Twelfth Amendment to the United States Constitution

Douzième amendement de la Constitution des États-Unis

Background.

Under the original procedure for the Electoral College, as provided in, each elector cast two electoral votes, with no distinction made between electoral votes for president and electoral votes for vice president. The two people chosen by the elector could not both inhabit the same state as that elector. This prohibition was designed to keep electors from voting for two "favorite sons" of their respective states. The person receiving the greatest number of votes, provided that number constituted a majority of the electors, was elected president, while the presidential candidate receiving the second-most votes was elected vice president.  In the cases where no candidate won a majority of electoral votes the House of Representatives would hold a contingent election to select the president. If there were more than one individual who received the same number of votes, and such number equaled a majority of the electors, the House would choose one of them to be president. If no individual had a majority, then the House would choose from the five individuals with the greatest number of electoral votes. In both sets of circumstances, each state delegation had one () vote. A candidate was required to receive an absolute majority, more than half of the total number of states, in order to be chosen as president.  Selecting the vice president was a simpler process. Whichever candidate received the second greatest number of votes for president became vice president. The vice president, unlike the president, was not required to receive votes from a majority of the electors. In the event of a tie for second place, the Senate would hold a contingent election to select the vice president from those tied, with each senator casting one vote. A candidate was required to receive an absolute majority, more than half of the total Senate membership, in order to be chosen as vice president.  The original electoral system worked adequately for the first two presidential elections because on both occasions George Washington was the unanimous choice of the electors for president; the only real contest was the election for vice president for which an overall majority was not required. George Washington's decision not to seek a third term and the emergence of partisan political activity exposed problems with the original procedure.  In the 1796 election, John Adams, the Federalist Party presidential candidate, received a majority of the electoral votes. However, the Federalist electors scattered their second votes, resulting in the Democratic-Republican Party presidential candidate, Thomas Jefferson, receiving the second highest number of electoral votes and thus being elected vice president. It soon became apparent that having a vice president and a president unwilling to work together effectively was going to be a more significant problem than was originally realized. The most significant problem was that with the French Revolutionary Wars raging in Europe, it was immediately apparent that President Adams was going to pursue a pro-British foreign policy, much to the disgust of the strongly pro-French Vice President Jefferson.  Both major parties attempted to remedy the situation by having the president and vice president elected on a party ticket. This solution significantly enhanced the likelihood of having political allies serving as president and vice president but raised a different flaw in the arrangements.  On January 6, 1797, Federalist Representative William L. Smith of South Carolina responded to the 1796 result by presenting a resolution on the floor of the House of Representatives for an amendment to the Constitution requiring each elector to cast one vote for president and another for vice president. However, no action was taken on his proposal, setting the stage for the deadlocked election of 1800.  The 1800 election exposed a defect in the original formula in that if each member of the Electoral College followed party tickets, there could be a tie between the two candidates from the most popular ticket. Both parties planned to prevent this by having one of their electors abstain from voting for the vice presidential candidate to ensure a clear result. Jefferson managed to secure a majority of pledged electors, but the margin in 1800 was so slim that there was little room for error if the Democratic-Republicans were to avoid repeating the Federalists' miscues of 1796. Given the technical limitations of 18th-century communications, Democratic-Republicans electors in all states were left to assume that an elector in another state was the one responsible for casting the one abstention necessary to ensure the election of unofficial vice presidential nominee Aaron Burr to that office. All Democratic-Republicans electors in each state were so reluctant to be seen as the one responsible for causing outgoing President Adams to be elected as vice president that every Democratic-Republican elector cast a vote for both Jefferson and Burr, resulting in a tie.  Consequently, a contingent presidential election was held in the House of Representatives. Federalist-controlled state delegations cast their votes for Burr in an effort to prevent Jefferson from becoming president. Neither Burr nor Jefferson was able to win on the first 35 ballots. With help from Alexander Hamilton, the gridlock was finally broken on the 36th ballot and Jefferson was elected president on February 17, 1801. This prolonged contingent election, combined with the increasing Democratic-Republican majorities in both the House and the Senate, led to a consequential change in the nation's frame of government, the requirement of separate votes for president and vice president in the Electoral College.

Adoption.

Journey to Congress.

In March 1801, weeks after the election of 1800 was resolved, two amendments were proposed in the New York state legislature that would form the skeleton of the Twelfth Amendment. Governor John Jay submitted an amendment to the state legislature that would require a district election of electors in each state. Assemblyman Jedediah Peck submitted an amendment to adopt designations for the votes for president and vice president. The two amendments were not considered until early 1802 because the state legislature took a break for the summer and winter. New York state senator DeWitt Clinton moved for the adoption of the amendment in January 1802. Shortly thereafter, Clinton won a vacant seat in the U.S. Senate, where he was instrumental in bringing the designation amendment to Congress. The process continued in New York on February 15 when Representative Benjamin Walker of New York proposed the designation and district election amendments to the House. Debate on the amendments began in May. The Republicans wanted to decide on the amendment quickly, but the Federalists argued that the ideas needed more time than the current session allowed. Federalist Samuel W. Dana of Connecticut wanted to examine the necessity of a vice president. The amendment ultimately failed in the New York State Senate, but DeWitt Clinton brought the amendment discussion to the House of Representatives.  Congress was ready to debate the presented amendment, but the Democratic-Republicans decided to wait for the 8th Congress. The 8th Congress would allow the Democratic-Republicans a better chance of meeting the two-thirds vote requirement for submitting a proposed Constitutional amendment.

Congressional debate.

On its first day, the 8th Congress considered the designation amendment. The first formulation of the amendment had the five highest electoral vote earners on the ballot in the House if no one candidate had a majority of the electoral votes. Republican John Clopton of Virginia, the largest state in the Union, argued that having five names on the list for a contingency election took the power from the people, so he proposed that there be only two names on the list. On October 20, the House appointed a seventeen-member committee (one Representative from each state) to fine-tune the amendment.  The original proposal starting in the New York state legislature would have, along with designation, put forward the idea of the district election of electors that Treasury Secretary Gallatin had supported. Shortly after the committee was formed, Federalist Benjamin Huger attempted to add a provision regarding district elections to the proposed amendment, but the committee ignored him.  The committee then submitted an updated version of the designation amendment to the House on October 23 that changed the number of candidates in a contingency election from five to three and allowed the Senate to choose the vice president if there were a tie in that race. Small Federalist states disliked the change from five to three because it made it far less likely that a small-state candidate would make it to a contingency election. Huger and New York Federalist Gaylord Griswold argued that the Constitution was a compromise between large and small states and the method chosen by the Framers is supposed to check the influence of the larger states. Huger even asserted that the Constitution itself was not a union of people, but a union of large and small states in order to justify the original framework for electing the president. Designation, argued Griswold and Huger, would violate the spirit of the Constitution by taking away a check on the power of the large states.  Next up for the Federalists was Seth Hastings of Massachusetts, who submitted the argument that the designation amendment rendered the vice presidency useless and advocated for the elimination of the three-fifths clause. John C. Smith asked the inflammatory question of whether the proposed amendment was to help Jefferson get reelected. Speaker Nathaniel Macon called this inappropriate. After Matthew Lyon of Kentucky denounced any reference to the three-fifths clause as mere provocation, the House easily passed the resolution 88–39 on October 28.  By October 28, the Senate had already been discussing the designation amendment. Republican DeWitt Clinton expected that the Senate, with a 24–9 Republican majority would quickly pass the amendment. Federalist Jonathan Dayton proposed that the office of the vice president should be eliminated and his colleague, Uriah Tracy, seconded it. On the other side, Wilson Cary Nicholas was simply worried that Congress would not submit the amendment in time for the states to ratify it before the 1804 election. Despite Nicholas' concern, the Senate would not seriously deal with the amendment again until November 23.  Much as it had in the House, debate centered around the number of candidates in a contingency election and the philosophical underpinnings of the Constitution. Again, small Federalist states vehemently argued that three candidates gave too much power to large states to pick presidents. Senator Pierce Butler of South Carolina argued that the issues with the election of 1800 were unlikely to happen again and he would not advocate changing the Constitution simply to stop a Federalist vice president. John Quincy Adams argued that the change from five to three gave an advantage to the people that violated the federative principle of the Constitution. Rather than have the office of the president balanced between the states and the people, Adams felt designation of president and vice president would tip that scale in favor of the people.  Federalist senators argued for retaining the original procedure for the Electoral College. Senator Samuel White of Delaware claimed that the original procedure had not been given "a fair experiment" and criticized the proposed amendment for entrenching the two-party system that had taken over presidential elections.  In response, the Republicans appealed to democratic principles. Samuel Smith of Maryland argued that the presidency ought to be as closely accountable to the people as possible. As such, having three candidates in a contingency election is far better than having five, because it would otherwise be possible to have the fifth best candidate become president. Also, designation itself would drastically cut down the number of elections that would reach the House of Representatives, and the president is then much more likely to be the people's choice. Another of Smith's arguments was simply the election of 1800. William Cocke of Tennessee took a different approach when he argued that the entire small state argument of the Federalists was simply out of self-interest.  One last order of business for the amendment was to deal with the possibility that the House would fail to choose a president by March 4. It was the least controversial portion of the Twelfth Amendment and John Taylor proposed that the vice president would take over as president in that peculiar occurrence, "as in case of the death or other Constitutional disability of the President."  It seemed clear all along that the Republican dominance would render this a no-contest and the Republicans were just waiting for all of their votes to be present, but the Federalists had one last defense. A marathon session of debate, lasting from 11 A.M. to 10 P.M., was the order of the day on December 2, 1803. Most notably, Uriah Tracy of Connecticut argued in a similar vein as Adams when he invoked the federative principle of the Constitution. Tracy claimed the original procedure was formulated to give the small states a chance to elect the vice president, who would be a check on the president's powers. In essence, the states balanced the power of the people. However, this only works if you make it partisan, as Georgia (for example) was a Republican small state.

