Biography.

Antoine Augustin Cournot was born at Gray, Haute-Saône. In 1821 he entered one of the most prestigious Grande École, the École Normale Supérieure, and, according to Sandmo: in 1823 he took a license degree in mathematics at Sorbonne University. He then became the private secretary of a field marshal who required assistance in writing his memoirs. This position does leave Cournot with considerable time for his own pursuits, for in the course of his ten years in the field marshal's employment he took two doctoral degrees, one in mechanics and one in astronomy. In addition, he published a number of articles and even acquired a degree in law.  Subsequently, Cournot held positions as professor of mathematics, chief examiner for undergraduate students, and rector of Dijon Academy.  By the time Cournot died in 1877, he was nearly blind.

Work.

Economics.

Cournot was mainly a mathematician, but did have some influence over economics. His theories on monopolies and duopolies are still famous. In 1838 the book "Researches on the Mathematical Principles of the Theory of Wealth" was published, in which he used the application of the formulas and symbols of mathematics in economic analysis. This book was highly criticized and not very successful during Cournot's lifetime. He did attempt to rewrite it twice. However, it still has influence in economics today. Today many economists believe this book to be the point of departure for modern economic analysis. Cournot introduced the ideas of functions and probability into economic analysis. He derived the first formula for the rule of supply and demand as a function of price and in fact was the first to draw supply and demand curves on a graph, anticipating the work of Alfred Marshall by roughly thirty years. The Cournot duopoly model developed in his book also introduced the concept of a (pure strategy) Nash equilibrium, the Reaction function and best-response dynamics.  Cournot believed that economists must utilize the tools of mathematics only to establish probable limits and to express less stable facts in more absolute terms. He further held that the practical uses of mathematics in economics do not necessarily involve strict numerical precision.  Today, Cournot's work is recognized in econometrics. He was also a teacher of political economy and mathematics to Auguste Walras, who was the father of Léon Walras. Cournot and Auguste Walras persuaded Léon Walras to try political economics. Cournot is also credited to be one of the sources of inspiration for Léon Walras and his equilibrium theory.  In the field of economics he is best known for his work in the field of oligopoly theory—Cournot competition which is named after him.

Philosophy.

Cournot worked on determinism (in physics) and chance.  Unlike Pierre-Simon de Laplace, who thought that nothing happen by chance, and Aristotle, who thought that randomness and causality had nothing to do which each other, Cournot united the concepts, defining randomness as the encounter of two independent causal series. This definition allows randomness even in perfectly deterministic events, and is used to generate random numbers by the combination of unrelated signals (for instance, temperature and sound).

Antoine Augustin Cournot (28 August 180131 March 1877) was a French philosopher and mathematician who also contributed to the development of economics.

Antoine Augustin Cournot, né le à Gray (Haute-Saône) et mort le à Paris, est un mathématicien et philosophe français qui s'est intéressé notamment à la formalisation des théories économiques. Il est ainsi un des premiers à avoir formulé un modèle de l'offre et de la demande.


Signs and symptoms.

The majority of people with a Meckel's diverticulum are asymptomatic. An asymptomatic Meckel's diverticulum is called a "silent" Meckel's diverticulum. If symptoms do occur, they typically appear before the age of two years.  The most common presenting symptom is painless rectal bleeding such as melaena-like black offensive stools, followed by intestinal obstruction, volvulus and intussusception. Occasionally, Meckel's diverticulitis may present with all the features of acute appendicitis. Also, severe pain in the epigastric region is experienced by the person along with bloating in the epigastric and umbilical regions. At times, the symptoms are so painful that they may cause sleepless nights with acute pain felt in the foregut region, specifically in the epigastric and umbilical regions.  In some cases, bleeding occurs without warning and may stop spontaneously. The symptoms can be extremely painful, often mistaken as just stomach pain resulting from not eating or constipation.  Rarely, a Meckel's diverticulum containing ectopic pancreatic tissue can present with abdominal pain and increased serum amylase levels, mimicking acute pancreatitis.

Complications.

The lifetime risk for a person with Meckel's diverticulum to develop certain complications is about 4–6%. Gastrointestinal bleeding, peritonitis or intestinal obstruction may occur in 15–30% of symptomatic people (Table 1). Only 6.4% of all complications requires surgical treatment; and untreated Meckel's diverticulum has a mortality rate of 2.5–15%.  Table 1 – Complications of Meckel's Diverticulum:

Bleeding.

Bleeding of the diverticulum is most common in young children, especially in males who are less than 2 years of age. Symptoms may include bright red blood in stools (hematochezia), weakness, abdominal tenderness or pain, and even anaemia in some cases.  Bleeding may be caused by:  The appearance of stools may indicate the nature of the bleeding:

Diverticulitis.

Inflammation of the diverticulum can mimic symptoms of appendicitis, i.e., periumbilical tenderness and intermittent crampy abdominal pain. Perforation of the inflamed diverticulum can result in peritonitis. Diverticulitis can also cause adhesions, leading to intestinal obstruction.  Diverticulitis may result from:

Intestinal obstruction.

Symptoms: Vomiting, abdominal pain and severe or complete constipation.

Umbilical anomalies.

Anomalies between the diverticulum and umbilicus may include the presence of fibrous cord, cyst, fistula or sinus, leading to:

Neoplasm.

Tumors in Meckel's diverticulum may cause bleeding, acute abdominal pain, gastrointestinal obstruction, perforation or intussusception.

Pathophysiology.

The omphalomesenteric duct (omphaloenteric duct, vitelline duct or yolk stalk) normally connects the embryonic midgut to the yolk sac ventrally, providing nutrients to the midgut during embryonic development. The vitelline duct narrows progressively and disappears between the 5th and 8th weeks gestation.  In Meckel's diverticulum, the proximal part of vitelline duct fails to regress and involute, which remains as a remnant of variable length and location. The solitary diverticulum lies on the antimesenteric border of the ileum (opposite to the mesenteric attachment) and extends into the umbilical cord of the embryo. The left and right vitelline arteries originate from the primitive dorsal aorta, and travel with the vitelline duct. The right becomes the superior mesenteric artery that supplies a terminal branch to the diverticulum, while the left involutes. Having its own blood supply, Meckel's diverticulum is susceptible to obstruction or infection. Meckel's diverticulum is located in the distal ileum, usually within 60–100 cm (2 feet) of the ileocecal valve. This "blind segment" or small pouch is about 3–6 cm (2 inch) long and may have a greater lumen diameter than that of the ileum. It runs antimesenterically and has its own blood supply. It is a remnant of the connection from the yolk sac to the small intestine present during embryonic development. It is a "true diverticulum", consisting of all 3 layers of the bowel wall which are mucosa, submucosa and muscularis propria.  As the vitelline duct is made up of pluripotent cell lining, Meckel’s diverticulum may harbor abnormal tissues, containing embryonic remnants of other tissue types. Jejunal, duodenal mucosa or Brunner's tissue were each found in 2% of ectopic cases. Heterotopic rests of gastric mucosa and pancreatic tissue are seen in 60% and 6% of cases respectively. Heterotopic means the displacement of an organ from its normal anatomic location. Inflammation of this Meckel's diverticulum may mimic appendicitis. Therefore, during appendectomy, ileum should be checked for the presence of Meckel's diverticulum, if it is found to be present it should be removed along with appendix.  A memory aid is the rule of 2s: However, the exact values for the above criteria range from 0.2–5 (for example, prevalence is probably 0.2–4%).  It can also be present as an indirect hernia, typically on the right side, where it is known as a ""Hernia of Littré"". A case report of strangulated umbilical hernia with Meckel's diverticulum has also been published in the literature. Furthermore, it can be attached to the umbilical region by the vitelline ligament, with the possibility of vitelline cysts, or even a patent vitelline canal forming a vitelline fistula when the umbilical cord is cut. Torsions of intestine around the intestinal stalk may also occur, leading to obstruction, ischemia, and necrosis.

