History.

Wayne County, West Virginia was originally Wayne County, Virginia, which was created from part of Cabell County in 1842. The county was named for General "Mad" Anthony Wayne.

Settlement.

There was no white settlement in the area that became Wayne County until after 1794, due to the constant threat of Indian attack. The area was made safe for white settlement in 1794 through the defeat of the Shawnee at the Battle of Fallen Timbers by General "Mad" Anthony Wayne.  When the first permanent European settlers came to Wayne County around the year 1800, the area was part of Kanawha County. Most of the original pioneer settlers were self-sufficient farmers. They raised their own food, sheep for wool clothing, and made their buildings, furnishings and tools out of the surrounding forest. A few trading posts provided the manufactured goods the pioneers could not make for themselves. Later, grist mills at Wayne, Dickson, south of East Lynn and at Lavalette ground their corn into meal and their wheat into flour.  On June 20, 1863, at the height of the Civil War, Wayne was one of fifty Virginia counties that were admitted to the Union as the state of West Virginia. Later that year, the counties were divided into civil townships, with the intention of encouraging local government. This proved impractical in the heavily rural state, and in 1872 the townships were converted into magisterial districts. Wayne County was divided into five districts: Butler, Ceredo, Grant, Lincoln, and Union. A sixth district, Stonewall, was formed from part of Grant District in 1878. In the 1920s, Westmoreland was created as the county's seventh magisterial district. Grant District was discontinued between 1960 and 1970, followed by Lincoln in the 1980s.

Geography.

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the county has a total area of, of which is land and (1.2%) is water.

Adjacent counties.

Wayne County is one of three counties (along with Apache County, Arizona and Cook County, Illinois) to border two counties of the same name, neither of which are in the same state as the county itself (Lawrence County, Ohio and Lawrence County, Kentucky).

Demographics.

2000 census.

As of the census of 2000, there were 42,903 people, 17,239 households, and 12,653 families living in the county. The population density was 85 people per square mile (33/km2). There were 19,107 housing units at an average density of 38 per square mile (15/km2). The racial makeup of the county was 98.79% White, 0.13% Black or African American, 0.23% Native Americans, 0.20% Asian, 0.02% Pacific Islander, 0.08% from other races, and 0.56% from two or more races. 0.47% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.  There were 17,239 households out of which 31.20% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 59.20% were married couples living together, 10.80% had a female householder with no husband present, and 26.60% were non-families. 24.10% of all households were made up of individuals and 11.10% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.48 and the average family size was 2.92.  In the county, the population was spread out with 23.40% under the age of 18, 8.70% from 18 to 24, 27.70% from 25 to 44, 25.30% from 45 to 64, and 14.90% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 38 years. For every 100 females there were 95.80 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 91.80 males.  The median income for a household in the county was $27,352, and the median income for a family was $32,458. Males had a median income of $31,554 versus $20,720 for females. The per capita income for the county was $14,906. About 16.20% of families and 19.60% of the population were below the poverty line, including 25.50% of those under age 18 and 15.20% of those age 65 or over.

2010 census.

As of the 2010 United States Census, there were 42,481 people, 17,347 households, and 12,128 families living in the county. The population density was. There were 19,227 housing units at an average density of. The racial makeup of the county was 98.6% white, 0.3% American Indian, 0.2% black or African American, 0.2% Asian, 0.1% from other races, and 0.8% from two or more races. Those of Hispanic or Latino origin made up 0.5% of the population. In terms of ancestry, 18.1% were Irish, 16.9% were English, 13.0% were American, and 11.8% were German.  Of the 17,347 households, 30.9% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 53.2% were married couples living together, 11.7% had a female householder with no husband present, 30.1% were non-families, and 26.4% of all households were made up of individuals. The average household size was 2.43 and the average family size was 2.92. The median age was 41.3 years.  The median income for a household in the county was $35,079 and the median income for a family was $44,886. Males had a median income of $40,233 versus $25,765 for females. The per capita income for the county was $18,410. About 16.4% of families and 20.2% of the population were below the poverty line, including 23.2% of those under age 18 and 15.0% of those age 65 or over.

Ancestry/Ethnicity.

As of 2017 the largest self-identified ancestry groups in Wayne County were:

Politics.

Prior to 2000, Wayne County was strongly Democratic in presidential elections, with only four Republican candidates winning the county from 1912 to 1996, all as a part of a national landslide win for the party. Since 2000, the county has swung to becoming strongly Republican similar to the rest of West Virginia, so strongly that Donald Trump won the county in 2016 by a margin of over 50 percent.

Transportation.

Air.

The public Tri-State Airport, the major airport serving the Huntington–Ashland area, is located in Wayne County south of Interstate 64. The airport is accessible from Interstate 64 via Exit 1. Commercial air service is provided by Allegiant Air and American Airlines.

In popular culture.

The following books take place in Wayne County:

Wayne County is the westernmost county in the U.S. state of West Virginia. As of the 2010 census, the population was 42,481. Its county seat is Wayne. The county was founded in 1842 and named for General "Mad" Anthony Wayne.

Le comté de Wetzel est un comté des États-Unis situé dans l’État de Virginie-Occidentale. En 2000, la population était de. Son siège est New Martinsville. Sa frontière nord est une partie de la ligne Mason-Dixon. Il a été formé en 1846 et doit son nom à Lewis Wetzel, garde-frontière et combattant des Amérindiens.


History.

Intentional burial, particularly with grave goods, may be one of the earliest detectable forms of religious practice since, as Philip Lieberman suggests, it may signify a "concern for the dead that transcends daily life." Evidence suggests that the Neanderthals were the first human species to practice burial behavior and intentionally bury their dead, doing so in shallow graves along with stone tools and animal bones. Exemplary sites include Shanidar in Iraq, Kebara Cave in Israel and Krapina in Croatia. Some scholars, however, argue that these bodies may have been disposed of for secular reasons.

Reasons for human burial.

After death, a body will decay. Burial is not necessarily a public health requirement. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the WHO advises that only corpses

Burial methods.

In many cultures, human corpses were usually buried in soil. The roots of burial as a practice reach back into the Middle Palaeolithic and coincide with the appearance of "Homo neanderthalensis" and "Homo sapiens", in Europe and Africa respectively. As a result, burial grounds are found throughout the world. Through time, mounds of earth, temples, and caverns were used to store the dead bodies of ancestors. In modern times, the custom of burying dead people below ground, with a stone marker to indicate the burial place, is used in most cultures; although other means such as cremation are becoming more popular in the West (cremation is the norm in India and mandatory in Japan).  Some burial practices are heavily ritualized; others are simply practical.

Burial depth.

It is a common misconception that graves must be dug to a depth of six feet (1.8 metres). This is reflected in the common euphemism for death of "six feet under". In fact, graves are rarely dug to this depth except when it is intended to later bury a further coffin or coffins on top of the first one. In such cases, more than six feet may be dug in order to provide the required depth of soil above the top coffin.  In the United States, there is no nationwide regulation of burial depth. Each local authority is free to determine its own rules. Requirements for depth can vary according to soil type and by method of burial. California, for instance, requires only 19 inches of soil above the top of the coffin,

Natural burial.

Natural burial—also called "green burial"—is the process by which a body is returned to the earth to decompose naturally in soil, and in some cases even protect native and endangered wildlife. Natural burial became popularized in the United Kingdom in the early 1990s by Ken West, a professional cremator operator for the city of Carlisle, responding to the U.K's call for changes in government that aligned with the United Nations' Environmental Program Local Agenda 21. In addition, there are multiple green burial sites in the United States. Green burials are developing in Canada (Victoria, BC, and Cobourg, Ontario), as well as in Australia and Ireland.  The increase in popularity of alternative burials can be seen as a direct choice of the individual's want to distance him/herself from religious practices and spiritual locations as

Conservation burial.

Conservation burial is a type of burial where burial fees fund the acquisition and management of new land to benefit native habitat, ecosystems and species. Such burials go beyond other forms of natural burial, which aim to prevent environmental damage caused by conventional burial techniques, by actually increasing benefits for the environment. The idea is for the burial process to be a net positive for the earth rather than just neutral. Scientists have argued that such burials could potentially generate enough funds to save every endangered species on the planet.

Prevention of decay.

Embalming is the practice of preserving a body against decay and is used in many cultures. Mummification is a more extensive method of embalming, further delaying the decay process.  Bodies are often buried wrapped in a shroud or placed in a coffin (or in some cases, a casket). A larger container may be used, such as a ship. In the

Inclusion of clothing and personal effects.

The body may be dressed in fancy and/or ceremonial clothes. Personal objects of the deceased, such as

Body positioning.

Burials may be placed in a number of different positions. Bodies with the arms crossed date back to ancient cultures such as Chaldea in the 10th century BC, where the "X" symbolized their sky god. Later ancient Egyptian gods and royalty, from approximately 3500 B.C. are shown with crossed arms, such as the god Osiris, the Lord of the Dead, or mummified royalty with crossed arms in high and low body positions, depending upon the dynasty. The burial of bodies in the extended position, i.e., lying flat with arms and legs straight, or with the arms folded upon the chest, and with the eyes and mouth closed.

Orientation.

Historically, Christian burials were made supine east-west, with the head at the western end of the grave. This mirrors the layout of Christian churches, and for much the same reason; to view the coming of Christ on Judgment day (Eschaton). In

Inverted burial.

For humans, maintaining an upside down position, with the head vertically below the feet, is highly uncomfortable for any extended period of time, and consequently burial in that attitude (as opposed to attitudes of rest or watchfulness, as above) is highly unusual and generally symbolic. Occasionally suicides and assassins were buried upside down, as a post-mortem punishment and (as with burial at cross-roads) to inhibit the activities of the resulting undead.  In "Gulliver's Travels", the Lilliputians buried their dead upside down: Swift's notion of inverted burial might seem the highest flight of fancy, but it appears that among English millenarians the idea that the world would be "turned upside down" at the Apocalypse enjoyed some currency. There is at least one attested case of a person being buried upside down by instruction; a Major Peter Labilliere of Dorking (d. 4 June 1800) lies thus upon the summit of Box Hill. Similar stories have attached themselves to other noted eccentrics, particularly in southern England, but not always with a foundation in truth.