Proposal and ratification.

The Twelfth Amendment was proposed by the 8th Congress on December 9, 1803, when it was approved by the House of Representatives by vote of 84–42, having been previously passed by the Senate, 22–10, on December 2. The amendment was officially submitted to the states on December 12, 1803, and was ratified by the legislatures of the following states:  The amendment was rejected by Delaware, on January 18, 1804, and by Connecticut, on May 10, 1804. In a September 25, 1804, circular letter to the governors of the states, Secretary of State James Madison declared the amendment ratified by three-fourths of the states.

Electoral College under the Twelfth Amendment.

While the Twelfth Amendment did not change the composition of the Electoral College, it did change the process whereby a president and a vice president are elected. The new electoral process was first used for the 1804 election. Each presidential election since has been conducted under the terms of the Twelfth Amendment.  The Twelfth Amendment stipulates that each elector must cast distinct votes for president and vice president, instead of two votes for president. Additionally, electors may not vote for presidential and vice-presidential candidates who both reside in the elector's state—at least one of them must be an inhabitant of another state.  If no candidate for president has a majority of the total votes, the House of Representatives, voting by states and with the same quorum requirements as under the original procedure, chooses the president. The Twelfth Amendment requires the House to choose from the three highest receivers of electoral votes, compared to five under the original procedure.  The Twelfth Amendment requires a person to receive a majority of the electoral votes for vice president for that person to be elected vice president by the Electoral College. If no candidate for vice president has a majority of the total votes, the Senate, with each senator having one vote, chooses the vice president. The Twelfth Amendment requires the Senate to choose between the candidates with the "two highest numbers" of electoral votes. If multiple individuals are tied for second place, the Senate may consider all of them, in addition to the individual with the greatest number of votes. The Twelfth Amendment introduced a quorum requirement of two-thirds of the whole number of senators for the conduct of balloting. Furthermore, the Twelfth Amendment requires the Senate to choose a vice president by way of the affirmative votes of "a majority of the whole number" of senators.  To prevent deadlocks from keeping the nation leaderless, the Twelfth Amendment provided that if the House did not choose a president before March 4 (then the first day of a presidential term), the individual elected vice president would "act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President." The Twelfth Amendment did not state for how long the vice president would act as president or if the House could still choose a president after March 4. Section 3 of the Twentieth Amendment, adopted in 1933, supersedes that provision of the Twelfth Amendment by changing the date upon which a new presidential term commences to January 20, clarifying that the vice president-elect would only "act as President" if the House has not chosen a president by January 20, and permitting Congress to statutorily provide "who shall then act as President, or the manner in which one who is to act shall be selected" if there is no president-elect or vice president-elect by January 20. It also clarifies that if there is no president-elect on January 20, whoever acts as president does so until a person "qualified" to occupy the presidency is elected to be president.

Interaction with the Twenty-second Amendment.

The Twelfth Amendment explicitly states the also apply to being vice president. It is unclear whether a two-term president could later serve as vice president. Some contend that the Twenty-second Amendment and Twelfth Amendment both bar any two-term president from later serving as vice president as well as from succeeding to the presidency from any point in the United States presidential line of succession. Others contend that the Twelfth Amendment concerns qualification for "service", while the Twenty-second Amendment concerns qualifications for "election", and thus a former two-term president is still eligible to "serve" as vice president. The interaction between the two amendments has not been tested, as no twice-elected president has ever been nominated for the vice presidency.  Hillary Clinton jokingly said during her 2016 presidential campaign that she had considered naming her husband, twice-elected former president Bill Clinton as her vice presidential running mate, but had been advised it would be unconstitutional. This constitutional ambiguity has allowed for speculation in 2020 about whether twice-elected former president Barack Obama was eligible to be vice president.

Elections since 1804.

Starting with the election of 1804, each presidential election has been conducted under the Twelfth Amendment. Only once since then has the House of Representatives chosen the president in a contingent election, in the 1824 election as none of the four candidate won an absolute majority (131 at the time) of electoral votes: Andrew Jackson received 99 electoral votes, John Quincy Adams (son of John Adams) 84, William H. Crawford 41, and Henry Clay 37.  As the House could only consider the top three candidates, Clay was eliminated, while Crawford's poor health following a stroke and heart attack made his election by the House unlikely.  Jackson expected the House to vote for him, as he had won a plurality of both the popular and electoral votes. Instead, the House elected Adams on the first ballot with thirteen states, followed by Jackson with seven and Crawford with four. Clay had endorsed Adams for the presidency, which carried additional weight because Clay was the Speaker of the House. Adams subsequently appointed Clay as his Secretary of State, to which Jackson and his supporters responded by accusing the pair of making a "corrupt bargain". In the election for vice president, John C. Calhoun (the running mate of both Jackson and Adams) was elected outright, receiving 182 electoral votes.  In 1836, the Whig Party nominated four different candidates in different regions, aiming to splinter the electoral vote while denying Democratic nominee Martin Van Buren an electoral majority and forcing a contingent election.  The Whig strategy narrowly failed as Van Buren won an electoral vote majority and an apparent popular vote majority, winning Pennsylvania by 4222 votes. In South Carolina, whose presidential electors were Whigs, no popular vote was held as the state legislature chose the electors.  The basis for the Whigs' strategy lay in a severe state-level Democratic Party split in Pennsylvania that propelled the Whig-aligned Anti-Masonic Party to statewide power. Party alignments by state in the House of Representatives suggest that any contingent election would have had an uncertain outcome, with none of the candidates (Van Buren, William Henry Harrison and Hugh White) having a clear path to victory.  In that same election, no candidate for vice president secured an electoral majority as the Democratic electors from Virginia refused to vote for Democratic vice presidential nominee, Richard Mentor Johnson, due to his relationship with a former slave, and instead cast their votes for William Smith.  As a result, Johnson received 147 electoral votes, one vote short of a majority, followed by Francis Granger with 77, John Tyler with 47 and Smith with 23. Thus, it became necessary for the Senate to hold a contingent election between Johnson and Granger for vice president, which Johnson won on the first ballot with 33 votes to Granger's 16.  Since 1836, no major U.S. party has nominated multiple regional presidential or vice presidential candidates in an election. However, since the Civil War, there have been two serious attempts by Southern-based parties to run regional candidates in hopes of denying either of the two major candidates an electoral college majority. Both attempts (in 1948 and 1968) narrowly failed; in both cases, a shift in the result of two or three close states would have forced these respective elections into the House.  In modern elections, a running mate is often selected in order to appeal to a different set of voters. A Habitation Clause issue arose during the 2000 presidential election contested by George W. Bush (running-mate Dick Cheney) and Al Gore (running-mate Joe Lieberman), because it was alleged that Bush and Cheney were both inhabitants of Texas and that the Texas electors therefore violated the Twelfth Amendment in casting their ballots for both. Texas' 32 electoral votes were necessary in order to secure Bush and Cheney a majority in the Electoral College. With the Democrats picking up four seats in the Senate to equal the Republicans at 50 seats each in the chamber, the outcome of a contingent election in the Senate, especially if it had happened after the newly elected senators had been seated, would have been far from certain; in fact such an election in 2000, had it happened, would have determined which party controlled the Senate.  Bush's residency was unquestioned, as he was Governor of Texas at the time. However, Cheney and his wife had moved to Dallas five years earlier when he assumed the role of chief executive at Halliburton. Cheney had grown up in Wyoming, had represented it in Congress and had continuously maintained a residence in the state during his tenure at Halliburton. A few months before the election, he switched his voter registration and driver's license to Wyoming and put his home in Dallas up for sale. Three Texas voters challenged the election in a federal court in Dallas and then appealed the decision to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, where it was dismissed.

The Twelfth Amendment (Amendment XII) to the United States Constitution provides the procedure for electing the president and vice president. It replaced the procedure provided in, by which the Electoral College originally functioned. The amendment was proposed by the Congress on December 9, 1803, and was ratified by the requisite three-fourths of state legislatures on June 15, 1804. The new rules took effect for the 1804 presidential election and have governed all subsequent presidential elections.

Le amendement de la Constitution des États-Unis prévoit la procédure pour l'élection du président et du vice-président des États-Unis. Il est ratifié le 15 juin 1804.


Playing career.