Diagnosis.

A technetium-99m (99mTc) pertechnetate scan, also called Meckel scan, is the investigation of choice to diagnose Meckel's diverticula in children. This scan detects gastric mucosa; since approximately 50% of symptomatic Meckel's diverticula have ectopic gastric or pancreatic cells contained within them, this is displayed as a spot on the scan distant from the stomach itself. In children, this scan is highly accurate and noninvasive, with 95% specificity and 85% sensitivity; however, in adults the test is only 9% specific and 62% sensitive.  Patients with these misplaced gastric cells may experience peptic ulcers as a consequence. Therefore, other tests such as colonoscopy and screenings for bleeding disorders should be performed, and angiography can assist in determining the location and severity of bleeding. Colonoscopy might be helpful to rule out other sources of bleeding but it is not used as an identification tool. Angiography might identify brisk bleeding in patients with Meckel's diverticulum.  Ultrasonography could demonstrate omphaloenteric duct remnants or cysts. Computed tomography (CT scan) might be a useful tool to demonstrate a blind ended and inflamed structure in the mid-abdominal cavity, which is not an appendix.  In asymptomatic patients, Meckel's diverticulum is often diagnosed as an incidental finding during laparoscopy or laparotomy.

Treatment.

Treatment is surgical, potentially with a laparoscopic resection. In patients with bleeding, strangulation of bowel, bowel perforation or bowel obstruction, treatment involves surgical resection of both the Meckel's diverticulum itself along with the adjacent bowel segment, and this procedure is called a "small bowel resection". In patients without any of the aforementioned complications, treatment involves surgical resection of the Meckel's diverticulum only, and this procedure is called a simple diverticulectomy.  With regards to asymptomatic Meckel's diverticulum, some recommend that a search for Meckel's diverticulum should be conducted in every case of appendectomy/laparotomy done for acute abdomen, and if found, Meckel's diverticulectomy or resection should be performed to avoid secondary complications arising from it.

Epidemiology.

Meckel's diverticulum occurs in about 2% of the population. Prevalence in males is 3–5 times higher than in females. Only 2% of cases are symptomatic, which usually presents among children at the age of 2.  Most cases of Meckel's diverticulum are diagnosed when complications manifest or incidentally in unrelated conditions such as laparotomy, laparoscopy or contrast study of the small intestine. Classic presentation in adults includes intestinal obstruction and inflammation of the diverticulum (diverticulitis). Painless rectal bleeding most commonly occurs in toddlers.  Inflammation in the ileal diverticulum has symptoms that mimic appendicitis, therefore its diagnosis is of clinical importance. Detailed knowledge of the pathophysiological properties is essential in dealing with the life-threatening complications of Meckel's diverticulum.

A Meckel's diverticulum, a true congenital diverticulum, is a slight bulge in the small intestine present at birth and a vestigial remnant of the omphalomesenteric duct (also called the vitelline duct or yolk stalk). It is the most common malformation of the gastrointestinal tract and is present in approximately 2% of the population, with males more frequently experiencing symptoms.

Le diverticule de Meckel est un reliquat embryologique du canal omphalo-mésentérique situé sur le dernier tiers de l'intestin grêle. Il est le vestige du canal vitellin situé à 60- environ de la jonction iléo-cæcale.


Biography.

Of Canadian/English-immigrant parentage, Callaghan was born and raised in Toronto, Ontario. He was educated at Withrow PS, Riverdale Collegiate Institute, the University of Toronto and Osgoode Hall Law School. He articled and was called to the Bar, but did not practice law. During the 1920s he worked at the "Toronto Star" where he became friends with fellow reporter Ernest Hemingway, formerly of "The Kansas City Star". Callaghan began writing stories that were well received and soon was recognized as one of the best short story writers of the day. In 1929 he spent some months in Paris, where he was part of the great gathering of writers in Montparnasse that included Ernest Hemingway, Ezra Pound, Gertrude Stein, F. Scott Fitzgerald, and James Joyce.  He recalled this time in his 1963 memoir, "That Summer in Paris". In the book, he discusses the infamous boxing match between himself and Hemingway wherein Callaghan took up Hemingway's challenge to a bout. While in Paris, the pair had been regular sparring partners at the American Club of Paris. Being a better boxer, Callaghan knocked Hemingway to the mat. The blame was centred on referee F. Scott Fitzgerald's lack of attention on the stopwatch as he let the boxing round go past its regulation three minutes. An infuriated Hemingway was angry at Fitzgerald; Hemingway and Fitzgerald had an often caustic relationship and Hemingway was convinced that Fitzgerald let the round go longer than normal in order to see Hemingway humiliated by Callaghan. Whether this boxing match ever took place is a matter of conjecture, but it is certain that it could not have taken place at the American Club of Paris; since its founding in 1904, the American Club of Paris has never had a clubhouse, so it would have been impossible for the fight to have taken place there. If the fight did happen, it could possibly have been at Pershing Hall on the rue Pierre Charron, also known at the time as the American Soldiers and Sailors Club. A more likely candidate, however, is the basement of the United States Students' and Artists' Club on the boulevard Raspail in the Montparnasse area, much closer to where both Callaghan and Hemingway lived.  Callaghan's novels and short stories are marked by undertones of Roman Catholicism, often focusing on individuals whose essential characteristic is a strong but often weakened sense of self. His first novel was "Strange Fugitive" (1928); a number of short stories, novellas and novels followed. Callaghan published little between 1937 and 1950 - an artistically dry period. However, during these years, many non-fiction articles were written in various periodicals such as "New World" (Toronto), and "National Home Monthly". "Luke Baldwin's Vow", a slim novel about a boy and his dog, was originally published in a 1947 edition of "Saturday Evening Post" and soon became a juvenile classic read in school rooms around the world. "The Loved and the Lost" (1951) won the Governor General's Award. Callaghan's later works include, among others, "The Many Colored Coat" (1960), "A Passion in Rome" (1961), "A Fine and Private Place" (1975), "A Time for Judas" (1983), "Our Lady of the Snows" (1985). His last novel was "A Wild Old Man Down the Road" (1988). Publications of short stories have appeared in "The Lost and Found Stories of Morley Callaghan" (1985), and in "The New Yorker Stories" (2001). The four-volume "The Complete Stories" (2003) collects for the first time 90 of his stories.  Callaghan was also a contributor to "The New Yorker", "Harper's Bazaar", "Maclean's", "Esquire", "Cosmopolitan", "Saturday Evening Post", "Yale Review", "New World", "Performing Arts in Canada", and "Twentieth Century Literature".  Callaghan married Loretto Dee, with whom he had two sons: Michael (born November 1931) and Barry (born 1937), a poet and author in his own right. Barry Callaghan's memoir "Barrelhouse Kings" (1998), examines his career and that of his father. After outliving most of his contemporaries, Callaghan died after a brief illness in Toronto at the age of 87. He was interred in Mount Hope Catholic Cemetery in Ontario.