Burial traditions throughout the world.

South Korea.

South Korea's funeral arrangements have drastically changed in the course of only two decades according to Chang-Won Park. Park states that around the 1980s at home funeral ceremonies were the general norm, straying away from anywhere that was not a family home. Dying close to home, with friends and family, was considered a 'good death', while dying away from home was considered a 'bad death'. This gradually changed as the upper and middle class started holding

Tan Toraja.

A Ted Talk done by Kelli Swazey discusses how Tana Toraja, a Sulawesi province in Eastern Indonesia, experiences death as a process, rather than an event. The culture of Tana Toraja views funerals as the most important event in a person's life. Because of this importance placed on death, Tana Toraja landscape is covered in the rituals and events transpired after death. The hierarchy of an individual's life is based on the sacrifices of animals made after their death. Funerals tend to be celebrated by Tana Toraja people, typically lasting days to even weeks long. Death is seen as

Australian Aboriginals (Northern Territory).

Northern Territory Australian Aboriginals have unique traditions associated with a loved one's death. The death of a loved one sparks a series of events such as smoking out the spirit, a feast, and leaving out the body to decompose. Immediately after death, a smoking ceremony is held in the deceased's home. The smoking ceremonies purpose is to expel the spirit of the deceased from their living quarters. A feast is held where mourners are covered in ochre, an earthy pigment associated with clay, while they eat and dance. The traditional corpse disposal of the Aboriginals includes covering the corpse in leaves on a platform. The corpse is then left to decompose.

Burial among African-American slaves.

In the African-American slave community, slaves quickly familiarized themselves with funeral procedures and the location of gravesites of family and friends. Specific slaves were assigned to prepare dead bodies, build coffins, dig graves, and construct headstones. Slave funerals were typically at night when the workday was over, with the master present to view all the ceremonial procedures. Slaves from nearby plantations were regularly in attendance.  At death, a slave's body was wrapped in cloth. The hands were placed across the

Burial in the Bahá'í Faith.

Bahá'í burial law prescribes both the location of burial and burial practices and precludes cremation of the dead. It is forbidden to carry the body for more than one hour's journey from the place of death. Before interment the body should be wrapped in a shroud of silk or cotton, and a ring should be

Locations.

Where to bury.

Apart from sanitary and other practical considerations, the site of burial can be determined by religious and socio-cultural considerations.  Thus in some traditions, especially with an animistic logic, the remains of the dead are "banished" for fear their spirits would harm the living if too close; others keep remains close to help surviving generations.  Religious rules may prescribe a specific zone, e.g. some Christian traditions hold that Christians must be buried in consecrated ground, usually a cemetery; an earlier practice, burial in or very

Marking the location of the burial.

Most modern cultures mark the location of the body with a headstone. This serves two purposes. First, the grave will not accidentally be exhumed. Second, headstones often contain information or tributes to deceased. This is a form of remembrance for loved ones; it can also be viewed as a form of immortality, especially in cases of famous people's graves. Such monumental inscriptions may subsequently be useful to genealogists and family historians.  In many cultures graves will be grouped, so the monuments make up a necropolis, a "city of the dead" paralleling the community of the living.

Unmarked grave.

In many cultures graves are marked with durable markers, or monuments, intended

Anonymous burial.

Another sort of unmarked grave is a burial site with an anonymous marker, such as a simple cross; boots, rifle and helmet; a sword and shield; a cairn of stones; or even a monument. This may occur when identification of the deceased is impossible. Although many unidentified deceased are buried in potter's fields, some are memorialized, especially in smaller communities or in the case of deaths publicized by local media. Anonymous burials also happen in poorer or disadvantaged populations' communities in countries such as South Africa, where in the past the Non-white population was simply too poor to afford headstones. At the cemetery in a small rural town of Harding, KwaZulu-Natal, many grave sites have no identification, and just have a border of stones which mark out the dimensions of the grave site itself.

Secret burial.

In rare cases, a known person may be buried without identification, perhaps to avoid desecration of the corpse, grave robbing, or vandalism of the burial site. This may be particularly the case with infamous or notorious figures. In other cases, it may be to prevent the grave from becoming a tourist attraction or a destination of pilgrimage. Survivors may cause the deceased to be buried in a secret location or other unpublished place, or in a grave with a false name (or no name

Multiple bodies per grave.

Some couples or groups of people (such as a married couple or other family members) may wish to be buried in the same plot. In some cases, the coffins (or urns) may simply be buried side by side. In others, one casket may be interred above another. If this is planned for in advance, the first casket may be buried more deeply than is the usual practice so that the second casket may be placed over it without disturbing the first. In many states in Australia all graves are designated two or three depth (depending of the water table) for multiple burials, at the discretion of the burial rights holder, with each new interment atop the previous coffin separated by a thin layer of earth. As such all graves are dug to greater depth for the initial burial than the traditional six feet to facilitate this practice.  Mass burial is the practice of burying multiple bodies in one location. Civilizations attempting genocide often employ mass burial for victims. However, mass burial may in many cases be the only practical means of dealing with an overwhelming number of human remains, such as those resulting from a natural disaster, an act of terrorism, an epidemic, or an accident. This practice has become less common in the developed world with the advent of genetic testing, but even in

Cremation.

There are several common alternatives to burial. In cremation the body of the deceased is burned in a special oven. Most of the body is burnt during the cremation process, leaving only a few pounds of bone fragments. Bodies of small children and infants often produce very little in the way of "ashes", as ashes are composed of bone, and young people have softer bones,

Live burial.

Live burial sometimes occurs, in which individuals are buried while still alive. Having no way of escaping interment, they die in place, typically by asphyxiation, dehydration, starvation, or exposure to climate. People may come to be buried alive in

Burial at cross-roads.

Historically, burial at cross-roads was the method of disposing of executed criminals and suicides. In Great Britain this tradition was altered by the Burial of Suicide Act 1823, which abolished the legal requirements of burying suicides and other people at crossroads. Cross-roads form a crude cross shape and this may have given rise to the belief that these spots were selected as the next best burying-places to consecrated ground. Another possible explanation is that the ancient Teutonic (Germanic) ethnic groups often built their altars at the cross-roads, and since human sacrifices,

Burial of animals.

By humans.

In addition to burying human remains, many human cultures also regularly bury animal remains.  Pets and other animals of emotional significance are often ceremonially buried. Most

By other animals.

Humans are not always the only species to bury their dead. Chimpanzees and elephants are known to throw leaves and branches over fallen members of their family groups. In a particularly odd case, an elephant which trampled a human mother and child buried its victims under a pile of leaves before disappearing into the bushes. In 2013, a viral video caught a dog burying a dead puppy by pushing sand with its own nose. It is presumed, however, that since dogs retain the instinct to bury food, this is what is being depicted in the video. In social insects, ants and termites also bury their dead nestmates depending on the properties of the corpse and the social context.

Exhumation.

Exhumation, or disinterment, is the act of digging up, especially a corpse. This is most often done to relocate a body to a different burial spot. Families may make this decision to locate the deceased in a more pertinent or convenient place. In shared family burial sites (e.g. a married couple), if the previously deceased person has been buried for an insufficient period of time the second body may be buried elsewhere until it is safe to relocate it to the requested grave. In most jurisdictions a legal exhumation usually requires a court order or permission by the next of kin of the deceased. Also in many countries permits are required by some governing agency like the board of health in order to legally conduct a disinterment.  Exhumation of human remains occur for a number of reasons unrelated to the burial location, including identification of the deceased or as part of a criminal investigation. If an individual dies in suspicious circumstances, the police may request exhumation in order to determine the cause of death. Exhumations may also occur as part of grave robbing, or as an act of desecration to show disrespect. In rare, historical cases (e.g. Pope Formosus or Oliver Cromwell), a body may be exhumed for posthumous execution, dissection, or gibbeting. Notable individuals may be exhumed to answer historical questions. Many Ancient Egyptian mummies have been removed for study and public display. Exhumation enables archaeologists to search the remains to better understand human culture.  In folklore and mythology, exhumation has also been frequently associated with the performance of rites to banish undead manifestations. An example is the Mercy Brown Vampire Incident of Rhode Island, which occurred in 1892.

Changing burial location.

Remains may be exhumed in order to

Cultural aspects of exhumation.

Frequently, cultures have different sets of exhumation taboos. Occasionally these differences result in conflict, especially in cases where a culture with more lenient exhumation rules wishes to operate on the territory of a different culture. For example, United States construction companies have run into conflict with Native American groups that have wanted to preserve their burial grounds from disturbance.  In Southern Chinese culture, graves are opened after a period of years. The bones are removed, cleaned, dried, and placed in a ceramic pot for reburial (in Taiwan), or in a smaller coffin and to

Reinterment.

Reinterment refers to

Secondary burial.

Secondary burial is a burial, cremation, or inhumation that is dug into a pre-existing barrow or grave any

Alternatives to burial.

Alternatives to burial variously show respect for the dead, accelerate decomposition and disposal, or prolong display of the remains.

Adapting traditions.

Burial.

As the human population progresses, cultures and traditions change with it. Evolution is generally slow, sometimes more rapid. South Korea's funeral arrangements have drastically changed in the course of only two decades according to Chang-Won Park<nowiki>. Around the 1980s at home funeral ceremonies were the general norm, straying away from anywhere that was not a family home. Dying close to home, with friends and family, was considered a ‘good death’, while dying away from home was considered a ‘bad death’. This gradually

Funeral ceremonies.

According to Margaret Holloway, funerals are believed to be driven by the consumer's choice, personalisation, secularization, and stories that place individual traditional meta-narratives. It has been studied that funeral homes in the United Kingdom are most concerned with comforting the grieving, rather than focusing on the departed. This study found that modern day funerals focus on the psycho-social-spiritual event. Modern day funerals also help the transition of the recently passed transitioning to the social status of 'the deceased'. The article found that funeral homes do not adhere to traditional religious beliefs, but do follow religious traditions.