Hedican was drafted 198th overall by the St. Louis Blues in the 1988 NHL Entry Draft. A product of St. Cloud State University, Hedican played with the 1992 US Olympic Team before he made his NHL debut in the 1991–92 season with the Blues. In his third season with the Blues, Hedican was traded to the Vancouver Canucks with Jeff Brown and Nathan LaFayette for Craig Janney, on March 21, 1994, joining the Canucks in time for their Stanley Cup run that season.  Hedican led the league in short-handed assists during the 1997–98 season, with seven. Hedican established himself in the Canucks blueline and after five seasons was later traded to the Florida Panthers by Vancouver with Pavel Bure, Brad Ference and Vancouver's 3rd round choice (Robert Fried) in the 2000 NHL Entry Draft for Ed Jovanovski, Dave Gagner, Mike Brown, Kevin Weekes and Florida's first round choice (Nathan Smith) in the 2000 Entry Draft, on January 17, 1999.  Hedican was then traded by the Panthers with Kevyn Adams and Tomas Malec to the Carolina Hurricanes for Sandis Ozolinsh and Byron Ritchie on January 16, 2002. He would spend five and a half seasons with the Hurricanes and won his only Stanley Cup in 2006.  For the 2008–09 season, Hedican signed a one-year contract with the Anaheim Ducks. He played his 1000th career NHL game on November 21, 2008 against the St. Louis Blues.  On September 6, 2009, Hedican was interviewed live on the television sports talk show "Chronicle Live", on CSN Bay Area, and announced his retirement.

Post-retirement.

Hedican joined NBC Sports California shortly after retiring, serving as a pre-game and post-game analyst for the channel's San Jose Sharks coverage. Hedican was honored by having his #24 jersey retired by St. Cloud State University on November 6, 2010. In the fall of 2014, he joined the Sharks Radio Network team, and either Baker or Hedican will provide color commentary alongside Dan Rusanowsky. He also calls games with Randy Hahn and Jamie Baker on NBCSN and NBC Sports California.  In 2014, Hedican partnered with another former Vancouver Canuck, Paul Reinhart, investing over $1 million in a sports team management start-up, RosterBot, based in Vancouver.

Personal life.

Hedican has been married to figure-skater Kristi Yamaguchi since 2000. The couple have two daughters, Keara Kiyomi (2003) and Emma Yoshiko (2005). They split their time between northern California and Minnesota. Hedican and Yamaguchi met at the 1992 Olympic Winter Games when both were members of the US Olympic team.  Hedican is a graduate of North High School in North St. Paul, Minnesota. August 12, 2006, was declared "Bret Hedican Day" in North Saint Paul, Minnesota, including the presentation of the Stanley Cup and a parade.

Bret Michael Hedican (born August 10, 1970) is an American former professional ice hockey player, a Stanley Cup champion, and a two-time US Olympian.

<dfn>Bret Hedican</dfn> (né le à Saint Paul dans l'État du Minnesota aux États-Unis) est un joueur professionnel américain de hockey sur glace. Il évolue pour cinq différentes formations de la Ligue nationale de hockey en plus de représenter son pays à deux reprises lors des Jeux olympiques et trois fois lors de championnat du monde. Il passe une année avec l'équipe nationale.


Generalities on recursive ordinals.

Ordinal notations.

Recursive ordinals (or computable ordinals) are certain countable ordinals: loosely speaking those represented by a computable function. There are several equivalent definitions of this: the simplest is to say that a computable ordinal is the order-type of some recursive (i.e., computable) well-ordering of the natural numbers; so, essentially, an ordinal is recursive when we can present the set of smaller ordinals in such a way that a computer (Turing machine, say) can manipulate them (and, essentially, compare them). A different definition uses Kleene's system of ordinal notations. Briefly, an ordinal notation is either the name zero (describing the ordinal 0), or the successor of an ordinal notation (describing the successor of the ordinal described by that notation), or a Turing machine (computable function) that produces an increasing sequence of ordinal notations (that describe the ordinal that is the limit of the sequence), and ordinal notations are (partially) ordered so as to make the successor of "o" greater than "o" and to make the limit greater than any term of the sequence (this order is computable; however, the set O of ordinal notations itself is highly non-recursive, owing to the impossibility of deciding whether a given Turing machine does indeed produce a sequence of notations); a recursive ordinal is then an ordinal described by some ordinal notation.  Any ordinal smaller than a recursive ordinal is itself recursive, so the set of all recursive ordinals forms a certain (countable) ordinal, the Church–Kleene ordinal (see below).  It is tempting to forget about ordinal notations, and only speak of the recursive ordinals themselves: and some statements are made about recursive ordinals which, in fact, concern the notations for these ordinals. This leads to difficulties, however, as even the smallest infinite ordinal, ω, has many notations, some of which cannot be proved to be equivalent to the obvious notation (the limit of the simplest program that enumerates all natural numbers).

Relationship to systems of arithmetic.

There is a relation between computable ordinals and certain formal systems (containing arithmetic, that is, at least a reasonable fragment of Peano arithmetic).  Certain computable ordinals are so large that while they can be given by a certain ordinal notation "o", a given formal system might not be sufficiently powerful to show that "o" is, indeed, an ordinal notation: the system does not show transfinite induction for such large ordinals.  For example, the usual first-order Peano axioms do not prove transfinite induction for (or beyond) ε: while the ordinal ε can easily be arithmetically described (it is countable), the Peano axioms are not strong enough to show that it is indeed an ordinal; in fact, transfinite induction on ε proves the consistency of Peano's axioms (a theorem by Gentzen), so by Gödel's second incompleteness theorem, Peano's axioms cannot formalize that reasoning. (This is at the basis of the Kirby–Paris theorem on Goodstein sequences.) We say that ε measures the proof-theoretic strength of Peano's axioms.  But we can do this for systems far beyond Peano's axioms. For example, the proof-theoretic strength of Kripke–Platek set theory is the Bachmann–Howard ordinal, and, in fact, merely adding to Peano's axioms the axioms that state the well-ordering of all ordinals below the Bachmann–Howard ordinal is sufficient to obtain all arithmetical consequences of Kripke–Platek set theory.

Specific recursive ordinals.

Predicative definitions and the Veblen hierarchy.

We have already mentioned (see Cantor normal form) the ordinal ε, which is the smallest satisfying the equation formula_1, so it is the limit of the sequence 0, 1, formula_2, formula_3, formula_4, etc. The next ordinal satisfying this equation is called ε: it is the limit of the sequence  More generally, the formula_6-th ordinal such that formula_1 is called formula_8. We could define formula_9 as the smallest ordinal such that formula_10, but since the Greek alphabet does not have transfinitely many letters it is better to use a more robust notation: define ordinals formula_11 by transfinite induction as follows: let formula_12 and let formula_13 be the formula_14-th fixed point of formula_15 (i.e., the formula_14-th ordinal such that formula_17; so for example, formula_18), and when formula_19 is a limit ordinal, define formula_20 as the formula_21-th common fixed point of the formula_15 for all formula_23. This family of functions is known as the Veblen hierarchy (there are inessential variations in the definition, such as letting, for formula_19 a limit ordinal, formula_20 be the limit of the formula_26 for formula_23: this essentially just shifts the indices by 1, which is harmless). formula_15 is called the formula_29 Veblen function (to the base formula_2).  Ordering: formula_31 if and only if either (formula_32 and formula_33) or (formula_34 and formula_35) or (formula_36 and formula_37).

The Feferman–Schütte ordinal and beyond.

The smallest ordinal such that formula_38 is known as the Feferman–Schütte ordinal and generally written formula_39. It can be described as the set of all ordinals that can be written as finite expressions, starting from zero, using only the Veblen hierarchy and addition. The Feferman–Schütte ordinal is important because, in a sense that is complicated to make precise, it is the smallest (infinite) ordinal that cannot be (“predicatively”) described using smaller ordinals. It measures the strength of such systems as “arithmetical transfinite recursion”.  More generally, Γ enumerates the ordinals that cannot be obtained from smaller ordinals using addition and the Veblen functions.  It is, of course, possible to describe ordinals beyond the Feferman–Schütte ordinal. One could continue to seek fixed points in more and more complicated manner: enumerate the fixed points of formula_40, then enumerate the fixed points of "that", and so on, and then look for the first ordinal α such that α is obtained in α steps of this process, and continue diagonalizing in this "ad hoc" manner. This leads to the definition of the “small” and “large” Veblen ordinals.

Impredicative ordinals.

To go far beyond the Feferman–Schütte ordinal, one needs to introduce new methods. Unfortunately there is not yet any standard way to do this: every author in the subject seems to have invented their own system of notation, and it is quite hard to translate between the different systems. The first such system was introduced by Bachmann in 1950 (in an "ad hoc" manner), and different extensions and variations of it were described by Buchholz, Takeuti (ordinal diagrams), Feferman (θ systems), Aczel, Bridge, Schütte, and Pohlers. However most systems use the same basic idea, of constructing new countable ordinals by using the existence of certain uncountable ordinals. Here is an example of such a definition, described in much greater detail in the article on ordinal collapsing function: Here Ω = ω is the first uncountable ordinal. It is put in because otherwise the function ψ gets "stuck" at the smallest ordinal σ such that ε=σ: in particular ψ(α)=σ for any ordinal α satisfying σ≤α≤Ω. However the fact that we included Ω allows us to get past this point: ψ(Ω+1) is greater than σ. The key property of Ω that we used is that it is greater than any ordinal produced by ψ.  To construct still larger ordinals, we can extend the definition of ψ by throwing in more ways of constructing uncountable ordinals. There are several ways to do this, described to some extent in the article on ordinal collapsing function.  The Bachmann–Howard ordinal (sometimes just called the Howard ordinal, ψ(ε) with the notation above) is an important one, because it describes the proof-theoretic strength of Kripke–Platek set theory. Indeed, the main importance of these large ordinals, and the reason to describe them, is their relation to certain formal systems as explained above. However, such powerful formal systems as full second-order arithmetic, let alone Zermelo–Fraenkel set theory, seem beyond reach for the moment.