Recognition.

Callaghan was awarded the Royal Society of Canada's Lorne Pierce Medal in 1960. In 1982 he was made a Companion of the Order of Canada.  Morley Callaghan is the subject of a CBC Television "Life and Times" episode, and the CBC mini-series, "Hemingway Vs. Callaghan", which first aired in March 2003.  From 1951 until his death in 1990, the author had lived in the Rosedale, Toronto area, at 20 Dale Avenue. A historic plaque at the nearby Glen Road footbridge summarizes Callaghan's noteworthy writing career and the most significant of his literary contemporaries, including Ernest Hemingway and F Scott Fitzgerald.

Commemorative postage stamp.

On September 8, 2003, to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the National Library of Canada, Canada Post released a special commemorative series, "The Writers of Canada", with a design by Katalina Kovats, featuring two English-Canadian and two French-Canadian stamps. Three million stamps were issued. Callaghan was chosen for one of the English-Canadian stamps.  The Snob

Morley Edward Callaghan, (February 22, 1903 – August 25, 1990) was a Canadian novelist, short story writer, playwright, and TV and radio personality.

Morley Callaghan est un écrivain canadien né à Toronto le et mort à Toronto le. Il est considéré comme un des écrivains majeurs du Canada anglais, mais son œuvre a été peu traduite en français.


Early life.

Charles Felix was born in Turin as the eleventh child and fifth son born to Victor Amadeus III of Savoy and Maria Antonia Ferdinanda of Spain. His paternal grandparents were Charles Emmanuel III of Savoy and his German wife Polyxena of Hesse-Rotenburg. His maternal grandparents were French born King Philip V of Spain and his Italian wife, Elisabeth Farnese.  He was a younger brother of two other rulers of Savoy Charles Emmanuel IV and Victor Emmanuel I. He spent his childhood with his sister Maria Carolina and his younger brother, Giuseppe Benedetto Placido, Count of Moriana, at the Castle of Moncalieri.  From his youth, Carlo Felice was reported as having a very complex character: on the one hand consistent and inflexible, private, distrustful, and impulsive, if not touchy and vindictive; on the other hand honest, sincere, and capable of emotion and fondness. He had a clever mind, at times even ironic. He possessed a sacral conception of the monarchy and the right to reign.  During the years of the French Revolution and the Italian Campaign, Charles Felix formed part of a "parallel court" opposed to Charles Emmanuel IV's circle, along with his brother Victor Emmanuel, the latter's wife Maria Theresa, Maurizio Giuseppe Duke of Monferrat, and Giuseppe Placido, count of Moriana.  In this period, Charles Felix began to keep a personal diary, which is an important source for events and for his conflicts with the court in Savoy.

The Italian campaign (1792-1798).

When war broke out with France, Charles Felix did not distinguish himself as a soldier, despite having received a military education. In 1792, after the French occupation of the Duchy of Savoy and the county of Nice, he followed the troops to Saluzzo and in 1793, he accompanied his father, Victor Amadeus III, who had directed the operations for the reconquest of Nice and Savoy along with the Austrians under general J. de Vins, into the Susa Valley, to Pinerolo, Cuneo, and Tende.  Charles Felix remained very far from the front lines in any case. In spring 1794, after the arrival in Aosta of his brother the Duke of Monferrat, Charles Felix and Giuseppe Placido went to Morgex in order to retake some positions of relative strategic importance, but they did not achieve anything.  On 28 April 1796, Victor Amadeus III was forced to sign the Armistice of Cherasco with the French, which was followed by the Treaty of Paris on 15 May, which accepted French control of Nice, Savoy, Genevoise, and some fortresses. Charles Felix, who had been titled Duke of Genoa, obtained the title of Marquis of Susa in compensation for his nominal loss.  Victor Amadeus III died in October of the same year and was succeeded as Prince of Piedmont by Charles Emmanuel IV. The relationship between the new king and Charles Felix had never been good, but now deteriorated as the king strove to keep his brothers in the dark about affairs of state.  Two years into his reign, Charles Emmanuel IV was forced to surrender all royal control on the mainland. Along with the king and the rest of the royal family, Charles Felix left Turin on the evening of 9 December 1798 for Cagliari, where they arrived on 3 March 1799.

Viceroy of Sardinia (1799-1814).

Charles Emmanuel IV was childless and, after the death of his wife, he abdicated in favour of his brother Victor Emmanuel I on 4 June 1802. The latter did not take possession of the domains in Sardinia himself, preferring to entrust them to Charles Felix as viceroy.  Charles Felix's government of Sardinia was rather rigid and authoritarian. Since the in 1794, the island had experienced a period of disorder, exacerbated by widespread poverty, which had led to an increase in crime, which the viceroy suppressed with notable harshness, writing to his brother the king, "slaughter, slaughter, for the good of the human race."  Charles Felix established a military regime, such that his Sardinian subjects referred to him as "Carlo Feroce" (Charles the Ferocious). The tool of this regime was the special court of the Viceregal delegation for the investigation of political proceedings, which took action immediately against the "capopolo" (popular leader), Vincenzo Sulis, who was guilty of nothing other than having been more successful than the viceroy in defeating the revolutionary movements. When Sulis was condemned to twenty years in gaol, the viceroy considered it a lenient sentence. Furthermore, in the persecution of "state criminals," Charles Felix legitimated the adoption of military procedures and granted every power to the police, from spying, to censoring letters and placing bounties on suspects.  In his reorganisation work, however, he displayed notable energy to control the autonomy of the judiciary and the local bureaucracy and managed to correct some abuses of the feudal regime.  In fact, when the Stamenti, the parliament of the kingdom, voted to pay a tax of 400,000 lire, Charles Felix exerted significant pressure to have the poorest classes exempted from the tax and he judged disputes in feudal jurisdiction in favour of vassals rather than feudal lords. When an anti-feudal revolt took place against the Duke of Asinara, who had refused to conform to the regulations of the viceroy, Charles Felix decided to punish both the duke, who was stripped of his property, as well as the revolutionaries.  Despite the precarious political and social situation, Charles Felix was able to bring some improvements to the agriculture and economy of the island. Under his rule, an agrarian society and an office for the administration of Crown mines and forests were established. Additionally, the farming of olives was encouraged and commercial contracts were granted in order to encourage local production. Finally, he began a project to systematise the road network.

Marriage and return to Turin (1814-1821).

On 7 March 1807, in the Cappella Palatina of the Palazzo dei Normanni in Palermo, Charles Felix married by proxy Maria Cristina of Naples and Sicily (17 January 1779 - 11 March 1849), daughter of Ferdinand IV King of Naples and Sicily and Maria Carolina of Austria.  The marriage which had originally been opposed by Charles Felix, had been arranged or dynastic reasons. Neither Charles Emmanuel nor Victor Emmanuel had male children (the son of the latter had become sick and died in Sardinia), while the Duke of Montferrat and the Count of Morian were deceased, so Charles Felix had become the heir presumptive and therefore had to produce a male heir.  Although the marriage to Maria Cristina proved harmonious, she was unable to have children, forcing Victor Emmanuel to consider the succession of Charles Albert, prince of Carignano, from a collateral line of the House of Savoy.  After the fall of Napoleon and the return of Victor Emmanuel to Turin on 20 May 1814, Charles Felix joined him for a brief period before returning to Sardinia the following year with his wife. He formally retained the role of Viceroy until 1821, although he returned to the court in Turin after a short period.