Burial or interment is a method of final disposition wherein a dead person or animal is placed into the ground, sometimes with objects. This is usually accomplished by excavating a pit or trench, placing the deceased and objects in it, and covering it over. A funeral is a ceremony that accompanies the final disposition. Humans have been burying their dead since shortly after the origin of the species. Burial is often seen as indicating respect for the dead. It has been used to prevent the odor of decay, to give family members closure and prevent them from witnessing the decomposition of their loved ones, and in many cultures it has been seen as a necessary step for the deceased to enter the afterlife or to give back to the cycle of life.

Lenterrement ou inhumation est un rite funéraire pratiqué dans la majorité des cultures, consistant pour l'essentiel à l'enfouissement d'un cadavre, ou d'un cercueil le contenant, dans le sol ou dans un caveau aménagé dans le sol. Il est pratiqué dans les jours qui suivent le décès avec la participation des parents, amis et relations du défunt, après certains rites dans un lieu de culte ou en dehors, dans un lieu généralement public, le cimetière, selon le rituel de la religion du défunt.


Definitions.

Fréchet spaces can be defined in two equivalent ways: the first employs a translation-invariant metric, the second a countable family of semi-norms.  A topological vector space "X" is a Fréchet space if and only if it satisfies the following three properties:  There is no natural notion of distance between two points of a Fréchet space: many different translation-invariant metrics may induce the same topology.  The alternative and somewhat more practical definition is the following: a topological vector space "X" is a Fréchet space if and only if it satisfies the following three properties:  A family formula_1 of seminorms on formula_2 yields a Hausdorff topology if and only if  A sequence ("x") in "X" converges to "x" in the Fréchet space defined by a family of semi-norms if and only if it converges to "x" with respect to each of the given semi-norms.

Constructing Fréchet spaces.

Recall that a seminorm ǁ ⋅ ǁ is a function from a vector space "X" to the real numbers satisfying three properties. For all "x" and "y" in "X" and all scalars "c",  If ǁ"x"ǁ = 0 actually implies that "x" = 0, then ǁ ⋅ ǁ is in fact a norm. However, seminorms are useful in that they enable us to construct Fréchet spaces, as follows:  To construct a Fréchet space, one typically starts with a vector space "X" and defines a countable family of semi-norms ǁ ⋅ ǁ on "X" with the following two properties:  Then the topology induced by these seminorms (as explained above) turns "X" into a Fréchet space; the first property ensures that it is Hausdorff, and the second property ensures that it is complete. A translation-invariant complete metric inducing the same topology on "X" can then be defined by  The function "u" → "u"/(1+"u") maps [0, ∞) monotonically to [0, 1), and so the above definition ensures that "d"("x", "y") is "small" if and only if there exists "K" "large" such that ǁ"x" - "y"ǁ is "small" for "k" = 0,..., "K".

Examples.

Not all vector spaces with complete translation-invariant metrics are Fréchet spaces. An example is the space "L"([0, 1]) with "p" < 1. This space fails to be locally convex. It is a F-space.

Properties and further notions.

If a Fréchet space admits a continuous norm, we can take all the seminorms to be norms by adding the continuous norm to each of them. A Banach space, "C"([a,b]), "C"("X", "V") with "X" compact, and "H" all admit norms, while R and "C"(R) do not.  A closed subspace of a Fréchet space is a Fréchet space. A quotient of a Fréchet space by a closed subspace is a Fréchet space. The direct sum of a finite number of Fréchet spaces is a Fréchet space.  Several important tools of functional analysis which are based on the Baire category theorem remain true in Fréchet spaces; examples are the closed graph theorem and the open mapping theorem.  All Fréchet spaces are stereotype. In the theory of stereotype spaces Fréchet spaces are dual objects to Brauner spaces.  Every bounded linear operator from a Fréchet space into another topological vector space (TVS) is continuous.

Differentiation of functions.

If "X" and "Y" are Fréchet spaces, then the space L("X","Y") consisting of all continuous linear maps from "X" to "Y" is "not" a Fréchet space in any natural manner. This is a major difference between the theory of Banach spaces and that of Fréchet spaces and necessitates a different definition for continuous differentiability of functions defined on Fréchet spaces, the Gateaux derivative:  Suppose "X" and "Y" are Fréchet spaces, "U" is an open subset of "X", "P": "U" → "Y" is a function, "x" ∈ "U" and "h" ∈ "X". We say that "P" is differentiable at "x" in the direction "h" if the limit  exists. We call "P" continuously differentiable in "U" if  is continuous. Since the product of Fréchet spaces is again a Fréchet space, we can then try to differentiate D("P") and define the higher derivatives of "P" in this fashion.  The derivative operator "P" : "C"([0,1]) → "C"([0,1]) defined by "P"(ƒ) = ƒ′ is itself infinitely differentiable. The first derivative is given by  for any two elements ƒ and "h" in "C"([0,1]). This is a major advantage of the Fréchet space "C"([0,1]) over the Banach space "C"([0,1]) for finite "k".  If "P" : "U" → "Y" is a continuously differentiable function, then the differential equation  need not have any solutions, and even if does, the solutions need not be unique. This is in stark contrast to the situation in Banach spaces.  The inverse function theorem is not true in Fréchet spaces; a partial substitute is the Nash–Moser theorem.

Fréchet manifolds and Lie groups.

One may define Fréchet manifolds as spaces that "locally look like" Fréchet spaces (just like ordinary manifolds are defined as spaces that locally look like Euclidean space R), and one can then extend the concept of Lie group to these manifolds. This is useful because for a given (ordinary) compact "C" manifold "M", the set of all "C" diffeomorphisms ƒ: "M" → "M" forms a generalized Lie group in this sense, and this Lie group captures the symmetries of "M". Some of the relations between Lie algebras and Lie groups remain valid in this setting.  Another important example of a Fréchet Lie group is the loop group of a compact Lie group "G", the smooth ("C") mappings γ : S → "G", multiplied pointwise by (γ γ)(t) = γ(t) γ(t).

Generalizations.

If we drop the requirement for the space to be locally convex, we obtain F-spaces: vector spaces with complete translation-invariant metrics.  LF-spaces are countable inductive limits of Fréchet spaces.

In functional analysis and related areas of mathematics, Fréchet spaces, named after Maurice Fréchet, are special topological vector spaces. They are generalizations of Banach spaces (normed vector spaces that are complete with respect to the metric induced by the norm). Fréchet spaces are locally convex spaces that are complete with respect to a translation-invariant metric. In contrast to Banach spaces, the metric need not arise from a norm.

Un espace de Fréchet est une structure mathématique d'espace vectoriel topologique satisfaisant certains théorèmes relatifs aux espaces de Banach même en l'absence d'une norme. Cette dénomination fait référence à Maurice Fréchet, mathématicien français ayant participé notamment à la fondation de la topologie et à ses applications en analyse fonctionnelle. C'est dans ce dernier domaine que la structure des espaces de Fréchet se révèle particulièrement utile, notamment en fournissant une topologie naturelle aux espaces de fonctions infiniment dérivables et aux espaces de distributions.


History.

This area was earlier inhabited by the Ohlone Native Americans. European settlers imposed a displacement and created a settlement of what is now Saratoga in 1847, when William Campbell (father of Benjamin Campbell, the founder of nearby Campbell, California), constructed a sawmill about southeast of the present downtown area. An early map noted the area as Campbell's Gap. In 1851 Martin McCarthy, who had leased the mill, built a toll road down to the Santa Clara Valley, and founded what is now Saratoga as "McCarthysville". The toll gate was located at the present-day intersection of Big Basin Way and 3rd St., giving the town its first widely used name: "Toll Gate". In 1867 the town received a post office under the name of "McCarthysville".  Industry soon sprang up and at its pinnacle the town had a furniture factory, grist mill, tannery, and a paper factory. To commemorate this newfound productivity the town was renamed again in 1863 as "Bank Mills". In the 1850s Jud Caldwell discovered springs which were called "Pacific Congress Springs" because the water had a mineral content similar to "Congress Springs", in Saratoga Springs, New York. In 1865 the town received its final name, "Saratoga", after the city in New York. At the same time a resort hotel called "Congress Hall" was constructed at the springs, named after the famous resort "Congress Hall" at Saratoga Springs, New York. California's "Congress Hall" attracted tourists to the area until it burned down in 1903. These events would eventually lead to Saratoga being listed as a California Historical Landmark in 1950.  Saratoga became agricultural, as did much of the rest of the valley; a few vineyards and orchards from this period remain today. After World War II the town quickly became urbanized, and it incorporated in 1956 mostly to avoid being annexed to San Jose. A slogan during the campaign to incorporate the city of Saratoga was "Keep it rural," according to historian Willys I. Peck. Today the city serves as a bedroom community for upper-middle class Silicon Valley tech workers.

Government.

Local.

Saratoga is a general law city under California law, meaning that the organization and powers of the city are established by state law. It has a council–manager form of government.  The city council is made up of five members elected by the public. The council appoints a mayor and vice mayor from its membership, with the vice mayor serving in the absence of the mayor. The mayor has no veto power, but acts as chairman for council meetings, and serves as a visible head of government. Council members serve four-year terms, with the election of two and three members staggered every two years.  The city manager is the administrative head of the government, and also serves as city treasurer. The manager's duties include preparing financial reports, submitting an annual budget, managing city employees, seeing that city ordinances are enforced, supervising city property, and investigating complaints against the city. The manager also appoints the city clerk.  In addition to the council and manager, the city has a number of commissions that serve to advise the council on various issues. Commission members are appointed by the council, and serve a maximum of two four-year terms. Currently, the city has commissions for finance, youth issues, heritage preservation, the library, parks and recreation, planning, and traffic safety.  The Saratoga City Council has had to make many controversial decisions in a community with residents known to be protectionist of their existing exclusivity. The council was a leader in dealing with the unfunded pension crisis in California.

State and federal representation.

In the California State Legislature, Saratoga is in, and in.  In the United States House of Representatives, Saratoga is in.

Geography.