“Unrecursable” recursive ordinals.

By dropping the requirement of having a useful description, even larger recursive countable ordinals can be obtained as the ordinals measuring the strengths of various strong theories; roughly speaking, these ordinals are the smallest ordinals that the theories cannot prove are well ordered. By taking stronger and stronger theories such as second-order arithmetic, Zermelo set theory, Zermelo–Fraenkel set theory, or Zermelo–Fraenkel set theory with various large cardinal axioms, one gets some extremely large recursive ordinals. (Strictly speaking it is not known that all of these really are ordinals: by construction, the ordinal strength of a theory can only be proved to be an ordinal from an even stronger theory. So for the large cardinal axioms this becomes quite unclear.)

Beyond recursive ordinals.

The Church–Kleene ordinal.

The supremum of the set of recursive ordinals is the smallest ordinal that "cannot" be described in a recursive way. (It is not the order type of any recursive well-ordering of the integers.) That ordinal is a countable ordinal called the Church–Kleene ordinal, formula_41. Thus, formula_41 is the smallest non-recursive ordinal, and there is no hope of precisely “describing” any ordinals from this point on—we can only "define" them. But it is still far less than the first uncountable ordinal, formula_43. However, as its symbol suggests, it behaves in many ways rather like formula_43.

Admissible ordinals.

The Church–Kleene ordinal is again related to Kripke–Platek set theory, but now in a different way: whereas the Bachmann–Howard ordinal (described above) was the smallest ordinal for which KP does not prove transfinite induction, the Church–Kleene ordinal is the smallest α such that the construction of the Gödel universe, "L", up to stage α, yields a model formula_45 of KP. Such ordinals are called admissible, thus formula_41 is the smallest admissible ordinal (beyond ω in case the axiom of infinity is not included in KP).  By a theorem of Sacks, the countable admissible ordinals are exactly those constructed in a manner similar to the Church–Kleene ordinal but for Turing machines with oracles. One sometimes writes formula_47 for the formula_21-th ordinal that is either admissible or a limit of admissibles.

Beyond admissible ordinals.

An ordinal that is both admissible and a limit of admissibles, or equivalently such that formula_21 is the formula_21-th admissible ordinal, is called "recursively inaccessible". There exists a theory of large ordinals in this manner that is highly parallel to that of (small) large cardinals. For example, we can define recursively "Mahlo ordinals": these are the formula_21 such that every formula_21-recursive closed unbounded subset of formula_21 contains an admissible ordinal (a recursive analog of the definition of a Mahlo cardinal). But note that we are still talking about possibly countable ordinals here. (While the existence of inaccessible or Mahlo cardinals cannot be proved in Zermelo–Fraenkel set theory, that of recursively inaccessible or recursively Mahlo ordinals is a theorem of ZFC: in fact, any regular cardinal is recursively Mahlo and more, but even if we limit ourselves to countable ordinals, ZFC proves the existence of recursively Mahlo ordinals. They are, however, beyond the reach of Kripke–Platek set theory.)  An admissible ordinal formula_21 is called "nonprojectible" if there is no total formula_21-recursive injective function mapping formula_21 into a smaller ordinal. (This is trivially true for regular cardinals; however, we are mainly interested in countable ordinals.) Being nonprojectible is a much stronger condition than being admissible, recursively inaccessible, or even recursively Mahlo. It is equivalent to the statement that the Gödel universe, "L", up to stage α, yields a model formula_45 of KP + formula_58-separation.

“Unprovable” ordinals.

We can imagine even larger ordinals that are still countable. For example, if ZFC has a transitive model (a hypothesis stronger than the mere hypothesis of consistency, and implied by the existence of an inaccessible cardinal), then there exists a countable formula_21 such that formula_45 is a model of ZFC. Such ordinals are beyond the strength of ZFC in the sense that it cannot (by construction) prove their existence.  Even larger countable ordinals, called the "stable ordinals", can be defined by indescribability conditions or as those formula_21 such that formula_45 is a 1-elementary submodel of "L"; the existence of these ordinals can be proved in ZFC, and they are closely related to the nonprojectible ordinals.

A pseudo-well-ordering.

Within the scheme of notations of Kleene some represent ordinals and some do not. One can define a recursive total ordering that is a subset of the Kleene notations and has an initial segment which is well-ordered with order-type formula_41. Every recursively enumerable (or even hyperarithmetic) nonempty subset of this total ordering has a least element. So it resembles a well-ordering in some respects. For example, one can define the arithmetic operations on it. Yet it is not possible to effectively determine exactly where the initial well-ordered part ends and the part lacking a least element begins.  For an example of a recursive pseudo-well-ordering, let S be ATR or another recursively axiomatizable theory that has an ω-model but no hyperarithmetical ω-models, and (if needed) conservatively extend S with Skolem functions. Let T be the tree of (essentially) finite partial ω-models of S: A sequence of natural numbers formula_64 is in T iff S plus ∃m φ(m) ⇒ φ(x) (for the first n formulas φ with one numeric free variable; ⌈φ<unk> is the Gödel number) has no inconsistency proof shorter than n. Then the Kleene–Brouwer order of T is a recursive pseudowellordering.

References.

Most books describing large countable ordinals are on proof theory, and unfortunately tend to be out of print.

In the mathematical discipline of set theory, there are many ways of describing specific countable ordinals. The smallest ones can be usefully and non-circularly expressed in terms of their Cantor normal forms. Beyond that, many ordinals of relevance to proof theory still have computable ordinal notations. However, it is not possible to decide effectively whether a given putative ordinal notation is a notation or not (for reasons somewhat analogous to the unsolvability of the halting problem); various more-concrete ways of defining ordinals that definitely have notations are available.

En mathématiques, et plus particulièrement en théorie des ensembles, il existe de nombreuses méthodes de description des ordinaux dénombrables. Les plus petits (jusqu'à formula_1) peuvent être exprimés (de façon utile et non circulaire) à l'aide de leur forme normale de Cantor. Au-delà, on parle de grands ordinaux dénombrables ; de nombreux grands ordinaux (le plus souvent en rapport avec la théorie de la démonstration) possèdent des "notations ordinales" calculables. Cependant, il n'est pas possible en général de décider si une notation ordinale potentielle en est effectivement une, pour des raisons analogues à celles rendant insoluble le problème de l'arrêt.


Lost.

The Sandfire Roadhouse is north of Perth in Western Australia. It is on the Great Northern Highway between Port Hedland and Broome, from the coast. Bogucki left the roadhouse on 11 July 1999. He intended to ride his bike across the Great Sandy Desert to Fitzroy Crossing. Whilst police called off the initial search for Bogucki after 12 days, family members hired specialist trackers to continue the search and soon found fresh evidence that Bogucki had survived at least that long.

Found.

Bogucki was found by a Channel Nine news helicopter on 23 August 1999 in Western Australia's Edgar Ranges, away from where he set off. Bogucki's subsequent treatment by the Channel Nine crew raised questions as to the extent to which they had ignored his well-being in order to secure an exclusive news story. With there only being four seats in the helicopter, "West Australian" photographer Robert Duncan was left behind with a bottle of water and an EPIRB. After going without food for about six weeks and water for twelve days, Bogucki had lost during the ordeal. He found water by digging and straining mud, but also drank from stagnant pools. Later he took to eating flowers and plants. Medical staff at Broome Hospital said his physical condition was ”remarkable".

Dramatisation & Awards.

Boguckis' story and the search for him were made into an episode of the three part ABC series "Miracles" titled "Miracle in the Desert".  Robert Duncan, West Australian Photographer, won the 1999 Daily News Centenary Prize WA Media Awards (informally known as the Gold "Award" or the WA Journalist of the Year) for his involvement, photos and coverage of the search.

Robert Bogucki (born 1966) is an American firefighter from Alaska notable for having survived 43 days lost in Western Australia's Great Sandy Desert before being rescued.

Robert Bogucki (né en 1966) est un pompier américain, originaire d'Alaska, célèbre pour avoir survécu 43 jours dans le Grand Désert de Sable en Australie Occidentale avant d'être secouru. Alors que la police avait décidé l'abandon des recherches initiales de Bogucki au bout de 12 jours, des membres de sa famille louèrent les services de pisteurs spécialisés pour les continuer et trouvèrent rapidement des traces récentes prouvant qu'il avait survécu jusque-là.


Personal background.

Lang was born in 1956 in Taoyuan County, Taiwan (now Taoyuan City), and his ancestors are from Weifang, Shandong。

Education.

Lang received his bachelor's degree from Tunghai University in 1978, and his master's degree from National Taiwan University in 1980. He then studied at Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, where he received a master's degree and a PhD in Finance.  Lang was a lecturer at Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, Michigan State University, Ohio State University, New York University Stern School of Business and The University of Chicago. Lang was also Chair Professor of Finance, the Faculty of Business Administration, at The Chinese University of Hong Kong.

Career and professional ethics.