Revolution of 1821.

Origin.

Following revolts in Cadiz in 1820, King Ferdinand VII of Spain was forced to restore the Spanish Constitution of 1812 and hope of obtaining similar concessions from their own sovereigns arose in many European states. Insurrections broke out in Naples and Palermo.  The initial indications of crisis were confirmed on 11 January 1821 when four students were stopped by the police at a theatre performance in Turin because they were wearing red caps with black bows, symbol of the carboneria. The young men offered resistance and were arrested, provoking a large brawl.  The next day, all the students and many of their teachers protested, calling for the release of the youths and, when this was refused, they blockaded themselves in the university and the government was forced to call in the army. Although nobody was killed, the wounded were very numerous and the situation escalated.  A connection was made between the protestors and the secret society of the "Federati", whose leaders Santorre di Rossi, Giacinto Collegno, Carlo Emanuele Asinari, and Guglielmo Moffa di Lisio Gribaldi (all soldiers, officials, or sons of ministers) and Roberto d'Azeglio met with Charles Albert on 6 March. They were ready to act, having identified the prince as a new man for the House of Savoy, who might be willing to break with the absolutist past.  The goal of the conspirators was not to abolish the House of Savoy, but to induce it to enact political and social reforms and then undertake a war against Austria, which seemed possible in light of the deeply anti-Austrian sentiments of the Victor Emmanuel I.  In this, the conspirators took advantage of the absence of Charles Felix, whom they thought would have been able to induce Victor Emmanuel to oppose their plans. They planned to raise the army, surround the royal residence at Moncalieri castle and force him to grant a constitution and declare war on Austria. The role of Charles Albert would have been to mediate between the conspirators and the king, but the following morning, he changed his mind and attempted to escape from the conspirators, although he did not disavow them.

Beginning of the revolt.

The conspirators grew suspicious and prepared to cancel the insurrection which they had planned for the 10th. The same day, Charles Albert, completely penitent, raced to Moncalieri in order to confess everything to Victor Emmanuel and beg for pardon. In the night the garrison of Alessandria, commanded by one of the conspirators, Guglielmo Ansaldi, rebelled and occupied the city. Although they had been abandoned by the Prince, the rest of the revolutionaries decided to act at this point.

Abdication of Victor Emmanuel and regency of Charles Albert.

On Sunday 11 March 1821, King Victor Emmanuel I met with the Crown Council, which Charles Albert was a member of. As a result of the king's indecision, no action was taken.  On 12 March, the Citadel of Turin fell into the hands of the rebels. Victor Emmanuel encouraged Charles Albert and Cesare Balbo to negotiate with the Carbonari, who refused to listen to their messages. Thus, in the evening, in the face of the spreading military uprising, the king abdicated in favour of his brother Charles Felix. Since the latter was in Modena at the time, Charles Albert was appointed regent.  The abdication of the king, which followed the dismissal of the ministers of state, led to chaos because it created a dynastic crisis which foreign powers would not ignore and because it split the army and bureaucracy, preventing every possibility of maintaining order.  The regent tried to take control by naming a new government (the lawyer, Ferdinando del Pozzo (1768-1843) as Minister of the Intrior, general Emanuele Pes di Villamarina as minister of war, and Lodovico Sauli d'Igliano as minister of foreign affairs) and attempted to negotiate with the rebels, but he achieved nothing.  Given the impossibility of taking any decisions without the agreement of the new king, Charles Albert sent Charles Felix an account of the events, seeking instructions, but the letter took a very long time to reach its destination.  Fearful of becoming the object of popular anger, on the evening of 13 March 1821, Charles Albert signed a decree granting a constitution along the lines of the Spanish constitution of 1812, which would not become law until approved by the king.  The next day, the regent decided to form a junta, which was to protect the parliament. Two days after that, he swore to observe the Spanish Constitution, in a Savoyard version which had been slightly altered according to the requests of Victor Emmanuel's consort, Maria Therese.

Intervention of Charles Felix.

At this point, Charles Felix, who had now received the letter from Charles Albert notifying him of his brother's abdication, decided to act. He told the messenger not to address him as "majesty", then asserted that since the abdication had been extracted through violence, it could not be considered valid. Finally, he said, "tell the Prince that, if there is still a drop of our royal blood in his veins, he should set out for Novara immediately and wait there for my orders."  As for the Spanish constitution, he declared any sovereign acts taken after the abdication of his brother to be null and void, then he issued the following proclamation, "Far from consenting to any change in the pre-existing form of government with the nominal abdication of the king, our beloved brother, we consider all the royal subjects who have aided or abetted the traitors or who have presumed to proclaim a constitution, to be rebels."  Charles Albert, deeply discouraged, did as Charles Felix commanded, went to Novara, and issued a proclamation renouncing the regency and calling on everyone to submit to Charles Felix. On the 29th, he received a letter from Charles Felix ordering him to depart with his family for Florence.  With Charles Albert out of the way, Charles Felix dispatched several letters to Francis I of Austria, asking him to send troops in order to suppress the revolt.  On 3 April, he issued a second proclamation which granted a pardon to the soldiers while applying strict sanctions to rebel officials, which ultimately, prevented any form of compromise. Chancellor Metternich himself said to Francis IV of Modena that this proclamation had been imprudent and was written "with animosity, passion, and hatred."  The rebels, realising that no other option remained for them, marched on Novara, where the forces loyal to Charles Felix were gathered under the command of Vittorio Sallier de La Tour. This, inevitably, convinced Metternich to intervene.  On 8 April there was a battle with (Noara-Borgo Vercelli) with the troops of de La Tour and then with those of the Austrian general Ferdinand von Bubna, who occupied Vercelli and Alessandria on 11 April, while de La Tour, who had received full powers from Charles Felix, occupied Turin on the 10th.  On 19 April, despite pressure from the emperors of Russia and Austria, Metternich, Charles Albert, Francis IV, and Charles Felix himself (who hated the idea of receiving the crown "thanks" to rebels), Victor Emmanuel reaffirmed his abdication. Thus, on 25 April, Charles Felix acceded to the throne.

Suppression.

