through his body. It is revealed that a dark figure, reminiscent of the slender figure in the Come to Daddy music video, is directly behind her making identical gestures to the child. The child's eyes turn the same color black as the figure. The suggestion is that the child is in fact some kind of avatar/golem being used by the creature to lure and punish child predators. Ultimately the child makes a final twisting motion with her hands, indicating she has killed the man. She is then shown using her finger to add a pitch black mark to a tally on the wall, adding another victim of her justice to the count (at least 75).

Critical reception.

"Spin" complimented the video, saying "It's one thing to empathize with at-risk kids, or to speak up for them generally, but Skrillex takes it a step further -- and then further still -- in this stunning new video for the track 'First of the Year (Equinox).'" And went on to say "But in this clip, the song's melodic preamble also serves as an ominous backdrop for a creepy, would-be predator who's lurking outside a playground where young children are frolicking. The day is overcast, but something much darker is in the air, as a little girl leaves and the man stalks after her. When she unexpectedly skips off to a dark, abandoned warehouse, he continues to follow, eventually entering a room where she's standing alone, holding a telephone receiver. The keyboards suddenly fade into a glitchier groove, and then, at the 1:25 mark, well, you gotta see for yourself."  The music video was nominated for Best Short Form Music Video at the 54th Grammy Awards. The video was nominated for the MTV Video Music Award for Best Electronic Dance Music Video and it won the award for Best Visual Effects in a Video at 2012 MTV Video Music Awards, awarded to VFX supervisors the Deka Brothers. The video is featured in "Werewolves of Highland", the first episode of season 8 of "Beavis and Butt-head". The song is also used by Argentinian TV channel TV Pública to promote the matches of the 2012 Torneo Inicial.

Samples.

First of the Year makes use of a woman screaming "Call 911 now", the sample is from a viral video from 2005 and was used without permission from the original author. The other sample is from an old Demo track made by Sonny Moore (before he released music under 'Skrillex') called Equinox. The vocal sample was pitch adjusted, reversed, sped-up, vocoded and rearranged, making it nearly indistinguishable.

"First of the Year (Equinox)" is a song by American electronic music producer Skrillex. It was released on June 7, 2011 as the lead single from his third EP, "More Monsters and Sprites". The song has since become a moderate commercial success, peaking within the charts of the United States, Australia, Canada, Norway and Sweden. A music video directed by Tony Truand, produced by HK Corp, premiered on August 10, 2011, and was nominated at the 54th Grammy Awards for Best Short Form Music Video. The music video was nominated for the MTV Video Music Award for Best Electronic Dance Music Video and it won the award for Best Visual Effects in a Video at 2012 MTV Video Music Awards.

First of the Year (Equinox) est une chanson du producteur de musique électronique Skrillex. Elle a été publiée le en tant que premier single issu de son troisième EP, "More Monsters and Sprites".