1994: Professor at The Chinese University of Hong Kong.  1996–2000: Consultant on Corporate governance Projects for World Bank, Washington, D.C.  1998–2001: Shenzhen Stock Exchange, and the Financial Services Bureau of the Hong Kong Government. He researched corporate governance and protection of the interests of small shareholders.  2004: Joint-appointed professor of The Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Cheung Kong Graduate School of Business in mainland China.  August 2004: Host of a finance talk show "Cáijīng Láng Xiánpáng" (财经郎闲评, literally "Finance Lang Leisure Talk") on Shanghai Television Early 2006: "Cáijīng Láng Xiánpáng" suspended due to Lang's intention to uncover the Shanghai pension scandal on the show. June 2009: Lang made a comeback to host "Larry's Eyes on Finance" (), a news commentary talk show.

Controversy.

Much of the controversy surrounding Lang can be attributed to his criticism on rightwing capitalism and the failing financial system. For example, Lang openly announced his endorsement of Marx's critical analysis on capitalism, positively reviewed Mao Zedong's role in China's earlier development and pointed out the often negative role US played in global economy and financial world.

Impact to the public domain in mainland China.

Main theories on public media.

Lang has repeatedly stated in public that, regarding Macroeconomics, he believes in Karl Marx's Scientific communism and “Economic Crisis: Inevitable under Capitalism” theory. He thinks that Big government can bring more justice and welfare to the society than Minarchism, which condones violations on the interests of small shareholders by financial capital, and eventually leading to financial crisis. That is why he is sometimes called a New Left academic.

China's globalization crisis.

For China's globalization remained relatively "critical " attitude. His main idea is that many Chinese enterprises and local governments do not understand the international nature, or in his words, " farmland through water not previously dug ditches." For example, "foreign" stock market operations through the acquisition of a cheap price or a lot of state-owned assets, causing increasingly serious loss of assets, as well as international [ [ chain ] ] the division of labor.  Lang believes that the existence of financial speculators internationally, such as George Soros of Quantum Group of Fund, these speculators are foreign exchange parity, commodities, precious metals prices from fluctuations in the main promoters, and Lang believes that behind them there is a long-term support of the world's financial powers, so meaningful, " financial war", the rise and fall of these financial war against a country plays a key role, he and "Currency Wars", author Song Hongbing along with as "conspiracy theorists."  The face of the increasing appreciation of international oil prices in 2008, prices of food and some money, Lang pointed out that it is likely to be a behind by the " international financial speculators " under the control of a situation. The Chinese part of the industry, such as the steel industry is severely affected.

Enterprise strategy.

Lang repeatedly points to South Korean enterprises as a model, and criticizes many of China's emerging enterprises. He advocates studying the practices of transnational corporations, "of cutting process flow in enterprises where enterprises no longer tangled in one or two leadership capacity, maintaining long-term business, but also full of innovation."

Social repercussions.

Reactions among Chinese economists.

Among circles of Chinese economists, the prevailing opinion is that Lang's area of expertise does not cover China's economic system: he lacks a true understanding of China's situation, and his views on the restructuring of state enterprises are mostly shunned by his peers. Initially, key economists remained silent, but then they realized that Lang seemed to be on the way to affect China's fundamental national policies. So, they began to criticize his theories to try to turn the tide. Besides academic criticisms, there were also accusations of "grandstanding" and "fishing for fame." Nevertheless, it would appear that their attempts in turning the tide were basically futile.

Reactions of relevant departments in the Chinese government.

Since the Lang–Gu dispute,...

Commentaries from Chinese activist private scholars.

Lang is often thought of as a New Left academic, but he calls himself a capitalist economist....

Larry Hsien Ping Lang () (a.k.a. Larry Lang, Larry H.P. Lang, Lang Xianping, and Lang Hsien-ping) (born 1956) is a well-known Hong Kong-based economist, commentator, author and TV host in China.

Larry Hsien Ping Lang (), né le, est un économiste taïwanais résident à Hong Kong, commentateur, auteur et animateur de télévision en Chine.


History.

The Congregation of the Holy Family of Nazareth was founded in Rome, Italy in 1875 by Frances Siedliska, a Polish noblewoman. From Rome, the Congregation spread quickly.  In 1885, Mother Mary of Jesus the Good Shepherd and eleven sisters journeyed to Chicago, Illinois, where they had been invited to minister to the needs of Polish immigrant children and families. There they staffed two schools and an orphanage. The Congregation soon expanded its services in the Midwest. They continue to serve throughout Illinois, Indiana, Pennsylvania, New York, Connecticut, Texas, Michigan and Ohio.  The sisters opened their first hospital in Poland in Wadowice in 1897.

Ministry.

The sisters have served in schools, and in child care services, care of the elderly, retreat work, and in parish, prison and youth ministry.  Sisters continue to be engaged in various areas of healthcare and presently minister as hospital chaplains, nurses, therapists, and lab technicians, attending to the sick, the elderly and the infirm.

Provinces.

As of 2015, there are over 1,300 members in Australia, Belarus, England, France, Israel, Italy, Lithuania, the Philippines, Poland, Puerto Rico, Russia, Spain, Ukraine, and the United States of America.

Blessed members.

Beatified members of the Sisters of the Holy Family include Sister Stella and her companions, who were martyred on 1 August 1943 in Nowogródek, Poland (now Belarus), and who were beatified on 5 March 2000, as well as the foundress, Frances Siedliska, beatified on 23 April 1989. Her feast day is 21 November.

The Sisters of the Holy Family of Nazareth are a Roman Catholic religious institute that was founded in Rome in 1875 by Blessed Mary of Jesus the Good Shepherd (Franciszka Siedliska). The Sisters of the Holy Family are an apostolic, international congregation, located on four continents and in thirteen countries. There are five provinces in the United States. A Sister of this congregation is identified by the initials CSFN (Latin for ""Congregatio Sororum Sacrae Familiae de Nazareth""; English: ""Congregation of the Sisters of the Holy Family of Nazareth"") placed after her name.

Les sœurs de la Sainte Famille de Nazareth ("Congregatio Sororum Sacræ Familiæ de Nazareth") forment une congrégation religieuse féminine enseignante et hospitalière de droit pontifical.


Academic career.

After graduating from Oberlin College, Wolin received his doctorate from Harvard University in 1950, for a dissertation entitled "Conservatism and Constitutionalism: A Study in English Constitutional Ideas, 1760–1785". After teaching briefly at Oberlin, Wolin taught political theory at the University of California, Berkeley, from 1954 to 1970, and built a political theory program by bringing Norman Jacobson, John H. Schaar, Hanna Fenichel Pitkin, and Michael Rogin into the department.  One of Wolin's central concern was how the history of political thought could contribute to understanding contemporary political dilemmas and predicaments. He played a significant role in the Free Speech Movement and with John Schaar interpreted that movement to the rest of the world. During the seventies and eighties he published frequently for "The New York Review of Books". He also wrote opinion pieces and reviews for The New York Times. In 1980, he was the founding editor of the short-lived but intellectually influential journal "democracy" (1980–83). At Princeton, Wolin led a successful faculty effort to pass a resolution urging university trustees to divest from endowment investment in firms that supported South African apartheid.  Wolin left Berkeley in the fall of 1970 for the University of California, Santa Cruz, where he taught until the spring of 1972. From 1973 through 1987, he was a professor of politics at Princeton University. Wolin served on the editorial boards of many scholarly journals, including "Political Theory", the leading journal of the field in the Anglo-American world. He consulted for various scholarly presses, foundations and public entities, including Peace Corps, American Council of Learned Societies, and the Social Science Research Council. Wolin also served as president of the Society for Legal and Political Philosophy.

Political theorist.