Saratoga is bordered by Cupertino and San Jose to the north, a small portion of Campbell and Los Gatos to the east, and Monte Sereno to the southeast. Saratoga is located at. According to the United States Census Bureau, the city has a total area of, all of it land. Within its borders, Saratoga includes lush redwood forests, foothills suitable for wine grapes and sunny valley floor once covered with prune and apricot orchards, now with suburban homes, schools and churches. Neighborhoods in Saratoga include Brookview and Pride's Crossing in the north part of the city, Blue Hills and Greenbrier in the northwest area, and Congress Springs in the southwestern corner of Saratoga. The Golden Triangle, a name invented by real estate agents, is an area bounded by Saratoga Avenue, Saratoga-Sunnyvale Road and Cox Avenue. The Golden Triangle consists mostly of four-bedroom ranch homes (values ranging between 1 and 3 million dollars) on quarter acre lots gradually being replaced by Mediterranean custom designs. Northeast of the Golden Triangle is a neighborhood known as Saratoga Woods, a small community located behind Prospect High School north of Cox. Bellgrove Circle is a popular neighborhood located next to highway 85. The land of Bellgrove Circle, once used as a vineyard, was previously owned by Paul Masson Winery and is east of Saratoga Avenue and north of Rt 85. Kentfield is south of Rt 85 and also east of Saratoga Avenue. Parker Ranch is a very affluent neighborhood with minimum lots, west of Saratoga-Sunnyvale Road and up into the hills. The downtown area along Big Basin Way is known as the Village.

Demographics.

2010.

The 2010 United States Census reported that Saratoga had a population of 29,926. The population density was 2,416.9 people per square mile (933.2/km2). The racial makeup of Saratoga was 16,125 (53.9%) White, 94 (0.3%) African American, 41 (0.1%) Native American, 12,376 (41.4%) Asian, 23 (0.1%) Pacific Islander, 202 (0.7%) from other races, and 1,065 (3.6%) from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 1,034 persons (3.5%).  The Census reported that 29,727 people (99.3% of the population) lived in households, 34 (0.1%) lived in non-institutionalized group quarters, and 165 (0.6%) were institutionalized.  There were 10,734 households, out of which 4,024 (37.5%) had children under the age of 18 living in them, 7,893 (73.5%) were opposite-sex married couples living together, 608 (5.7%) had a female householder with no husband present, 213 (2.0%) had a male householder with no wife present. There were 159 (1.5%) unmarried opposite-sex partnerships, and 44 (0.4%) same-sex married couples or partnerships. 1,740 households (16.2%) were made up of individuals and 1,115 (10.4%) had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.77. There were 8,714 families (81.2% of all households); the average family size was 3.11.  The population was spread out with 7,173 people (24.0%) under the age of 18, 1,390 people (4.6%) aged 18 to 24, 4,678 people (15.6%) aged 25 to 44, 10,598 people (35.4%) aged 45 to 64, and 6,087 people (20.3%) who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 47.8 years. For every 100 females, there were 95.7 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 92.6 males.  There were 11,123 housing units at an average density of 898.3 per square mile (346.8/km2), of which 9,258 (86.2%) were owner-occupied, and 1,476 (13.8%) were occupied by renters. The homeowner vacancy rate was 0.7%; the rental vacancy rate was 4.3%. 26,201 people (87.6% of the population) lived in owner-occupied housing units and 3,526 people (11.8%) lived in rental housing units. In 2011 Bloomberg Businessweek reported that the average household income was $237,804 with an average household net worth of $1,516,018.

2000.

As of the census of 2000, there were 29,843 people, 10,450 households, and 8,600 families residing in the city. The population density was 951.5/km2 (2,465.3/mi2). There were 10,649 housing units at an average density of 339.5/km2 (879.7/mi2). The racial makeup of the city was 67.39% White, 0.39% African American, 0.15% Native American, 29.08% Asian, 0.08% Pacific Islander, 0.57% from other races, and 2.33% from two or more races. 3.14% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.  There were 10,450 households out of which 38.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 75.0% were married couples living together, 4.9% had a female householder with no husband present, and 17.7% were non-families. 14.3% of all households were made up of individuals and 7.6% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.83 and the average family size was 3.13. The population-age distribution was as follows: 26.0% under the age of 18, 4.0% from 18 to 24, 23.8% from 25 to 44, 29.9% from 45 to 64, and 16.3% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 43 years. For every 100 females, there were 96.5 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 92.6 males.  According to a 2007 estimate the median income for a household in the city was $137,270, and the median income for a family was $159,765. Males had a median income of $75,000 versus $66,240 for females. The per capita income for the city was $65,400. About 1.8% of families and 2.8% of the population were below the poverty line, including 3.2% of those under age 18 and 2.6% over 64.

Politics.

According to the California Secretary of State, as of February 10, 2017, Saratoga has 20,163 registered voters. Of those, 7,433 (36.9%) are registered Democrats, 5,426 (26.9%) are registered Republicans, and 6,806 (33.8%) have declined to state a political party.

Transportation.

Saratoga has several major roads including Saratoga-Sunnyvale Road, Saratoga-Los Gatos Road (Highway 9), Cox Avenue, Saratoga Avenue, Fruitvale Avenue, Pierce Road, Quito Road and Congress Springs Road. The original alignment of Highway 85 along Saratoga-Sunnyvale Road was deleted in 1994 when the West Valley Freeway was completed. The freeway passes through northeast Saratoga. Highway 85 has one onramp/offramp within the city, at Saratoga Avenue; while the original plans for the freeway also included exits at Quito Road and Prospect Avenue, objections by residents kept those interchanges from being constructed. Street signs are brown in color.  Union Pacific Railroad operates freight through the region. The rail line travels parallel to Route 85. Passenger trains operated from 1908 to 1964, delivering commuters to San Francisco in 90 minutes. Saratoga has no passenger train service: it has minimal bus service.  Saratoga also has a zoning code aimed at preserving a semi-rural appearance. Saratoga emphasizes its semi-rural appearance by foregoing street lights and sidewalks on most residential streets. This contributes to Saratoga's high housing costs.  The Blue Hills neighborhood of Saratoga has many hiking trails for use by residents that are owned by the City of Saratoga.

2012 rape case.

Saratoga drew notoriety for the rape and the subsequent suicide of then-15-year-old Saratoga High School student Audrie Pott in September 2012. The three teenagers charged with sexually assaulting Pott pleaded guilty and served time in juvenile hall for the sexual assault.

Education.

Various public school districts serve Saratoga. At elementary level (grades K to 8) these include Saratoga Union School District, Campbell Union School District, Cupertino Union School District and Moreland School District. High school districts that serve Saratoga include the Los Gatos-Saratoga Joint Union High School District, Fremont Union High School District and Campbell Union High School District. These districts provide a number of high schools including Saratoga High School, Monta Vista High School (located in Cupertino but servicing a portion of Saratoga), Lynbrook High School (located in San Jose but servicing a portion of Saratoga as well), Prospect High School and Westmont High School (located in San Jose but servicing a portion of Saratoga).  Private schools in the area include Challenger School, Saint Andrew's School, and Sacred Heart School.  West Valley Community College provides college-level education in the district whilst the Santa Clara County Library District operates the Saratoga Library.

Saratoga ( ) is a town in Santa Clara County, California, United States. It is located on the west side of the Santa Clara Valley, directly west of San Jose, in the San Francisco Bay Area. The population was 29,926 at the 2010 census. Located on the Western edge of the Silicon Valley, Saratoga is known locally for its suburban small-town feel, wineries, and high-end restaurants. Major attractions of Saratoga include Villa Montalvo, Hakone Gardens, and the Mountain Winery.

Saratoga est une ville de Californie dans le comté de Santa Clara dans la région de la baie de San Francisco. Saratoga a été incorporée le.


Background.

Kenji Nagai grew up in Imabari, Ehime, Japan, and was graduated from Imabari Nishi High School. Nagai attended Tokyo Keizai University (), and after graduation he studied abroad in the United States for a year. After his return to Japan, Nagai held a part-time job before embarking upon his career as a freelance journalist. Working as a contract photojournalist for Tokyo's AFP News, Nagai was accustomed to traveling to dangerous places in the Middle East. From 1997 until his death, Nagai took assignments in Afghanistan, Cambodia, the Palestinian territories, and Iraq, taking photographs that captured the essence of war.  Nagai arrived in Myanmar two days before the government began attacking Buddhist monks protesting against the military junta that has ruled the country since deposing the democratic government in a 1962 coup d'état. The protests originally began when the government raised the price of fuel, but grew into mass demonstrations in the tens of thousands, with Buddhist monks leading pro-democracy marches in the streets of Yangon. According to "The Times", an associate of Nagai's said he was "relentless" when it came to covering a story, believing that he had to travel to "the places nobody wants to go".

Death.

Nagai had been in Myanmar covering the anti-government protests since Tuesday, September 25. On Thursday, September 27, Nagai was photographing the protests near the Traders Hotel, a few blocks away from the Sule Pagoda in downtown Yangon, when soldiers opened fire on demonstrators, killing Nagai and reportedly injuring another foreign journalist.  Reports initially stated that Nagai was hit by stray bullets fired by soldiers or possibly shot from the front. The "stray bullet" explanation was proposed by the government of Myanmar as an explanation for Nagai's death. However, video footage obtained by Japanese television appears to show a Burmese soldier shoving Nagai to the ground and shooting him at point-blank range. A still image photographed by Adrees Latif showed the soldier standing over Nagai, who was sprawled on the ground and still clutching his camera. This photograph appeared on the front page of "The New York Times" on September 28, 2007. A subsequent shot showed Nagai's body sprawled in the street as the soldier walked away. Judging from the patch, the soldier responsible is believed to be from one of the Light Infantry Divisions (possibly LID 66) in charge of crowd control in Yangon at the time of protests. At the Japanese embassy in Myanmar, a physician established the trajectory of the fatal bullet that killed Nagai, determining that the bullet entered Nagai's chest from the lower right side and pierced his heart before exiting from his back.  On October 8, new footage showing how a Burmese soldier apparently confiscating a fallen Nagai's video camera was revealed on a Japanese news show. Adrees Latif's photograph, depicting Nagai sprawled on the pavement before his death, won the Pulitzer Prize for Breaking News Photography in 2008.