Once control of Turin was re-established, Charles Felix, who was still in Modena, entered into personal communication with the Emperor of Austria in order to obtain recognition from the Congress of Laibach, which was then in session, that he would be able to assume full control of his possessions, as an absolute monarch, and that Austria would not be allowed to interfere in any way in his territories.  At the subsequent Congress of Verona, Charles Felix feared pressure for constitutional changes and reiterated in his instructions to his ambassadors that the repression of the "revolutionary spirit" inspired by the Congress of Laibach belonged exclusively to him and that he was firmly convinced of the necessity of this obligation.  Having decided to remain at Modena, he appointed Ignazio Thaon di Revel as Lieutenant General of the Kingdom, and placed G. Piccono della Valle and G.C. Brignole in charge of foreign affairs and financial affairs respectively.  Finally, he began the suppression of opposition. The following extract from the work of Guido Astuti describes his actions: Finally, the king instituted three different jurisdictions: a mixed civil and military tribunal called the Royal Delegation with penal powers, a military commission for investigating the conduct of officers and non-commissioned officers, and a scrutiny commission for investigating the conduct of every employee of the kingdom.  The Royal Delegation sat from 7 May to early October, in which time it issued 71 death sentences, 5 sentences of life imprisonment, and 20 sentences of imprisonment for 5 to 20 years. After the delegation's dissolution, the senate issued a further 24 death sentences, 5 sentences of life imprisonment, and another 12 sentences of imprisonment for 15–20 years. By the end of October the military commission had dismissed 627 officers.  The scrutiny commission, divided into a superior tribunal and seven divisional boards of scrutiny, issued numerous dismissals and suspensions of cvil servants and professors of every kind of school, whom it found particularly culpable.  On the instructions of the minister of the interior, Roget de Cholex, the University of Turin was closed and many professors received severe admonitions because, as the king wrote in a letter to his brother (9 May 1822): "everyone who has studied at the university is entirely corrupt: the professors are detestable, but there is no way to replace them... Thus the bad are all taught and the good are all ignorant.".  In any case, although an oppressive climate was established, accompanied by the habituation to accusations and to the diversity of political ideas, offering a pretext for pursuing private vendettas, the royal authority, especially the governor of Genoa, Giorgio Des Geneys, did not prevent people from fleeing. Of all the people who were condemned, only two were actually executed.  Further, it is reported by a letter of the Count d'Agliè that Charles Felix never prevented anyone from secretly passing subsidies to condemned men who had gone into exile and Angelo Brofferio reports that when the king discovered that one of these subsidies was going to the family of one of the two individuals who had actually been executed in 1821, the king doubled the sum.  The suppression of opposition was terminated on 30 September 1821, when Charles Felix issued a pardon of all individuals who had been implicated in the revolt, excluding the leaders, the financiers and those who had been found guilty of homicide or extortion. A few days later, Charles Felix entered Turin.

Reign (1821-1831).

Even before he reached Turin, Charles Felix repudiated the Regent's promise and, to help restore order, he called in the Austrians, who stayed in Piedmont till 1823. In that same year Charles Albert went to Spain to extinguish by force of arms the last sparks of revolt, making himself an object of hatred as the betrayer of Italian liberalism, but regaining the confidence of the King, who might have chosen another successor.  Charles Felix was a true reactionary, convinced that the world would soon be swept clean of all those - in his view - wicked and sacrilegious innovations introduced by the French Revolution and diffused throughout Europe by Napoleon Bonaparte "the rascal" as he called him.

Internal policy.

Charles Felix was rarely present at Turin as king and did not participate in the social life of the capital, since he had never sought the throne and had no particular affection for the Turinese, whom he considered to have proven themselves traitors to the dynasty through their support for Napoleon and the constitutional protests.  In practice, he resided in Turin only during the theatre season and he spent the rest of the time travelling around Savoy, Nice, Genoa (one of his favourite residences) and the castles of Govone and Agliè, which he had inherited from his sister Maria Anna.  As a result, the king tended to delegate large amounts of power to his ministers, especially Count Roget de Cholex, Minister of the Interior, reserving a supervisory role for himself. His government was characterised by Massimo d'Azeglio as follows:  Nevertheless, the king was not entirely unaware of the need for reform and certainly exerted himself in the defense of the Piedmontese realm from Pontifical and foreign intervetion. He limited the privileges and exemptions of the church, which seemed harmful to the state, almost completely abolishing the right of sanctuary in holy places, granted secular courts the right to hear cases against priests, and imposed civic oversight of catechisms, sermons, and religious books.  Regarding the issue of church property which had been secularised in 1792 (with Papal consent) and Francisican property which had been secularised unilaterally, the king appointed an extraordinary board composed of official and supporters of the clergy. The proposals, delivered to Pope Leo XII by ambassador-extraordinary Filiberto Avogadro di Collobiano in December 1827, were examined by a council of cardinals, who rejected some financial details and the right of the state to dispose of the property freely. However, on 1 April 1828, the king summoned a new council, to which he professed flexibility on the financial issues and rigidity on the issue of disposal. The resulting agreement was approved on 14 May 1828 by the Holy See.  There were also important legislative reforms, which were effected by the Edict of 16 July 1822, which reformed mortgages; the Edict of 27 August 1822, which unified the military penal law; and the Edict of 27 September 1822, which reformed the judicial system. These changes were capped by the "Civil and Criminal Laws of the Kingdom of Sardinia", signed on 16 January 1827, which replaced the dated Carta de Logu.  In fact, while Victor Emmanuel had implemented a rigid counter-revolution, which uncritically revoked every arrangement made by the French after the abdication of Charles Emmanuel IV, the state could not continue to ignore the will of the majority of its subjects who called for laws in accordance with the ideas and needs of their contemporary world. Some reforms to fill the gaps were necessary.  Thus, on 27 September 1822, after Charles Felix had re-established the publication of mortgages and codified the military penal law, he promulgated an Edict on the reform of the civil judicial system - excluding Sardinia.  The edict abolished a majority of the special jurisdictions (e.g. for gambling offences, or management of ports), instituted 40 collegial prefecture tribunals (which managed 416 "district courts"), with original jurisdiction, which were divided into four classes, according to the importance of the area, and he entrusted instruction of the procedures to special members of these tribunals. Civil and penal jurisdiction remained with the Senate in Turin and fiscal jurisdiction with the Court of Audit.  In addition, a single appellate jurisdiction was introduced, eliminating the multiplicity of appeals that had previously existed and the ministerial position of fiscal advocate was introduced.  Finally, he made the act of taking a case to court free, however inadequately, replacing the old system of the "sportula", which was a very heavy judicial fee, calculated on the basis of the seriousness of the case, which provided the judges' pay, with a regular system of salaries paid by the state.  Another important change was the code of civil and criminal law of the Kingdom of Sardinia promulgated on 16 January 1827, mainly as a result of the work of the Count of Cholex. The code was prepared in Turin by the Supreme Council of Sardinia. It was then examined by an appropriate Sardinian committee and the Reale Udienza of Sardinia. The result was a confection of Sardinian and mainland sources, creating a law which was both traditional and novel.  The most novel changes relate to penal law: the abolition of the "giudatico" (impunity for criminals who had arrested other criminals) and the "esemplarità" (cruel extensions of the death penalty, like quartering the corpse and scattering the ashes); restrictions on the imposition of the death penalty; affirmation of the principle that the punishment should fit the crime; and the distinction between attempted crimes and crimes actually committed.  Finally, the slave trade was abolished and it was declared that any person who was found in captivity on a ship flying the Sardinian flag would instantly be freed.

Economic initiatives.