Wolin was instrumental in founding what came to be known as the Berkeley School of political theory. His approach to the history of political thought offered an original perspective that constituted a formidable challenge to more classical approaches to the study of the history of political thought. It equally challenged behavioralism, the reigning orthodoxy in political science departments. He has been compared to thinkers like Eric Voegelin, Hannah Arendt, and Leo Strauss.  In his classic "Politics and Vision", Wolin formulates an interpretative approach to the history of political thought, based on careful study of different theoretical traditions. He pays particular attention to how the latter contribute to the changing meanings of a received political vocabulary, including notions of authority, obligation, power, justice, citizenship, and the state. Wolin's approach also had a bearing on contemporary problems and questions and he notoriously defined the inquiry into the history of political thought, and the study of different traditions and forms of theorizing that have shaped it, “as a form of political education.”  Wolin’s approach to the study of political theory consisted of a historical-minded inquiry into the history of political thought to inform the practice of political theory in the present. A consummate reader of texts, he carefully combined attention to both the intellectual and political contexts in which an author intervened and the genres of writing he deployed, with an eye to understanding how a particular body of work shed light on a specific political predicament. But this was no antiquarian exercise. It rather consisted of an attempt to "understand some aspect of the historical past [that] is also conscious of the historical character and locus of [the inquirer's] own understanding. Historicity has to do with the convergence of the two, and the inquirer’s contribution of his present is crucial.”  Similarly, his classic essay "Political Theory as a Vocation," written in the context of the Cold War, the Vietnam War and the Civil Rights Movement, mounted a seething critique of Behaviorism and how it impaired the ability to grasp the crises of the time. Thirty years later, he explicitly formulated the importance of political theory and the study of political thought as “primarily a civic and secondarily an academic activity.”  Wolin's 2001 study of Alexis de Tocqueville, "Tocqueville Between Two Worlds", constitutes his second summum opus. Cornel West has called it Wolin’s masterpiece, the crowning achievement of “the greatest political theorist of and for democracy of our time.”  Wolin’s involvement in the events of the sixties represented a formative experience that set the stage for the transition from an imaginative and erudite scholar of political thought to an original political thinker in his own right. In essays dealing with major thinkers of the recent past, including some of the most formidable bodies of work of the twentieth century, Wolin probed different approaches to both understanding the nature of theory and its bearing on the political from a perspective clearly aligned with the principles of participatory democracy. From this perspective, Wolin engaged with a vast array of thinkers: Theodor W. Adorno & Max Horkheimer, Hannah Arendt, John Dewey, Michel Foucault, Leo Strauss, Harvey C. Mansfield, Karl Marx, Friedrich Nietzsche, Michael Oakeshott, Karl Popper, John Rawls, Richard Rorty, and Max Weber.  Politically, Wolin penned essays on a variety of themes and figures, including terrorism, conservatism, Jimmy Carter, Henry Kissinger, and Ronald Reagan. His "The Presence of the Past" offered an original critique of Reaganism, its discourse and practice, and a series of searching reflections on the bicentennial of the American Constitution. His last book, "Democracy Incorporated" (2008) formulates a scathing critique of the administration of George W. Bush and its war on terror and a plea for the recovery of democratic values and practices.  In these interventions, Wolin formulated an original non-Marxist critique of capitalism and the fate of democratic political life in the present. In his effort to think about the fate of democracy in the United States, he formulated a novel theorization of modern and postmodern forms of power and how these shaped the limits and horizons of political life in the late twentieth and early twentieth-first centuries. While influenced by Marx's critique of capitalism as a form of power, Wolin's political thought is decidedly non-Marxist in his insistence on participatory democracy, the primacy of the political, and the conviction that a radical theory of democracy requires mapping the forms of power beyond the economy. Wolin's political thought is particularly concerned with the fate of democracy at the hands of bureaucratic imperatives, elitism, and managerial principles and practices. His ideas of “inverted totalitarianism” and “fugitive democracy” constitute well-known signatures of his reflections. Another signature contribution is his account of the liberal-democratic state, which Wendy Brown has characterized as a "neo-Weberian" account of the state, "heavy with rationalities and bureaucratic domination; it is a Marxist-structuralist state, neither identical with nor a simple instrument of capitalism but complexly entwined with it. It is an administrative and penetrative state - those tentacles are everywhere and on everyone, especially the most disempowered; they do not honor public/private distinctions, political/economic distinctions, or even legal/extra-legal distinctions...the contemporary state is a complex amalgam of political, economic, administrative and discursive powers." Out of this diagnosis of the state and its complex relationship to capitalism, Wolin forged the idea of "fugitive democracy." In his view, democracy is not a fixed state form, but a political experience in which ordinary people are active political actors. In this construction "fugitive" stands for the ways in which contemporary forms of power have made this aspiration an evanescent and momentary political experience.

Personal life.

Wolin was born in Chicago and raised in Buffalo, New York. At the age of nineteen, Wolin interrupted his studies at Oberlin College to become a US Army Air Forces bombardier/navigator, serving on the Consolidated B-24 Liberator. Wolin flew 51 different combat missions serving in the South Pacific, specifically the islands surrounding the Philippines, during World War II. Wolin's team were tasked with Douglas MacArthur's strategy of conducting raids against the Japanese Navy, which required flying low over Japanese destroyers in order to bomb them. This was incredibly risky, as the B-24 was a "big, lumbering aircraft" which was hard to manoeuvre, and this cost the lives of many of Wolin's fellow airmen, "which proved disastrous." Wolin mentioned that his flight mates were all very young at the time, being between nineteen and twenty-four years of age. Wolin mentioned that several of his flight mates, both at the time and years later, suffered psychological problems as a result of their activities in the War.  He was married to Emily Purvis Wolin for over sixty years.

Sheldon Sanford Wolin (; August 4, 1922 – October 21, 2015) was an American political theorist and writer on contemporary politics. A political theorist for fifty years, Wolin became Professor of Politics, Emeritus, at Princeton University, where he taught from 1973 to 1987.

Sheldon S. Wolin, né le à Chicago (Illinois) et mort le à Salem (Oregon), est un écrivain et philosophe politique américain. Il est professeur émérite à l'université de Princeton. Il est marié à Emily Purvis Wolin.


Early life and education.

Will Shortz was born and raised on an Arabian horse farm in Crawfordsville, Indiana. He was drawn to puzzles at an early age; in eighth grade he wrote a paper titled “Puzzles as a Profession.” (The paper earned him a B+.) At age 13, Shortz wrote to "Language on Vacation" author Dmitri Borgmann for advice on how to pursue a career in puzzles. He graduated from Indiana University in 1974, and is the only person known to hold a college degree in enigmatology, the study of puzzles. Shortz achieved this by designing his own curriculum through Indiana University's Individualized Major Program. He also earned a Juris Doctor degree from the University of Virginia School of Law (1977), but did not sit for the bar exam and began a career in puzzles instead.

Career.

Shortz began his career at "Penny Press Magazines", then moved to "Games" magazine for 15 years, serving as its editor from 1989–1993. He has been the crossword puzzle editor for "The New York Times" since 1993 (the fourth in the paper's history, following Eugene Thomas Maleska), and has been the puzzle master on NPR's "Weekend Edition Sunday" since the program was started in 1987. He is the founder of the American Crossword Puzzle Tournament (1978), and has served as its director since that time. He founded the World Puzzle Championship in 1992 and is a director of the U.S. Puzzle Team.  Shortz is the author or editor of more than 100 books and owns over 20,000 puzzle books and magazines dating back to 1545, reportedly the world's largest private library on the subject. He is a member and historian of the National Puzzlers' League.  Shortz provided the puzzle clues which The Riddler (Jim Carrey) leaves for Batman (Val Kilmer) in the film "Batman Forever".  He has said that his favorite crossword of all time is the Election Day crossword of November 5, 1996, designed by Jeremiah Farrell. It had two correct solutions with the same set of clues, one saying that the "Lead story in tomorrow's newspaper (!)" would be "BOB DOLE ELECTED", and the other correct solution saying "CLINTON ELECTED". His favorite individual clue is "It might turn into a different story" (whose solution is SPIRAL STAIRCASE).  Shortz resides in Pleasantville, New York, where he works from home. He is an avid table tennis player. In May 2011, with Barbadian champion (and his long-time friend) Robert Roberts, he opened one of the largest table tennis clubs in the Northeast in Pleasantville. In 2012, Shortz set a goal for himself to play table tennis every day for a year, but surpassed his goal, playing for 1000 consecutive days.  In February 2009, Shortz helped introduce the KenKen puzzle into "The New York Times".  In 2013, Shortz lent his name and talents in puzzle writing and editing to a new bimonthly publication entitled "Will Shortz' WordPlay", published by "PennyPress".  In March 2016, FiveThirtyEight reported on allegations of plagiarism regarding "USA Today" editor Timothy Parker's use of themes, clues, and grids previously published in "The New York Times". "The Times" also reported on the story, in which Shortz is quoted as saying: "When the same theme answers appear in the same order from one publication to the next, that makes you look closer. When they appear with the same clues, that looks suspicious. And when it happens repeatedly, then you know it's plagiarism."

Publicity.

The 2006 documentary "Wordplay" by Patrick Creadon focuses on Shortz and the American Crossword Puzzle Tournament. Various famous fans of his puzzles such as Bill Clinton, Ken Burns, Jon Stewart, Daniel Okrent, Indigo Girls and Mike Mussina appear in the film.  Shortz has been a guest on a number of TV shows, including "Martha Stewart Living", "Oprah", "The Daily Show", and "The Colbert Report". He has also appeared on "Millionaire" as an expert for the "Ask the Expert" lifeline.  He appeared on an episode of "The Simpsons" titled "Homer and Lisa Exchange Cross Words", which first aired on November 16, 2008.  He appeared in "" as himself, challenging the chef to create dishes that mimic common English idioms at the annual American Crossword Puzzle Tournament. The episode aired on May 6, 2009.  He also appeared on an episode of "How I Met Your Mother" titled "Robots Versus Wrestlers", which first aired on May 10, 2010 during season 5. He appeared as himself at an upscale dinner party that included Arianna Huffington and Peter Bogdanovich, also playing themselves.  Shortz is a weekly guest on NPR's "Weekend Edition Sunday" where he hosts the Sunday Puzzle, a cooperative game between the show's host and one of the show's listeners. The lucky player is picked randomly from a group of submissions containing the correct answer to a qualifier puzzle issued the week before.  On December 18, 2015 he presented the answers on "Jeopardy!" in the category "The New York Times Crossword".  Shortz was featured on HBO's Real Sports with Bryant Gumbel (ep. 254, May 2018). Also in 2018, Shortz appeared in the Brooklyn Nine-Nine episode "The Puzzle Master" as Sam Jepson, a rival puzzler to Vin Stermley.

Honors and awards.

Shortz gave the commencement address at his alma mater, Indiana University, in May 2008.  In May 2010, Shortz was given an honorary Doctor of Humane Letters degree from Wabash College in Crawfordsville, Indiana.  In May 2018, Shortz was given an honorary Doctor of Humane Letters degree from Indiana University, his alma mater.

William F. Shortz (born August 26, 1952) is an American puzzle creator and editor and crossword puzzle editor for "The New York Times".