Response.

Reporters Without Borders condemned the killing of Nagai, noting that Nagai was carrying a camera in his hand when he was shot, identifying him as a journalist. The director of the RWB's Washington, D.C. branch, Lucie Morillon, said that Nagai was "left to die in the street".  Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda bemoaned Nagai's death as "extremely unfortunate" and Chief Cabinet Secretary Nobutaka Machimura offered his prayers and condolences. Machimura said: "We strongly protest the Myanmar government and demand an investigation (into the death). We demand (Myanmar) take appropriate steps to ensure the safety of the Japanese citizens in that country". Japan's Foreign Minister Masahiko Kōmura stated that Japan holds Myanmar accountable for the death of Kenji Nagai. According to Kōmura, U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice told him that the "international community cannot allow peaceful protesters to be killed and injured". On September 28, Masahiko Kōmura lodged a protest over the killing of Nagai when he met with Myanmar's Foreign Minister Nyan Win at the United Nations Headquarters. In the meeting, Nyan Win apologized for Nagai's death. Yabunaka Mitoji, Deputy Minister for Japanese Foreign Affairs, left for Myanmar on September 30.  Although Nyan Win officially apologized, an October 13 article locally published in the government-owned "Mirror" newspaper offered a different view of the events. It claimed that Nagai had entered the country using a tourist visa instead of proper journalist visa and faulted the cameraman for failing to get a permit to cover the news inside Myanmar. It emphasized that the event occurred at the time of martial law being imposed and the soldiers could not differentiate between a Burmese citizen and a Japanese because of the resemblance in Asian looks.  Nagai's father, Hideo, told the media: "I don't want Myanmar authorities and the government to resort to such measures. I want them to prevent something like this from happening again". According to Japan's Foreign minister Masahiko Komura, Japan is considered curbing development aid for Myanmar.  "The Group Protesting the Murder of Mr. Nagai by the Army of Myanmar" was founded by Japanese journalists, intellectuals, and celebrities in order to protest Nagai's killing and petition for the return of his camera and tape. By November 2007 the group collected 20,000 signatures, primarily in Japan. On November 26, 2007, the group posted an English version of the letter on their website and started collecting signatures internationally.

Kenji Nagai Award.

The Burma Media Association established an award in Nagai's memory. The award aims to recognize individuals who have reported the truth about Myanmar. The first award, in 2009, was presented to Eint Khaing Oo, a Burmese female journalist.

He was shot dead in Myanmar (also known as Burma) during the Saffron Revolution. Nagai continued to take photographs as he lay wounded on the ground, later dying from gunshot injuries to the chest. He was the only foreign national killed in the protests.

Il a été pris en photo blessé et étendu sur le sol par Adrees Latif qui a reçu le prix Pulitzer pour le cliché.


Comté de Jefferson (Virginie-Occidentale)

History.

Formation.

Jefferson County was formed from Berkeley County in 1801 because the citizens of southeastern Berkeley county felt they had to travel too far to the county seat of Martinsburg. Charles Washington, the founder of Charles Town and brother to George Washington petitioned for a new county to be formed. It was named for Thomas Jefferson, author of the Declaration of Independence and third President of the United States. Virginia previously had a Jefferson County, which is now part of Kentucky. Accordingly, in the State records of Virginia, there are listings for Jefferson County from 1780–1792 and Jefferson County from 1801–1863, neither of which is still in Virginia.

John Brown Rebellion.

The county's courthouse was the site of the trial for the abolitionist John Brown after his October 1859 raid on the federal armory in Harpers Ferry. Some 90 U.S. Marines serving under then Army Colonel Robert E. Lee and Lieutenants J.E.B. Stuart and Israel Green put down the rebellion.  Brown was sentenced to death for murder, treason against the Commonwealth of Virginia, and conspiring with slaves to rebel. On 2 December 1859 John Brown was taken from the Charles Town jail a short distance to an open field and hanged. Among those attending the Brown execution was a contingent of 1500 cadets from Virginia Military Institute sent by the Governor of Virginia Henry A. Wise under the supervision of Major William Gilham and Major Thomas J. Jackson. In the ranks of a Richmond militia company stood John Wilkes Booth.

Civil War.

The county was a frequent site of conflict during the civil war, as Union and Confederate lines moved back and forth along the Shenandoah Valley. Some towns in the county changed hands between the Union and Confederacy over a dozen times, including Charles Town, and especially Harpers Ferry.  Jefferson County is the only part of modern-day West Virginia not exempted from the effects of the Emancipation Proclamation (as Berkeley County and the 48 counties designated as West Virginia had been). Slaves in the county were legally free as of January 1, 1863.  The Jefferson County Courthouse is the only courthouse in America to have held two treason trials: the trial of John Brown in 1859 and a trial arising from the Battle of Blair Mountain labor rebellion.

Joining West Virginia.

Both Berkeley and Jefferson counties had voted for secession in the vote taken on May 23, 1861. However, these counties lying on the Potomac River in the Shenandoah Valley, with the consent of the Reorganized Government of Virginia voted in favor of annexation to West Virginia in 1863 in a dubious election supervised by the occupying Union Army. Virginia tried to nullify this after the American Civil War, but the counties remained part of West Virginia.  The question of the constitutionality of the formation of the new state was brought before the Supreme Court of the United States in the following manner: Berkeley and Jefferson County, West Virginia, counties lying on the Potomac east of the mountains, in 1863, with the consent of the Reorganized Government of Virginia, had supposedly voted in favor of annexation to West Virginia. However, many voters were absent in the Confederate Army when the vote was taken and they refused to accept the transfer upon their return. The Virginia General Assembly repealed the Act of Secession and in 1866 brought suit against West Virginia, asking the Supreme Court to declare the counties still part of Virginia. Congress, on March 10, 1866, passed a joint resolution recognizing the transfer. In 1871, the U.S. Supreme Court decided "Virginia v. West Virginia", upholding the "secession" of West Virginia, including Berkeley and Jefferson counties, from Virginia. In 2011, West Virginia state delegate Larry Kump sponsored legislation to allow Morgan, Berkeley, and Jefferson counties to rejoin Virginia by popular vote.

County subdivisions.

In 1863, West Virginia's counties were divided into civil townships, with the intention of encouraging local government. This proved impractical in the heavily rural state, and in 1872 the townships were converted into magisterial districts. Jefferson County was initially divided into five townships, which became magisterial districts in 1872: Averill, Bolivar, Chapline, Grant, and Shepherd. In 1873, Averill District was renamed "Middleway", Chapline became "Potomac", and Grant District became "Charlestown". Two additional districts, Harpers Ferry and Osburn, were created during the 1870s. In the 1880s, Bolivar District was annexed by Harpers Ferry; Potomac and Shepherd were consolidated into Shepherdstown District, and Osburn was renamed "Kabletown".

Rural Free Delivery.

In October 1896, Jefferson County became the first county in the United States to begin Rural Free Delivery service in the towns of Halltown and Uvilla.

Geography.

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the county has a total area of, of which is land and (1.0%) is water. It is the only West Virginia county where the Blue Ridge Mountains and Shenandoah River can be found as referenced in West Virginia's state song, "Take Me Home, Country Roads" by John Denver. The lowest point in the state of West Virginia is located on the Potomac River (just east of Harpers Ferry) in Jefferson County, where it flows out of West Virginia and into Maryland.

Demographics.

2000 census.

As of the census of 2000, there were 42,190 people, 16,165 households, and 11,315 families residing in the county. The population density was 201 people per square mile (78/km). There were 17,623 housing units at an average density of 84 per square mile (32/km). The racial makeup of the county was 91.02% White, 6.09% Black or African American, 0.60% Asian, 0.28% Native American, 0.04% Pacific Islander, 0.60% from other races, and 1.37% from two or more races. 1.74% of the population were Hispanics or Latinos of any race.  There were 16,165 households out of which 31.90% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 55.90% were married couples living together, 10.00% had a female householder with no husband present, and 30.00% were non-families. 23.20% of all households were made up of individuals and 8.50% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.54 and the average family size was 2.99.  In the county, the population was spread out with 23.90% under the age of 18, 10.00% from 18 to 24, 29.90% from 25 to 44, 25.10% from 45 to 64, and 11.20% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 37 years. For every 100 females, there were 97.90 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 95.40 males.  The median income for a household in the county was $44,374, and the median income for a family was $51,351. Males had a median income of $35,235 versus $26,531 for females. The per capita income for the county was $20,441. About 7.20% of families and 10.30% of the population were below the poverty line, including 11.40% of those under age 18 and 9.40% of those age 65 or over.

2010 census.

As of the 2010 United States Census, there were 53,498 people, 19,931 households, and 13,971 families residing in the county. The population density was. There were 22,037 housing units at an average density of. The racial makeup of the county was 87.6% white, 6.6% black or African American, 1.2% Asian, 0.2% American Indian, 0.1% Pacific islander, 1.8% from other races, and 2.6% from two or more races. Those of Hispanic or Latino origin made up 4.7% of the population. In terms of ancestry, 25.9% were German, 17.3% were English, 12.1% were Irish, and 6.6% were American.  Of the 19,931 households, 34.6% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 54.9% were married couples living together, 10.1% had a female householder with no husband present, 29.9% were non-families, and 22.7% of all households were made up of individuals. The average household size was 2.61 and the average family size was 3.07. The median age was 38.9 years.  The median income for a household in the county was $65,603 and the median income for a family was $77,185. Males had a median income of $54,959 versus $36,782 for females. The per capita income for the county was $29,733. About 4.4% of families and 8.4% of the population were below the poverty line, including 10.9% of those under age 18 and 6.9% of those age 65 or over.

Politics.

Jefferson County has been a Republican-leaning county in the 21st century. However, since 2008, it has rivaled Monongalia County (home to West Virginia University) as the most Democratic part of the state, likely due to its status as an exurban county of Washington, DC. For much of the 20th century, the county trended strongly Democratic due to historical sympathies for Confederate Virginia. In contrast to its rock-ribbed Unionist and Republican Eastern Panhandle sister Morgan County, Jefferson did not vote Republican until Dwight D. Eisenhower won by twenty-seven votes in 1956, and afterwards voted Republican only in the 1972 and 1984 landslides, and in 1988.