Charles Felix's reign was characterised by financial and economic difficulties and rigid protectionism, but there were some initiatives relating to services and public works.  The road network was improved by the construction of the road between Cagliari and Sassari (now Strada statale 131 Charles Felix) and between Genoa and Nice, as well as bridges over the Bormida and the Ticino (the latter completed in 1828). A large number of public buildings were constructed in the cities: the port of Nice was largely restored, Genoa received a theatre (the Teatro Carlo Felice, named after the king), and Turin benefited from a programme of urban improvement which included the bridge over the Dora, the Piazza Carlo Felice, underground drainage channels, the porticos of the Piazza Castello and various new suburbs.  Charles Felix paid attention to the steelworking sector, which had already occupied him as Viceroy, as well as the banking and insurance sectors, which were improved significantly by the creation of the Cassa di Risparmio di Torino in 1827 and the establishment of the Royal Mutual Society of Insurers in June 1829. He also encouraged the agricultural and manufacturing sector by granting lots of exemptions and fiscal benefits and through the creation of trade fairs like that of 1829, in which 500 exhibitors participated.

Foreign policy.

Theoretically, Charles Felix was committed to the territorial expansion of his realm, but he did not maintain any expansionist illusions and preferred to concentrate on the economic and commercial interests of his realm. Thus in 1821, with the help of the Austrians and English, he signed an advantageous trade agreement with the Sublime Porte.  In September 1825, in order to force the Bey of Tripoli to observe the treaty established with him in 1816 under English auspices, and to respect Sardinian ships sailing along the coast of North Africa, he launched a demonstration of force. Towards the end of the month, two frigates ("Commercio" and "Cristina"), a corvette ("Tritone") and a brig ("Nereide") under the command of captain Francesco Sivori, appeared off the coast of Tripoli. After a final attempt to pressure the Bey diplomatically, ten Sardinian longboats sailed into the harbour on the night of 27 September and set fire to a Tripolitanian brig and two schooners, routing or murdering the Tripolitanian troops. This forced the Bey to take a more conciliatory approach.  In 1828, he ended the construction of a bridge over the River Ticino at Boffalora, which had been begun by his brother Victor Emmanuel I some years earlier as a result of a treaty with the Emperor of Austria, who controlled the other side of the river as part of the Kingdom of Lombardy–Venetia.

Patronage.

Charles Felix was an avid patron of art and culture. In 1824, he acquired Hautecombe Abbey, where many of his ancestors were buried and entrusted a restoration programme to the architect Ernesto Melano.  In the same year, he was responsible for the acquisition of a good part of the collection which now constitutes the Museo Egizio in Turin. The pieces were acquired from Bernardino Drovetti, a native of Barbania, who was then the French consul in Egypt. The collection was placed in the Palazzo dell'Accademia delle Scienze, which is still the site of the museum.  In 1827, Charles Felix instituted the chamber of commerce and the School of Palaeography and Diplomacy, affiliated to the academy of painting and sculpture.

Death and succession.

Charles Felix died without issue on 27 April 1831, in Turin at the Palazzo Chablais which had been given to him by his sister Princess Maria Anna, Duchess of Chablais, after a reign of ten years. He was buried at Hautecombe Abbey in Savoy, where his wife was also buried in 1849. With his death, the main line of the House of Savoy became extinct. He was succeeded by the senior male member of the House of Savoy-Carignano, the regent Charles Albert (1798-1849). The selection of Charles Albert as successor had not been made willingly, since Charles Albert had shown himself to be inclined to liberalism and friendly to the carbonari.

Legacy.

The Teatro Carlo Felice in Genoa is named for him.  The principal road of the island of Sardinia, the Strada statale 131 Charles Felix, which connects the towns of Cagliari and Sassari-Porto Torres, constructed in the 19th century, is named for him.

Charles Felix (; 6 April 1765 – 27 April 1831) was the Duke of Savoy, Piedmont, Aosta and King of Sardinia from 1821 to 1831.

Charles-Félix de Savoie, dit « "le Bien-Aimé" », né à Turin le 6 avril 1765 et mort dans la même ville le 27 avril 1831, fut roi de Sardaigne et duc de Savoie de 1821 à 1831.


1959–1960.

For years, the Super and the Roadmaster constituted the upper echelon of Buick's lineup. The Limited, even more luxurious than the Roadmaster, returned for 1958. For 1959, the Super was renamed the Electra, the Roadmaster was renamed the Electra 225, and the unsuccessful Limited model was discontinued. The appearance was shared with two other Buick models, the mid-level Invicta and the entry level LeSabre. The Electra 225 nameplate was a nod to the latter car's overall length of over 225 in (5,715 mm), earning it the street name "deuce and a quarter."  The Electra 225 Riviera was the top-line model and it shared its six window hardtop roofline exclusively with Cadillac (which offered it on all of its models). Buick first applied the "Riviera" name to a premium trimmed 2-door Roadmaster hardtop in the middle of the 1949 model year, and thereafter denoted all Buick hardtops Rivieras. Also, from 1950 through 1953, Buick made a premium trimmed, stretched wheelbase sedan, exclusively in the Roadmaster and Super lines, that was called Riviera. But 1959 was the first year that not all Buick hardtops were called Rivieras. A standard 4-window four-door hardtop was also available, as was a 4-door 6-window pillared sedan, along with a stripped chassis of which 144 were built in 1959 and 1960. The two-door convertible was only available as an Electra 225, and the 2-door hardtop as an Electra.  1959 For 1959, the Electra and Electra 225 both used the General Motors C-body shared with the Oldsmobile 98 and all Cadillac, riding on a longer wheelbase than the B-body LeSabre and Invicta, both of which rode on. The standard and only available engine was the 401 cubic-inch Wildcat V8 with four-barrel carburetor, 10.25 to 1 compression ratio and mated to a two-speed Dynaflow automatic transmission, which was also standard equipment along with power steering and power brakes using Buick's unique finned aluminum brake drums. Power windows and seat and leather interiors were standard

1961–1964.

1961  The Electra, along with the Invicta and LeSabre, was redesigned for 1961 with drastically shrunken fins, and was joined with the all-new compact sized Skylark/Special. Electras featured bright rocker panel and wheelhouse moldings. Four VentiPorts per front fender were a hallmark, with identification spelled out on the front fender plaques. Electra 225s had four "hash marks" interrupting behind the wheelhouse of the rear fender. Electra 225 nameplates were found on the front fenders. Electra interiors were trimmed in fabric. Electra 225s were trimmed in Calais cloth or leather trim, except for convertibles which were trimmed in vinyl. An optional Custom interior featured leather trim, while another featured vinyl with contrasting vertical stripes and front bucket seats with a storage consolex and power two-way seat adjustment.  Standard equipment on the Electra included Turbine-Drive automatic transmission, "Mirromatic" instrument panel, directional signals, full-flow oil filter, electric windshield wipers, Deluxe steering wheel, trip mileage indicator, cigar lighter, Step-On brake, dual armrests, cloth and vinyl trim, combinations, carpeting, power steering, power brakes, two-speed windshield wiper/washer system, glovebox light, Custom-padded seat cushions and Deluxe wheelcovers. Two-tone Electras had the color accent on the rear cove. In addition Electra 225s had back-up lights, Glare-proof rearview mirror, parking lights, signal light, safety buzzer, courtesy lights, two-way power seat, Super Deluxe wheelcovers with gold accents and power windows. The Electra and Electra 225 were the same length in 1961. Buick discontinued the Electra nameplate at the end of the 1961 model year, leaving only the Electra 225 starting in 1962.  1962  The big Buick of 1962 carried four VentiPorts per front fender and featured a rakish sculptured restyle of its 1961 guise. The hardtop coupe and standard hardtop sedan featured a convertible inspired semi-formal roofline, while the Riviera hardtop sedan continued to use six-window pillarless configuration. Electra 225 rear fenders had a group of vertical hashmarks, with Electra 225 spelled out in block letters just above. A full length bright strip

1965–1970.