Will Shortz, né le à Crawfordsville, dans l'Indiana, est un verbicruciste américain. Il est responsable de la rubrique des mots croisés du quotidien américain "The New York Times", pour lequel il crée et sélectionne des grilles de mots croisés depuis 1993. Il anime également l'émission radiophonique "Sunday Puzzle", diffusée chaque dimanche, dans le cadre de l'émission "Weekend Edition", sur la radio publique américaine NPR.


History.

The New Town of Grande Cache was incorporated on September 1, 1966. The purpose of creating a new town was to open the area for the development of coal mines. New town status allowed the town to use the Government of Alberta as a guarantor for debt.  Construction of Grande Cache began in 1969. By 1971 a hospital, schools, stores, and the first homes were built.  Grande Cache received town status on September 1, 1983.  The community suffered a boom-bust cycle due to the dependence on a single employer that depended on a single commodity: coal. In an attempt to diversify the economy additional industries were encouraged to develop in the area. This included a wood chip plant and a federal prison operated by the Correctional Service of Canada. In recent years, wilderness tourism is an increasing industry.  In September 2018, Grande Cache's Town Council determined that, due to a reduction in population and the subsequent loss in tax revenue, the town was no longer financially sustainable. On September 25, 2018, town residents voted to dissolve the town into a hamlet under the jurisdiction of the Municipal District (MD) of Greenview No. 16. Out of 1,100 ballots cast in the vote, 1,065 were votes in favour of dissolution, 32 were in favour of remaining a town, and 3 ballots were rejected. The dissolution came into effect on January 1, 2019, rendering Grande Cache a hamlet in the Municipal District of Greenview No. 16.

Geography.

The town is built on a plateau that is just below the subalpine level of the Rocky Mountains. The town site is surrounded by three valleys: to the north is the Smoky River; to the west is the Sulphur River; to the south is Victor Lake and Grande Cache Lake. To the east of town is Grande Mountain.

Climate.

Grande Cache experiences a subarctic climate (Köppen climate classification "Dfc"). Summertime is usually very mild, but can also be very cool or warm depending on the movement of different airmasses in the area. Wintertime is very cold and snowy, lasting from November into March, and sometimes even later.

Demographics.

In the 2016 Census of Population conducted by Statistics Canada, Grande Cache recorded a population of 3,571 living in 1,296 of its 1,759 total private dwellings, a change from its 2011 population of 4,319. With a land area of, it had a population density of in 2016.  In the 2011 Census, Grande Cache had a population of 4,319 living in 1,563 of its 1,752 total dwellings, a 14.2% change from its 2006 population of 3,783. With a land area of, it had a population density of in 2011.

Sports.

Grande Cache is the home of the Canadian Death Race.

Infrastructure.

Grande Cache is the site of the Grande Cache Institution, a medium-security prison.

Transportation.

Grande Cache is connected to Grande Prairie and Hinton via Highway 40. There is a community bus service to Grande Prairie once a week and to Hinton once a month. Grande Cache Airport is outside of town. There are no scheduled flights into Grande Cache Airport.

Education.

Local schools in Grande Cache include:

Media.

Grande Cache has one weekly paper, the "Grande Cache Mountaineer".

Grande Cache is a hamlet within and administered by the Municipal District of Greenview No. 16 in west-central Alberta, Canada. It is located on Highway 40 approximately northwest of Hinton and west of Edmonton. Grande Cache overlooks the Smoky River, is at the northern edge of Alberta's Rockies, and serves as the gateway to the Willmore Wilderness Park. The hamlet held town status prior to 2019.

Grande Cache est une ville ("town") récent situé dans le Nord de la province de l'Alberta au Canada. Il fut créé sur un site occupé par les Amérindiens et les trappeurs au.


Historical context.

After four hundred years of colonial domination under the Spanish Empire, Puerto Rico finally received its sovereignty in 1898 through a "Carta de Autonomía" (Charter of Autonomy). This Charter of Autonomy was signed by Spanish Prime Minister Práxedes Mateo Sagasta and ratified by the Spanish Cortes. Despite this, just a few months later, the United States claimed ownership of the island as part of the Treaty of Paris which concluded the Spanish–American War.  Opponents to the colonial government argued that the profits generated by this arrangement were one-sided, enormous for the United States.  When the war ended, U.S. President McKinley appointed Charles Herbert Allen as the first civilian governor of Puerto Rico. Though Allen had a business background, his financial administration of Puerto Rico was strikingly unsound. He ignored the appropriation requests of the Puerto Rican House of Delegates, refused to make any municipal, agricultural or small business loans, built roads at double the costs of preceding administrations, and left 85% of the school-age population without schools. Rather than making these requested infrastructure and education investments, Allen's budget raided the Puerto Rican treasury. His administration re-directed tax revenues to no-bid contracts for U.S. businessmen, railroad subsidies for U.S.-owned sugar plantations, and high salaries for U.S. bureaucrats in the island government.  Allen's financial acumen improved considerably when he returned to the U.S., and resumed his own personal business interests. In 1901, Allen resigned as governor and installed himself as president of the largest sugar-refining company in the world, the American Sugar Refining Company. This company was later renamed as the Domino Sugar company. In effect, Charles Allen leveraged his governorship of Puerto Rico into a controlling interest over the entire Puerto Rican economy.  In 1914, the Puerto Rican House of Delegates voted unanimously for independence from the United States. In 1917, the US Congress passed an act by which it granted citizenship to Puerto Rican residents. This was overwhelmingly opposed by the island's political leaders. Critics said the US was simply interested in increasing the size of its conscription pool to get soldiers for World War I.

United States "Manifest Destiny".

By 1930, over 40 percent of all the arable land in Puerto Rico had been converted into sugar plantations, which were entirely owned by Domino Sugar Company and U.S. banking interests. These bank syndicates also owned the entire coastal railroad, and the San Juan international seaport.  This was not limited to Puerto Rico. By 1930 the United Fruit Company owned over one million acres of land in Guatemala, Honduras, Colombia, Panama, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Mexico and Cuba. By 1940, in Honduras alone, the United Fruit Company owned 50 percent of all private land in the entire country. In Guatemala, the United Fruit Company owned 75 percent of all private land by 1942 – plus most of Guatemala's roads, power stations and phone lines, the only Pacific seaport, and every mile of railroad.  The U.S. government supported all these economic exploits, and provided military "persuasion" whenever necessary.

Founding of the Nationalist Party.

The origins of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party date to 1917, when a group of Union Party members in Ponce, dissatisfied with the attitude of the Union Party of Puerto Rico towards the "granting" of U.S. citizenship, formed the ""Asociación Nacionalista de Ponce"" (Ponce Nationalist Association). Among its founders were Dr. Guillermo Salazar, Rafael Matos Bernier, J. A. Gonzalez, and Julio Cesar Fernandez. These men also founded the newspaper "El Nacionalista".  The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party was formed as a direct response to the American colonial government. In 1919, José Coll y Cuchí, a member of the Union Party of Puerto Rico, felt that the Union Party was not doing enough for the cause of Puerto Rican independence. Coll y Cuchí and some followers left to form the Nationalist Association of Puerto Rico in San Juan. Under Coll y Cuchí's presidency, the party convinced the Puerto Rican Legislative Assembly to approve an Act that would permit the transfer of the remains of the Puerto Rican patriot, Ramón Emeterio Betances, from Paris, France, to Puerto Rico.  The Legislative Assembly appointed Alfonso Lastra Charriez as its emissary since he had French heritage and spoke the language fluently. Betances' remains arrived in San Juan on August 5, 1920. A funeral caravan organized by the Nationalist Association transferred the remains from San Juan to the town of Cabo Rojo, where his ashes were interred by his monument.  By the 1920s, two other pro-independence organizations had formed on the Island: the Nationalist Youth and the Independence Association of Puerto Rico. The Independence Association was founded by José S. Alegría, Eugenio Font Suárez and Leopoldo Figueroa in 1920. On September 17, 1922, these three political organizations joined forces and formed the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party. Coll y Cuchi was elected president and José S. Alegría (father of Ricardo Alegría) vice-president. In 1924, Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos joined the party and was named vice-president. Alegría was named Nationalist Party president in 1928 and held that position until 1930. By 1930, disagreements between Coll y Cuchi and Albizu Campos as to how the party should be run, led the former and his followers to leave and return to the Union Party. Albizu Campos did not like what he considered to be Coll y Cuchí's attitude of fraternal solidarity with the enemy. On May 11, 1930, Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos was elected president of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party.  The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party maintained that, as a matter of international law, the Treaty of Paris following the Spanish–American War could not have empowered the Spanish to "give" to the US what was no longer theirs. Under Albizu Campos's leadership during the years of the Great Depression, the party became the largest independence movement in Puerto Rico.  In the mid-1930s, there were disappointing electoral results and strong repression by the territorial police authorities. The party staged some protests that developed into celebrated incidents because of police overreaction: The October 1935 Rio Piedras and the Ponce massacres. In these, government forces fired on unarmed civilians. After the Río Piedras massacre, in December 1935, Albizu Campos announced that the Nationalist Party would withdraw from electoral participation while the United States kept control. Campos began to advocate direct, violent revolution.

Nationalist Party during 1930–1950.

Nationalist Party partisans were involved in a variety of dramatic and violent confrontations between 1930 and 1950:  Soon afterward, two Nationalist partisans, among them Raimundo Díaz Pacheco, attempted to assassinate Robert Cooper, judge of the Federal Court in Puerto Rico. On May 12, 1939, Winship was summarily removed from his post as Governor by President Roosevelt.