Jefferson County is located in the Shenandoah Valley and is the easternmost county of the U.S. state of West Virginia. As of the 2010 census the population was 53,498. Its county seat is Charles Town. The county was founded in 1801, and today is part of the Washington metropolitan area.

Le comté de Jefferson est un comté des États-Unis situé dans l’État de Virginie-Occidentale. En 2000, la population était de. Son siège est Charles Town. Le comté a été créé en 1801 à partir de parties du comté de Berkeley et baptisé du nom de Thomas Jefferson, troisième président américain.


Plot.

The movie starts at what seems like a small house in a natural setting. Mickey walks out the door and says, "Oh boy! What a day!" Then, he pulls a lever and walks inside. The house is converted into a trailer (with the natural setting in the shape of a giant hand fan revealed to be a city dump) and Goofy's car is released from the side. Then, Goofy starts driving through the countryside while Mickey makes dinner-like breakfast (corn on the cob, baked potatoes, watermelon, coffee, and milk). Meanwhile, Donald can't wake up, even when his alarm clock rings and pulls off his blanket. Thanks to a secret controlboard, Mickey manages to rouse him for a machine-assisted bath, but he sees birds and tries to swat them with the towel. Later, the bath is converted into a dining area.  When Mickey rings the dinner bell, Goofy foolishly leaves the driver's seat - while the car and trailer are still in motion and without stopping - for breakfast, in which it drives through a closed road. After several mishaps during the meal, eventually having popcorn for breakfast, Goofy notices that no one is in the driver's seat and accidentally and unknowingly unhitches the trailer in his panic to resume driving and goes on his way. The trailer rolls downhill on an epic runaway adventure, nearly crashing into a truck and two trains and is a wreck on the inside (but okay on the outside) by the time it's miraculously rehitched to the car. Unaware of the dramatic events, Goofy, who was singing ""She'll Be Coming Around the Mountain When She Comes"" while driving down the hill, says in the end, "Well, I brought you down, safe and sound."

Home video.

A Fisher-Price version of the movie (and silent), was released for the Movie Viewer in 1974, and lasted until 1979. The short can be found on the "Walt Disney Treasures: Mickey Mouse in Living Color Volume 1" disc 2 and on the "Walt Disney's Classic Cartoon Favorites Extreme Adventure Fun" Volume 7, as well as the 1998 "The Spirit of Mickey Mouse" VHS. It was re-released on Blu-ray/DVD/Digital on the 2018 "Celebrating Mickey" compilation.

Legacy.

This cartoon was later adapted into a "Mickey Mouse" comic strip story titled "The Unhappy Campers" in which they replaced Donald with Morty and Ferdie Fieldmouse and Pluto. This was because Donald was not a character in the "Mickey Mouse" strip at the time.  The film is also part of the Christmas show "From All of Us to All of You".  The film was also incorporated into the 1983 film "The Outsiders."

Mickey's Trailer is a 1938 American animated short film produced by Walt Disney Productions and released by RKO Radio Pictures. The cartoon stars Mickey Mouse, Donald Duck, and Goofy on a near disastrous road trip in a travel trailer. It was directed by Ben Sharpsteen and features the voices of Walt Disney as Mickey, Clarence Nash as Donald, and Pinto Colvig as Goofy. Animators include Ed Love, Louie Schmitt, Johnny Cannon, Don Patterson, Clyde Geronimi, Tom Palmer, Frenchy de Trémaudan and Cy Young. Pete makes a cameo in this cartoon where he is seen driving a truck during the "Runaway Trailer" sequence featuring Mickey Mouse and Donald Duck. This cartoon was released a year after "Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs". It was the 100th short in the "Mickey Mouse" film series to be released, and the second for that year.

La Remorque de Mickey ("Mickey's Trailer") est un dessin animé de Mickey Mouse produit par Walt Disney pour RKO Radio Pictures et sorti le. Son titre n'est pas très équivoque mais le serait beaucoup plus sous l'appellation "La Caravane de Mickey".


History.

In 1967, the imperial regime of Haile Selassie I outlawed the Mecha and Tuluma Self-Help Association (MTSHA) and later instigated a wave of mass arrests and killings of its members and leaders. Prominent military officer and leader of the association, Colonel General Tadesse Birru, was also arrested. This reaction by the regime had been caused by the popularity of the organization among the Oromos and its links to the Bale Oromo resistance movement.  One of the association's members, Hussein Sora, escaped to Somalia in 1967. He and other Oromo refugees formed a rebel group called the Ethiopian National Liberation Front of which he was named Secretary General. The ENLF soon moved to Yemen and began training members of the Oromo diaspora.  The first attempt to enter the country was command by Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa but it failed when Somali security forces tracked down the members and arrested them trying to enter Ethiopia through northern Somalia. The second attempt proved to be more successful and the second group of rebels made camp in the Chercher Mountains. At this point, the group decided to operate under the name of "Oromo" instead of "Ethiopia.

Initial formation.

In 1973, the political situation of the country had changed and the Ethiopian military had ousted the imperial regime and taken control. Leaders and members of the MTSHA, who had escaped arrest, had been operating secretly within the country by stirring up activism through underground newspapers such as "Kena Bektaa" and "The Oromo Voice Against Tyranny". They organized a secret conference which was attended by Hussein Sora, Elemo Qiltu and various other Oromo leaders. It was during this conference that the Oromo Liberation Front was officially formed and its first political program was first written out. The armed Oromo units in the Chercher Mountains were adopted as the military wing of the organization, the Oromo Liberation Army or OLA (Oromo: Waraanna Bilisummaa Oromo or WBO).  The Oromo Liberation Army in the Chercher Mountains was placed under the command of Hassen Ibrahim, more commonly known as Elemo Qiltu. In 1974, the OLA increased its activities in the mountains and caused much alarm amongst the administrators of the region especially when they killed the notorious landowner, Mulatu Tegegn. The military regime of Ethiopia then sent General Getachew Shibeshi to destroy the insurrection. On September 6, 1974, the first Oromo Liberation Army was obliterated by mortar fire in the Battle of Tiro in which they lost both Ahmad Taqi and Elemo Qiltu; only three OLA soldiers survived.  In an attempt to subjugate any further Oromo uprising, the Derg instigated mass arrests and killings in the surrounding urban areas of where the OLA had operated, particularly in the cities of Gelemso, Baddessa, Mechara, Boke and Balbaleti. After the short lived guerrilla war, the OLF become even more disorganized and a few of its leaders moved back to Aden in order to restructure the organization but to no avail.  General Tadesse Birru, who had escaped from prison, continued an armed struggle in the Shewa region of the Oromo nation along with Hailu Regassa. They were eventually captured and executed in 1976 but his OLA contingent continued fighting and gained an influx of recruits after the executions.

Official formation.

By 1976, the Oromo Liberation Army had taken up a stronghold in the Chercher Mountains and this was used as an opportunity to reorganize the Front. A two-day secret conference was organized among Oromo leaders and the attendees hailed from all corners of Oromia and a more broadbased leadership was elected. A few members of the ENLF, who were released from custody in Somalia in 1975, and others, who had entered the country on previous occasions, as well as representatives of the underground study cells, individual Oromo nationalist and patriots were members of what is now called the "Founding Congress". The Congress revised the 1973 OLF Political Program and issued a new detailed program. The program called for the "total liberation of the Oromo nation from Ethiopian colonialism". The conference is now known as the Founding Congress and it marked the beginning of modern Oromo nationalism.  Another front was opened by a newly formed Oromo Liberation Army that was initiated in eastern Oromia by farmers. Oromo students and intellectuals in urban areas joined OLA camps by the hundreds in order to offer leadership and educational training. The first battles occurred in the rural areas around Dire Dawa such as Gara Mul'ata.

Late 1970s and the 1980s.

The OLF subsequently spread its activities to western Oromia and elected a new 41-member central committee along with a five-member Supreme Politico Military Command which comprised Lencho Letta, Muhee Abdo, Baro Tumsa, Magarsaa Barii and Gadaa Gamada. With its structure firmly in place, the OLF began an effective campaign to educate students and the general populace about Oromo nationalism. Its military wing also began capturing land in western Oromia, particularly in Wellega.  Between 1977 and 1978, the war between Somalia and Ethiopia proved to be a double-sided coin to the fortunes of the organization. Abandoned weaponry from both armies allowing more recruits to be armed. On the other hand, the Ethiopian, Somali and Western Somali Liberation Front forces were all against the OLF and tried their utmost to eliminate the organization.  In the 1980s, the OLF opened an office in Sudan after its office in Somalia was closed down. It was also in that time that mass killings and arrests of Oromos began as a government attempt to curb the OLF's growth, which only served to further the OLF's support amongst Oromos.  The Oromo Liberation Army at that point had grown from a few hundred to over 10,000 soldiers. Despite their numbers, the troops were poorly equipped when compared to the other rebel groups which were operating in Ethiopia at the time, namely the Eritrean People's Liberation Front and the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front. The OLA controlled vast areas of land in southern, western and eastern Oromia and offices and military bases were set up in major cities such as Jijiga, Assosa, Dembidollo and Mendi.  It was also in that decade that the organization and the movement lost many prominent figures such as Muhee Abdo, Saartu Yousef, Kebede Demissie, Baro Tumsa, Juuki Barentoo and hundreds more. The military government increased its viciousness against the OLF by burning entire villages, massacring student activists and through mass arrests. The OLF leadership was once almost wiped out during an ambush by government troops in which the OLF Secretary General, Galassa Dilbo, was almost killed.

1990s.