1965  All GM passenger vehicles received a major redesign in 1965 dominated by flowing "Coke bottle" lines and fastback roof profiles on its coupe models, and the 6 window-body style was eliminated. For 1965, Buick also changed its marketing strategy and offering the Electra 225 in two trim levels, base and Custom. Along with the new body came a new chassis with a full perimeter frame including side rails that replaced the previous "X" frame used since 1961. Engine offerings were unchanged from 1964 including the standard 401 V8, and two versions of the larger 425 V8 that were rated at with a four-barrel carburetor or with two four barrels. The three-speed Super Turbine 400 automatic transmission was standard equipment. A new body style introduced for 1965 was the thin-pillar 4-door sedan, which featured frameless window glass with a thin, chrome fixed "B" pillar.  1966 The 1966 Electra 225 saw only minor styling changes including a new grille and a revised full-width taillight and trunk lid that included an "Electra 225" script rather than the "BUICK" nameplate spelled out in 1965. Engine offerings were unchanged from 1965 with the exception that the dual-quad 425 was downgraded from a factory option to dealer-installed. Inside, a revised instrument panel featured a horizontal sweep speedometer, fuel gauge and warning lights. Front seat headrests became an option.  1967 A moderate facelift highlighted the 1967 Electra 225 including a Pontiac/Oldsmobile-like divided split grille. Both base and Custom models were continued with a new "Limited" option package available Electra 225 Custom 4-door hardtop reviving a nameplate that graced Buick's ultra-luxury flagship in the late 1930s (and again in 1958), which included an ultra-luxurious interior trim. Under the hood a new 430 cubic-inch V8 rated at with four-barrel carburetor replaced the previous "Nailhead" 401 and 425 V8s. Power front disc brakes were available as a new option along with a stereo

1971–1976.

Like the other GM brands, Buick completely restyled its B-body and C-body cars for 1971. The full-size cars emerged larger and heavier than ever before or after. The new GM full-size bodies, at 64.3" front shoulder room and 63.4" rear shoulder room set a record for interior width that would not be matched by any car until the full-size GM rear-wheel drive models of the early to mid 1990s. The styling featured curved bodysides, long hoods and wide expanses of glass. All Electra 225s were hardtops in the 1971 to 1973 model years, eliminating the previous four-door pillared sedan variant and the convertible. In 1974 Buick adopted GM's pillared coupe body and fitted it with the "Landau" option on the Electra Limited coupe. Optional driver and passenger airbags were also available from 1974 to 1976, but they were unpopular due to their cost.  1971  In the first year for new GM C-body shared with Oldsmobile 98 and Cadillac, the 1971 Electra 225 rode on a new body chassis which retained the wheelbase with styling evolutionary from previous models. The new design included a double-shell roof for improved roll-over protection and noise reduction. Inside was a new wrap-around cockpit style instrument panel shared with B-body LeSabre and Centurion models that grouped all instruments with easy reach of the driver.  Under the hood, the 455-cubic-inch V8 was retained as standard equipment, but featured a lower compression of 8.5 to 1 compared to 10.25 to 1 in 1970 as part of a GM corporate mandate requiring all engines to run on 91 Research octane regular leaded, low-lead or unleaded gasolines. Horsepower also dropped from 370 to 315 as a result. Standard equipment continued to consist of variable-ratio power steering and Turbo Hydra-matic transmission. Power front disc brakes were now standard equipment on Electras, replacing the finned aluminum drum brakes used in full-sized Buicks since the late 1950s.  Also new for the 1971 Electra 225, as well as the B-body LeSabre and Centurion, and E-body Riviera, was a new power ventilation system. The system, shared with other GM B-, C- and E-body cars along with the compact Chevrolet Vega, used the heater fan to draw air into the car from the cowl intake, and force it out through vents in the trunk lid or tailgate. In theory, passengers could enjoy fresh air even when the car was moving slowly or stopped, as in heavy traffic. In practice, however, it didn't work.  Within weeks of the 1971 models' debut, however, Buick—and all other GM dealers—received multiple complaints from drivers who complained the ventilation system pulled cold air into the car before the heater could warm up—and could not be shut off. The ventilation system was extensively revised for 1972.  From 1971 to 1976, Buick's full-sized Estate Wagon shared the wheelbase and 455 cubic-inch V8 with the Electra 225, and shared its interior and exterior styling from 1971 to 1974 (complete with the prerequisite four VentiPorts). And although from 1975 to 1976 the number of VentiPorts were reduced by one, and the front fascia was downgraded to a LeSabre's, the Electra 225 style chrome rocker panel moldings and distinctive Electra 225 style rear quarter panels (albeit without fender skirts) remained. These were the first Buick station wagons to be built on Buick's largest chassis since the Roadmaster Estates of 1947–53. The Estate Wagons, as did other GM full-sized wagons during these years, used a unique rear suspension with multi-leaf springs instead of the coil springs used on other full-sized Buicks, and other full-sized GM cars. The Estate Wagons also featured a new 'clamshell' tailgate design where the rear power-operated glass slid up into the roof as the tailgate (manually or with power assist), slid into a recess under the cargo floor. The power tailgate, the first in station wagon history, ultimately supplanted the manual tailgate, which required marked effort to lift from storage. It was operated by switches on the instrument panel or a key switch on the rear quarter panel. The clamshell system, heavy and complex, made it easier to load and unload the extremely long wagons in tight spaces. But it remained un-adopted by any other manufacturer, and would be eliminated when GM reduced the length of their wagons by about a foot in 1977, and the overriding concern became increased fuel economy.  At shipping weight, or about curb weight, the three-seat 1974 Estate Wagons are easily the heaviest Buicks ever built, even heavier than the Buick Limited limousines of 1936–42.  1972 A new egg-crate grille and taillight trim highlighted the 1972 Electra 225s. The trouble-prone ventilation system used in 1971 was replaced by a new system using vents in the doorjambs instead of the trunk-mounted vents of 1971.  The 455 V8 was carried over and now rated at 250 net horsepower compared to 315 gross horsepower in 1971. The differences in advertised horsepower in the two years was due to an industry-wide switch from "gross" (dynometer-rated and not installed in vehicle) to "net" (as installed in vehicle with accessories and emission controls installed) horsepower measurements. The 1972 Buick was available as: Electra 225, Electra 225 Custom, and Electra 225 Custom Limited.  1973  A revised egg-crate grille above a

1977–1984.