Nationalist Revolts of 1950.

The first battle of the Nationalist uprisings occurred in the early hours of October 29, in "barrio" Macaná of Peñuelas. The police surrounded the house of the mother of Melitón Muñiz, the president of the Peñuelas Nationalist Party, that he was using as a distribution center for weapons for the Nationalist Revolt. Without warning, the police fired on the Nationalists and a firefight ensued, resulting in the death of two Nationalists and wounding of six police officers.  In the Jayuya Uprising, led by Nationalist leader Blanca Canales, a police station and post office were burned. The town was held by the Nationalists for three days.  The Utuado Uprising culminated in the Utuado Massacre by the local police, in which five Nationalists were executed.  The San Juan Nationalist revolt was a Nationalist attempt to enter the Governor's mansion, "La Fortaleza", in order to attack then-governor Luis Muñoz Marín. The hour-long shootout resulted in the death of four Nationalists: Domingo Hiraldo Resto, Carlos Hiraldo Resto, Manuel Torres Medina and Raimundo Díaz Pacheco. Three guards were also seriously wounded.  Various other shootouts took place throughout island – including those at Mayagüez, Naranjito, Arecibo, and Ponce, where Antonio Alicea, Jose Miguel Alicea, Francisco Campos (Albizu Campos's nephew), Osvaldo Perez Martinez and Ramon Pedrosa Rivera were arrested and accused of the murder of police corporal Aurelio Miranda during the revolt. Raul de Jesus was accused of violating the Insular Firearms Law.  On October 31, police officers and National Guardsmen surrounded "Salón Boricua," a barbershop in Santurce. Believing that a group of Nationalists were inside the shop, they opened fire. The only person in the shop was Campos barber Vidal Santiago Díaz. Santiago Díaz, who fought alone against the attackers for three hours, received five wounds, including one in the head. The battle was transmitted "live" via the radio airwaves to the public in general.  On November 1, 1950, Griselio Torresola and Oscar Collazo unsuccessfully attempted to assassinate U.S. President Harry S. Truman, who was staying at the Blair House in Washington, D.C.  Truman supported development of a constitution for Puerto Rico and the 1952 status referendum on it; 82% of the voters approved the constitution. The US Congress also approved the constitution.  On March 1, 1954, Lolita Lebrón together with fellow Nationalists Rafael Cancel Miranda, Irvin Flores and Andrés Figueroa Cordero attacked the U.S. House of Representatives in Washington, D.C. The group opened fire with automatic pistols. Some 30 shots were fired (mostly by Cancel, according to his account), wounding five lawmakers. One of the congressmen, Representative Alvin Bentley from Michigan, was seriously wounded. Upon her arrest, Lebrón yelled "I did not come to kill anyone, I came to die for Puerto Rico!"  On November 18, 1955, a non-violent splinter group of nationalists calling themselves "La Quinta Columna" (The 5th Column) broke away from the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party due to not supporting the ideas and thoughts of Albizu Campos, as to a Puerto Rico relationship with Spain as its Mother country and their nationalistic love for Puerto Rico as their Motherland. The other reason for the splinter group was due to the violence that took place in the 1950s. This splinter group would later become known in 1968 as "El Movimiento Indio Taino de Boriken" (The Taino Indian Movement of Puerto Rico) which was primarily made up of the children of the Puerto Rican Nationalists whom would come to establish the indigenous grassroots civil rights movement in Puerto Rico.

Recent events.

Although less active, the Nationalist Party continues to exist as an organization and an ideology. It also has somewhat of a "chapter" in New York City. The New York Junta is an autonomous organ of the party that recognizes, and is recognized by, the National Junta in Puerto Rico.  In 2006 and in representation of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party, Jose Castillo spoke before the United Nations Special Committee on Decolonization and said that the Nationalist Party "had appeared in the past to denounce colonialism in Puerto Rico and hoped the Special Committee would show its commitment to the island's struggle for self-determination, so that it could join the United Nations in its own right... The Special Committee and its resolutions on Puerto Rico were indispensable instruments." Castillo "called upon the United States Government to assure the Puerto Rican people of their right to self-determination and human rights and immediately cease the persecution, arrests, and murders perpetrated against independence fighters. Vieques peace activists must be freed immediately, and the FBI's electronic surveillance and continued harassment of independence fighters must be stopped. The United States must also end its actions against basic human rights while fully implementing the United Nations resolution calling for a constituent assembly to begin decolonization." Castillo added that "Puerto Rico had its own national identity... Since its 1898 invasion, the United States had tried to destroy the nationality of Puerto Rican people. It kept Puerto Rico in isolation, maintaining it as private corporation from which it earned billions a year... exploitation had made foreigners richer and the Puerto Rican people poorer. The fact that Puerto Rico was the last territory in the world could not be hidden. Violation of rights there would cease only once it was a free and independent nation. The United States must provide compensation for what it had done to Puerto Rico's land and people."  In 2013 the Puerto Rico Nationalist Party made a public demonstration of their pro-Independence commitment by protesting a speech from the Governor of Puerto Rico, Alejandro García Padilla.  Its last president was Antonio "Toñito" Cruz Colón until his death in October 2014.

The Puerto Rico Nationalist Party (Spanish: "Partido Nacionalista de Puerto Rico", PNPR) is a Puerto Rican political party which was founded on September 17, 1922, in San Juan, Puerto Rico. Its primary goal was to work for Puerto Rico's independence. The Party's selection in 1930 of Pedro Albizu Campos as its president brought a radical change to the organization and its tactics.

Le Parti nationaliste de Porto Rico ( ) est un parti politique portoricain fondé en 1922 et qui fut la principale organisation indépendantiste de Porto Rico jusqu'en 1965.


Gameplay.

The gameplay of "Reality Fighters" takes the classic fighting game mechanics and brings them to a wider, more mainstream focus.  To begin with, the player takes a photo of the face using the front or rear camera. Using face detection technology, the game can then recreate a character with the player's likeness. The game lets players choose the gender and body shape, and wear over 400 pieces of clothing. The game also allows players to choose among 15 fighting styles, and over 50 weapons. Fighting styles, weapons and clothes choice affect gameplay, by unlocking new combos or modifying the damage or armor of specific body parts. For example, a helmet will better protect the head, and a pair of boots will boost the kicking ability.  "Reality Fighters" offers dual control. On one side, the game can be played via buttons alone, with a classic control method. On the other, the game can be played via the front and rear touch, which allow the player to perform all combos in a more accessible way. There are six different game modes, namely Story Mode, Survivor, Quick Fight, Time Attack, Online versus, and Boss mode. The game also supports social features of the PS Vita like online leaderboards, friend lists, or NEAR. Players can pose and take photos of their characters.  Here is a quick summary of the battle UI. Next to the fighter portrait is your healthbar, and under the healthbar is your "EX Meter". When this meter is completely blue, you can use a certain special move with the triangle button. When it is orange, the same thing happens, but this time, you can use an even stronger move with the circle button.

Reality Fighters is a PlayStation Vita augmented reality video game developed by Novarama, and published by Sony Computer Entertainment. "Reality Fighters" is a fighting game where the player can take a photo of himself or herself and, using the game's editing tools, become a video game character. The game boasts over 8 trillion unique fighter combinations, which can be used in solo and online play. "Reality Fighters" is a PlayStation Vita launch title.

Reality Fighters est un jeu vidéo de combat en développement sur PlayStation Vita. Il est développé par Novarama et édité par Sony.


Scope.

In the last decade, the history of emotions has developed into an increasing productive and intellectually stimulating area of historical research. Although there are precursors of the history of emotions - especially Febvre's "Histoire des Sensibilités" or Gay's Psychohistory - the field converges methodologically with newer historiographical approaches such as conceptual history, historical constructivism and the history of the body.  Similar to the sociology of emotions or anthropology of emotions, the history of emotions is based on the assumption that not only the expression of feelings, but also the feelings themselves are learned. Culture and history are changing and so are feelings as well as their expression. The social relevance and potency of emotions is historically and culturally variable. In the view of many historians, emotion is, therefore, just as fundamental a category of history, as class, race or gender.

Methodology.

A number of different methodological approaches have been discussed in recent years. Some historians of the emotions limit their research to the historical analysis of emotional norms and rules under the heading of emotionology. Particularly in the recent past, however, the methodological spectrum of the history of emotions has expanded to include performative, constructivist and practice theory approaches. Currently fundamental methodological concepts include: emotives, emotional habitus and emotional practice. Additionally there are several terms that describe the different scope and binding effect of feeling cultures such as emotional community, emotional regime, and emotional style. More recently, the history of emotions has engaged with recent social and cultural turns in the neurosciences, positing the history of emotions as a component part of a broader biocultural historicism.

The history of emotions is a field of historical research concerned with human emotion, especially variations among cultures and historical periods in the experience and expression of emotions. Beginning in the 20th century with writers such as Lucien Febvre and Peter Gay, an expanding range of methodological approaches is being applied.

Cet article présente différents aspects de l'histoire des sensibilités. L'histoire des sensibilités, sous-branche de l'histoire culturelle et découlant également de l'histoire des mentalités, a notamment été impulsée et largement explorée par Alain Corbin. Ce nouveau chantier historique a été lancé, si l'on peut dire, en 1982, avec son ouvrage "Le Miasme et la Jonquille. L'odorat et l'imaginaire social. XVIIIe-XIXe siècles."