The military government was on the verge of collapse as three rebel groups were obliterating its rule of the country. The Oromo Liberation Front, the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front and the Eritrean People's Liberation Front had differing alliances with each other, the TPLF and EPLF had a strong alliance and they both had limited coordinations with the OLF. In 1990, the TPLF formed several other ethnic based political groups from prisoners it had released and put them all under an umberalla organization called the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front. The Oromo group in the EPRDF was the Oromo People's Democratic Organization and its creation was seen as an attempt to undermine the OLF.  The EPRDF, after destroying government control in Tigray and the Amhara region, proceeded to take Nekemte, a city in Oromia. In response, the Oromo Liberation Front said in a broadcast on the Radio Voice of Oromo Liberation (Frankfurt am Main) on 15 April 1991: "The OLF strongly opposes the phrase: liberating Wellega or the Oromo nation. It is false for any alien force to say that it will liberate the Oromo nation."  The three rebel groups along with government representatives were to meet in the London Conference in May 1991 but the government representatives withdrew after hearing news that their President, Mengistu Hailemariam, had escaped to Zimbabwe. In this meeting, it was decided that the EPLF would hold a referendum amongst Eritreans in order to secede from the rest of the country. The EPRDF insisted that the OLF should not ask to secede from the country due to the Oromia region's strategic position in the country. Instead, it was decided that a transitional government compromising of the OLF, EPRDF and various other rebel groups would be created.  Despite the tension, the two rebel groups worked together to capture the capital of Ethiopia, Addis Abeba, and bring down the remaining government forces. A national conference was convened and a transitional government was set up with the OLF having the second highest number of seats to the EPRDF.  The two groups were, however, unable to work together largely because the OLF could not handle the OPDO, believing it to be an EPRDF ploy to limit the OLF's power and influence. Eventually, skirmishes began to break out between their military wings even though both groups had agreed to encamp their forces until they could be properly transitioned into a national army. In 1992, the OLF announced that it was withdrawing from the government because of "harassment and assassinations of its members". In response, the EPRDF sent raiding parties to the encampment zones of OLA soldiers. The ensuing arrests and killings greatly reduced the Oromo Liberation Front's fighting power. Twenty thousand of its fighters were immediately arrested and thousands were killed in the raids on the camps. Some OLF soldiers were purposely kept out of camps by their commanders due to suspicion and mistrust of the EPRDF and those groups began to engage the EPRDF in battle. Despite initial victories, the EPRDF's superiority in numbers and weaponry eventually forced the OLF troops to wage a guerilla war instead.  In the late 1990s, much of the OLF leadership escaped the country and the land controlled and administered by the OLF was given to the EPRDF. Thousands of civilians were arrested, killed and chased out of the country for suspicion of supporting or being OLF members. The EPRDF's success at quickly eliminating the OLF's military capability meant that the OLA could only wage a low-key struggle.

2000s.

After the Eritrean–Ethiopian War, much of its leadership moved to Eritrea and its military wing began to get training and support from the Eritrean government. Between 2000 and 2005, the OLF membership fluctuated due to government crackdowns on Oromo student activism and general dissent. Despite this, the OLF was only further weakened when a faction broke away due to disagreements with the Secretary General Dawud Ibsa. The fighting between these two factions, particularly in the Borana region of Oromia greatly weakened the OLF's ability to wage a war against the government.  In 2006, the OLA in southern Oromia retreated into Kenya in an attempt to regroup. That same year, Brigadier General Kemel Gelchu of the Ethiopian military took 100 of his soldiers and joined the OLF in Eritrea. Despite initially aiding the OLF as leader of its military wing, in 2008, General Kemel Gelchu took matters into his own hands and announced that the OLF would lay down its weapons and abandon its previous goal of seceding Oromia and instead work as a political party to democratize Ethiopia. Along with this announcement, he commanded OLF soldiers in south Oromia to lay down their weapons and surrender to the government. The central leadership of the OLF eventually announced that Kemel Gelchu had been removed from office but not before nearly half of the southern army of the OLF had surrendered. Kemel Gelchu and his troops in Eritrea formed their own OLF faction and allied themselves with Ginbot 7.

2010s.

On 20 November 2012, the main OLF faction and the faction that had broken away in the early 2000s announced reunification.  On 30 May 2015, various media outlets reported that the OLF had attacked a federal police station in the Ethiopian side of Moyale town killing 12 Ethiopian soldiers. This occurred weeks after Ethiopian forces swarmed across the Kenyan border and began absuing locals of Sololo town looking for OLF troops. These forces later responded to the attack by launching an attack Moyale District Hospital and killing one guard.  On March 18, 2018 OLA/OLF troops in western Oromia attacked two Ethiopian military vehicles, killing more than 30 soldiers and capturing the rest.  In August 2018, a peace agreement was forged between the Ethiopian government and the OLF, ending the 45-year Oromo conflict.

Alleged terrorism.

Since the 1990s, the OLF has been accused of massacres and terrorist acts in Kenya, Somalia and Ethiopia which it has consistently denied. It had further claimed that the alleged massacres were committed by either the government or by disgruntled local Oromo farmers.  In 1998, at Bagalla on the border between Ethiopia and Kenya, 187 people were killed in a massacre believed to have been instigated by Borana Oromo tribesmen supported by the OLF. It was estimated that several thousands of herds of livestock were stolen as well as 52 girls abducted. Most of this has led to tougher stance by the Kenyan government against the OLF. A quote from the BBC article states "the fighting was sparked when Degodia tribesmen allowed their cattle to graze on Borana land without asking permission. Survivors of the attack blamed Kenyans and Oromos from neighbouring Ethiopia. However, at the time the government denied that OLF rebels were operating inside Kenya.". In fact, a report compiled by a committee stated that the feuding between the two tribes existed before the OLF began operating in the area. Kenyan authorities formally asked Ethiopia to remove their troops from Kenya indicative of Ethiopia's involvement in facilitating violence between communities  In December 1991, it was reported that armed Oromos had attacked Amhara settlers in the Arsi Zone. According to a Human Rights Watch report, one hundred fifty-four Christians, mainly Amharas, were killed in Arba Guugu. The report stated that the massacre was a result of exploitation of the animosity between Oromo and Amharas in that area by the previous government. The report went on to say that "OLF cadres instigated repeated attacks on Amhara settlers. Villages were burned and civilians were killed. " According to University of Minnesota Human Right summary reports, the OLF admitted that its supporters might have carried out the massacre and "killed about 150 Amharas" in the area but it stated that the OLF had not planned or condoned the incidence.  During the 1991–92 transition period, a massacre of 150 Amhara farmers which had been settled in Oromia was blamed on the Oromo Liberation Front. The killings are known as the Bodeno Massacre.

International links.

According to BBC reports dating as far back as 1999, OLF, along with other anti-Ethiopian elements operating in Ethiopia and Somalia, were receiving assistance from Eritrea as well as helping Eritrea during the Ethiopia–Eritrea 1998–2002 war. In April 1998, OLF held a congress in Mogadishu electing a more militant leadership. Eritrea also supported the Oromo fighters with a ship load of arms and additional 1,500 Oromo fighters being shipped from Eritrea to the south Somalia OLF training center of Qorioli. In July 1999, OLF was stationed at the South Shabelle region and armed by Eritrea in order to fight Ethiopia during the border war. While Eritrea engaged Ethiopia in a border war, the OLA significantly increased their activities in southern Ethiopia. During Ethiopia's war against Eritrea in 1998, the OLF was noted increasing its radio propaganda outreach to Oromos in Ethiopia.  However the Ethiopians, allied with the Somalia government temporarily stationed in Baidoa and the Puntland regional troops, attacked ICU and OLF bases in Southern Somalia. OLF fighters who were arrested in Somalia admitted their involvement with the radical Islamists and admitted of being trained in Eritrea. They were noted as being part of the 270 Oromo militants of OLF trained in Mogadishu with the Islamists before they were captured. Leaders of the Somali state, while talking about OLF's alliance with Al-Ithad and Al-Qaeda, stated that OLF's destabilizing influence in the horn of Africa should be addressed. Around seven OLF fighters surrendered to Kenyan authorities early in January 2007, in Garissa District. OLF captives also confirmed being deployed in Somalia from Eritrea. Some of the captured fighters stated that they lived in Yemen before joining the Front in Eritrea in order to fight for independence.

Ideological base.

The fundamental objective of the Oromo liberation movement is to exercise the Oromo peoples' right to national self-determination and end centuries of oppression and exploitation. While self-determination for the Oromo people has been the main objective of OLF, the members and leaders of the party have not formed a consensus whether the exercising of self-determination by the Oromo people will be in the form of an independent Oromia, or as part of a democratic Ethiopia. But recently, it has taken a clear stance by stating that its goals is to form, if possible, a political union with other nations on the basis of equality, respect for mutual interests and the principle of voluntary associations. OLF had played a major role in the formation of the Transitional Government in 1991 following the fall of the Derg regime. However, OLF left the transitional government, alleging that its members were being intimidated, jailed, and killed in many part of Oromia. Since then OLF has been engaged in low-scale protracted armed struggle against the Ethiopian government.  The OLF believes the Oromo people still are being denied their fundamental rights, still in centuries old of oppression by Ethiopian colonialism. According to OLF, Ethiopian colonialism has been led by Abyssinian Emperors which has been chiefly the Amhara ruling class until it was replaced by a Tigrayan-led government in the early 1990s. OLF is one of the many Oromo political organizations in Ethiopia that are committed to the Oromo people who are endowed with the right to decide the type of sovereignty they want to live under and the type of political union they want to form with other peoples.  The OLF believes, that the change in government from the Derg regime in 1991, far from enables the Oromo people and others to realize their fundamental rights. The OLF reiterates the struggle of the Oromo people is not directed against any people but a system of oppression. In fact, the OLF implies that it is committed to the noble cause of laying a foundation for union of free peoples on the basis of their freely expressed will.  In January 2012, a press release announced that the OLF would no longer seek secession from Ethiopia. Instead, the group announced it would pursue unity and freedom, and work with other political groups. However, a subsequent statement appearing on the OLF website claimed that an unauthorized splinter group, which did not represent the views of the OLF, had made the announcement.

OLF's policies.

On Peaceful Resolution of Conflicts in Ethiopia  OLF says that the root cause of political problems in Ethiopia is the policy of oppression by the former Imperial state of Ethiopia and refusal by the state to respect the rights of oppressed peoples to self-determination. The current Ethiopian government recognizes the right of self-determination of all states in its constitution, but it is accused of placing limitations imposed on the exercise of that right. OLF believes that there is an imperial domination that must be brought to an end in order to bring genuine peace and stability. Thus there is currently a policy of shelving political problems which must cease. The OLF says that it is ready to contribute towards any meaningful effort to reach at a comprehensive settlement to bring peace to all peoples. In the view of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) another issue with the OLF movement has been the movement's treatment of Oromos who don't support OLF's ideologies. This is part of the reason the EPRDF helped to form an organization called the Oromo Peoples' Democratic Organization. OLF has stated that they do not resent Oromos for being members of the OPDO.  On Armed Struggle  The OLF states that the protracted armed resistance under the leadership of the Front is an act of self-defense exercised by the Front against successive Ethiopian governments, including the current one, which OLF believes is forcibly denying the Oromo people their right to self-determination. So the OLF armed resistance hopes to target the government's coercive machinery, not innocent civilians. The OLF has an anti terrorism stand and opposes terrorism as means of struggle to achieve the right of the Oromo people. The Organization considers terrorism as act of desperation. So it has a clear and peaceful policy on its actions against civilians in Ethiopia. Therefore, anti-terrorism against civilians remains a core policy of the organization even though OLF has not made a clear distinction between its armed struggle and terrorism acts against current and future Ethiopian governments.  On Religion and Religious Extremism  The Oromo people are followers of three major religions: Islam, Christianity and traditional Oromo religion. The OLF claims to respect religious equality and pursues secular policy. It opposes religious domination and religious extremism of any kind. It believes the composition of its members and supporters among the Oromo people, irrespective of religious divides, is a clear testimony to the organization's correct democratic policy on religion.  On Right of Minorities in Oromia  In Oromia there are minorities who have distinct identity and culture of their own. Some minorities in Oromia are economically, culturally, and politically closely linked with the Oromo people. The OLF recognizes and respects the right of minorities in accordance with internationally accepted principles to develop their culture, administer their own affairs, enjoy equal rights in every field of activity. Just like the current Ethiopian government, the OLF has also undertaken to vigorously work for the full realization of these rights and will take necessary measures to strengthen the bond of fraternity between the Oromo people and minorities in Oromia.  Solidarity with "Oppressed Peoples"  The OLF believes that solidarity and cooperation among the oppressed peoples led by their respective forces is essential for realization of their common objectives of liberation. The organization has been working towards unity of struggle among the oppressed peoples to counter the enemy schemes and reduce the cost of achieving their political objectives of liberation. The OLF believes the alignment of the Ethiopian government with forces resisting genuine change in Ethiopia is posing a real threat to the oppressed and subjugated peoples in the country. The organization declares that there are indications that militaristic and chauvinistic elements who are aspiring to restore the old order are demanding for the reversal of what minimum change Oromo people have achieved through their struggle. It states that the Ethio-Eritrean conflict is going to directly affect the oppressed nations and nationalities economically and in terms of human casualty, and continuation of suppression and violation of human rights by creating pretexts connected with the war situation. The OLF is prepared to revitalize and strengthen previous agreements concluded with some organizations of oppressed peoples and work towards a formation of a platform to co-ordinate and channel their human and material resources to meet the challenge of the day.

Criticism of the OLF.

Colonial claims.

There has also been criticism of the terminology the OLF uses; since its formation, the OLF has used the terminology "Abyssinian colonialism" to describe the alleged colonization of ethnic Oromos by non-Oromos (abyssinians) during the 1880s conquests by Emperor Menelik II. However, both Oromos and non-Oromo Ethiopians alike have disagreed on such strict use of the word "Abyssinians" as exclusively meaning non-Oromo Ethiopians, because Oromo conquests since the 1500s have led to northern Oromos being part and parcel of the Abyssinian empires centered in Gondar. One particular example used by Ethiopianist Oromos, like Dr. Merera Gudina, against OLF is the historical accounts on Oromo rule of Ethiopia in the 1700s, including the Yejju Oromos "controlling the imperial seat at Gonder for about eighty years." Ethiopianists claim that since Oromos were citizens of Abyssinia for several centuries (both as peasants and in its leadership), Abyssinia itself is made up of its Oromo citizens. Thus northern Oromos were Abyssinians, long before Emperor Menelik was born to lead the alleged "Abyssinian conquest of Oromos." Therefore, since an ethnic group cannot colonize itself, both the incorrect use of the word "Abyssinia" and the claim of "colonization of Oromo" terminology has been disputed by Ethiopianists.

Development.

Another argument given by critics of OLF is its impact on the development of Ethiopia. Most critics of OLF imply that various development projects in southern Ethiopia have been suppressed due to the war waged by the OLA in those regions. In fact. various Oromo elders, Gaada leaders, Oromo religious head persons and Oromo political leaders living in Ethiopia have collectively denounced the destabilizing role of OLF in Oromia state including. Groups allied to the OLF, such as the ONLF, have also been accused of stopping development plans in the Ogaden Region of Ethiopia including violence against formation of educational facilities and the work of oil firms like the Chinese ZPEB and Malaysian oil firm Petronas. OLF also admitted that it has attacked economic centers in Ethiopia as well as transport routes.  One of the most outspoken Oromo leaders against the OLF organization has been Dr. Negasso Gidada, former President and current opposition leader. In 2002, after OLF rebels attacked the Tigray Hotel in Addis Ababa, killing many civilians and destroying property, Dr. Negasso stated that "such terrorist acts should not be committed especially in the name of Oromos". He said there is no need for an armed struggle when there are alternative peaceful political ones. He stated, The terrorist acts perpetrated against innocent civilians by individuals and groups under the guise to liberate Oromia were abominable crimes and should be condemned in the strongest possible terms. Whoever that commits such barbaric acts of terror in the name of liberation struggle should not be tolerated. The killing of innocent civilians and destroying their properties couldn't be justified by any standard. I am of the view that a democratic unity on the basis of justice and equality would be of much benefit to the people of Oromia.

Rebuttal to criticism.

Criticism of the OLF and its ideology has been routinely countered by the organization and many Oromo intellectuals as being Ethiopian propaganda designed to delegitimize the movement. Ethiopians, mainly from the Amhara ethnic group, have termed Oromo nationalism and self-awareness as counter to the Ethiopian state. As a result, Oromo people and organizations that associated themselves with Oromos were targeted as anti-unity and subject to oppression. The OLF was created as a defence against this type of targeted subjugation of the Oromo people.  On the issue of Ethiopian colonialism, it is noted that Emperor Menilik II officially formed the Ethiopian Empire in 1888 by declaring that all conquered land belonged to the Emperor. After doing so, the Emperor allocated Amhara landlords over the conquered southern lands (including Oromia). In this system, these landlords promoted the systematic suppression and destruction of all elements of Oromo culture while Amhara culture, language and religion was imposed on the conquered Oromo people.  The Somalia role is complex as on one hand you have Ogaden fighting for independence like Oromo. On the other hand, you have a radicalized opposition to Horn of Africa. In the middle of these groups were former dictator Saide Barre, who were Marxist in ideology but opportunists by nature. Saide Barre's objective was to dominate the Horn of Africa. In his quest, Saide Barre captured former OLF commanders Barisoo Wabee (Magarsaa Barii), Gadaa Gammadaa (Damisee Tacaanee), Abbaa Xiiqii (Abboomaa Mitikku), Dori Bari (Yigazu Banti), Falmataa /Umar/Caccabsaa, Faafam Dooyyoo, Irra’anaa Qacalee (Obbo Dhinsaa), Dhadacha Boroo, Daddacha Muldhataa, and Marii Galaa.  Anti-Oromo campaign reaches beyond Ethiopian boundaries by Amhara and Tigray alike. Oromo refugees in Djibouti, Kenya, Puntland and South Sudan have been deported back into Ethiopia and even put into labor camps. One such event was the deportation of UNHCR registered refugee, Tesfahun Chemeda, who was deported back to Ethiopia by Kenyan authorities in 2007 and later died in an Ethiopian prison on August 24, 2013.  In Yemen, Ethiopian agents are suspected in the December 20, 2008 murder of Oromo Refugee Association leader Mr Ahmed Ibrahim Rore. The human rights report details violence towards Oromo refugees, including rape. It also raises concerns over why UNHCR Yemen banned Oromo songs at Culture shows. Oromo in Yemen provided a letter detailing their suffering in Qubee.  Research in the United States has corroborated claims of torture, rape and extrajudicial killing of mainly Oromo, Ogaden, Anuak, Sidama and many other ethncities. Amhara and Tigray opposition have also been victims of torture. In EPRDF attempts to counterattack their claims, OLF is often targeted as the cause of torture or that were rightfully victims. Similarly, Ogaden opposition ONLF was also blamed for torture and human rights violation by Ethiopian authorities, which was addressed in a letter from United States Senators to Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

Notes.

The OLF has offices in Washington, D.C. and Berlin and is a member of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. It operates a shortwave radio station, SBO (Sagalee Bilisummaa Oromoo) or VOL (Voice of Oromo Liberation), in Berlin. VOL radio transmits in Afan Oromo as well as in Amharic.

The Oromo Liberation Front (, abbreviated ABO; English abbreviation OLF) is an organisation established in 1973 by Oromo people in Ethiopia who believe that the Oromo people constitute a separate nation. The movement is the culmination of over 70 years of uncoordinated resistance by Oromos against Ethiopia's central government. The OLF has offices in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia), Washington, D.C. and Berlin from where it operates Amharic and Oromo-language radio stations.

Le Front de libération oromo, ou Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) en anglais, est un groupe politique oromo en Éthiopie, opposé au gouvernement qui ne lui reconnait pas le statut de parti politique officiel. Actif depuis les années 1970, il prônait la sécession de la région de l'Oromiya, plus grande région du pays et foyer du peuple oromo, principal groupe ethnique éthiopien. Le, le FLO et le Premier ministre éthiopien Abiy Ahmed (premier chef de gouvernement d'origine oromo) signent des accords de paix qui les autorisent à poursuivre le combat uniquement par la voie politique.