GM downsized all C-body cars in 1977, including the Electra. It lost over in length and quite a bit of weight too. The car was totally redesigned, but still offered base 225 and Limited trims, plus a top-line Park Avenue option package, which became available on the coupe. The console option in the Park Avenue was gone, never to return to the rear wheel drive Electra. The downsized model brought increased sales, with 161,627 Electras produced in 1977. Hardtops were no longer produced; all models now had thick "B" pillars.  The big-block 455 was gone forever. The base engine was now the Buick 350 with a 4-barrel carburetor until 1979. The Oldsmobile 403 was optional from 1977 to 1979. Oldsmobile's 350 diesel was added to the option list beginning in 1980, along with an Oldsmobile-sourced 307. The Buick 350 was now optional, with the base engine being the Buick 4.1 L V6 for improved fuel economy. In 1981, the then-optional Buick 350 was dropped. That same year, the Electra gained the new THM200-4R automatic transmission, which featured a lock-up torque converter and a 0.67:1 overdrive ratio. With the new transmission, the Electra could be equipped with a numerically higher rear axle ratio for better performance,

1985–1990.

For 1985, a redesigned front-wheel drive Electra debuted with the new GM C body which was further downsized compared to the previous generation. Despite its notably smaller exterior, interior dimensions remained largely the same as the prior generation, though forgoing all V8 engines. Sales began in April 1984, alongside the previous rear-wheel-drive model, which had ceased production that month. It was initially powered by a carbureted 3.0 liter Buick V6 engine, a fuel injected 3.8 liter Buick V6 engine, or a 4.3 liter Oldsmobile diesel V6 engine. Each used a 4-speed automatic transmission with a 0.70:1 overdrive gear. The 3.0 liter carbureted V6 and 4.3 liter diesel V6 were not offered after 1985.  The trim levels for the Electra initially included 300/380/430 (based on engine displacement), Park Avenue, and performance-oriented T-Type. Limited replaced the number designation starting in 1987 and a new top level Park Avenue Ultra was added in 1989.  The Electra's hood was hinged in the front thus opening at the passenger compartment, opposite of the conventional setup. The car's overall design remained largely unchanged from 1985 thru 1990, though in 1987, the Electra lineup lost the four-lamp "quad" headlights used in 1985–86 models in favor of composite one-piece headlights.  The sixth generation Electras were initially offered in both 2-door coupe and 4-door sedan body styles but the 2-door coupe versions were eventually discontinued in 1986 (Electra 380) and 1987 (Electra Park Avenue).  In 1988, the Electra Park Avenue received the 3800 V-6. The original 3.8 L V-6 was still offered in some Electra models through the 1988 model year and was designated by the VIN code 3, while Electras with the 3800 V-6 were designated by the VIN code C. For 1989, the front seat belts became door-mounted, and back seat shoulder belts became standard.  Park Avenue Ultra  In 1989 and 1990, Buick introduced the Park Avenue Ultra trim level. The Ultra was essentially an upgrade to the Electra Park Avenue line, and featured a standard leather interior with dual 20-way power front seats, lower-body accent exterior paint treatment, distinctive thick-padded vinyl top with smaller limousine-style rear-window (available only on Ultra), simulated burled elm trim on the doors and instrument panel, unique aluminum wheels, anti-lock brakes, chromed B-pillar moldings, specific grille and tail lamps, leather-wrapped steering wheel, leather padded glove-compartment door, unique interior door panel trim, and a variety of otherwise minor changes. With its longer list of standard equipment, the Park Avenue Ultra sedan actually carried a higher base price than the Cadillac Sedan de Ville. The Park Avenue Ultra did not gain much popular recognition, however, until the following generation of Park Avenue where the "Ultra" trim level offered even more features.  Engines

Discontinuation.

The long running Electra name was dropped from Buick's lineup at the end of the 1990 model year. Starting in 1991, the Park Avenue became a distinct model instead of a trim designation. The last Electra rolled off the assembly line on August 3, 1990.

The Buick Electra is a full-size luxury car manufactured and marketed by Buick from 1959 to 1990 over six generations — having been named after heiress and sculptor Electra Waggoner Biggs by her brother-in-law Harlow H. Curtice, former president of Buick and later president of General Motors. The Electra was offered in coupe, convertible, sedan, and station wagon body styles over the course of its production — with rear-wheel drive (1959-1984) or front-wheel drive (1985-1990, except station wagon). For its entire production run, it ran on some form of GM's C platform, which it shared with the Oldsmobile 98 and Cadillac DeVille. The Electra was superseded by the Buick Park Avenue in 1991.

La Buick Electra est une automobile produite par Buick de 1959 à 1990. Elle succède aux Buick Super et Buick Roadmaster.


Overview.

Before serving as Minister of Foreign Affairs, Baird held the posts of Minister of Transport, Infrastructure and Communities, Minister of the Environment and President of the Treasury Board. Prior to entering federal politics he was a provincial politician serving in the Legislative Assembly of Ontario from 1995 to 2005 and a cabinet minister in the Progressive Conservative governments of Mike Harris and Ernie Eves, serving as the Minister for Children, Community and Social Services, Energy and Francophone Affairs in addition to being the Government's Chief Whip.  A long-time resident of the former city of Nepean, where he attended Bell High School, and a graduate of Kingston's Queen's University, he was until recently the member of the House of Commons of Canada for the riding of Ottawa West—Nepean. Baird was elected there as a candidate for the Conservative Party of Canada in the 2006 federal election, when his party defeated Paul Martin's Liberal Party and established a minority government. Baird was sworn

Early life and career.

Baird was born in Nepean, Ontario, the son of Marianne (née Collins) and Gerald Baird. He became involved in politics when he backed a candidate for the local federal PC nomination in 1984. The next year, aged sixteen, Baird was the youngest delegate to attend the party's January 1985 provincial leadership convention, as a supporter of Ontario Attorney-General Roy McMurtry.  He was later president of the youth wing of the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario, and aligned himself with Dennis Timbrell during the latter's abortive campaign for the PC leadership in 1989 and 1990. He backed Mike Harris when Timbrell withdrew from the contest. Baird was charged with trespassing during the 1988 federal election, after he tried to question Ontario Premier David Peterson about free trade with

Provincial politics.

Government backbencher.

While Baird had been associated with Red Tories such as McMurtry, Timbrell and Beatty, he became associated with the conservative ideology of the Mike Harris-led Ontario PC party upon entering provincial politics. He was first elected to the Ontario legislature in 1995, defeating Liberal incumbent Hans Daigeler in the Ottawa-area riding of Nepean. The youngest member of the legislature, Baird

Community and Social Services minister.

Baird joined Premier Harris's cabinet on June 17, 1999, as Minister of Community and Social Services, where he became responsible for implementing and expanding Ontario's workfare program. As one of Harris's few bilingual ministers, he was also named as Minister responsible for Francophone Affairs.

1999.

Baird's first press conference as a cabinet minister was held in July 1999, and was intended to highlight the Harris government's record in reducing the provincial welfare rolls. Baird told reporters that 15,000 people had left the system since the introduction of workfare, and used this figure to argue that the government's policy was a success. At the time, he lacked information on the number of workfare recipients who actually found jobs, and he also did not account for 40% of the welfare recipients who had been cut from the list. A number of media reports subsequently criticized both the principle and the implementation of workfare in Ontario.  A September 1999 report from Baird's ministry showed that 10,600 workfare placements had been created in the first six months of 1999, a figure which the "Toronto Star" observed was significantly lower than that

2000.

In January 2000, Baird unveiled a series of initiatives designed to reduce fraud and misuse in the welfare system. This was highlighted by the establishment of a welfare fraud hotline and a complementary conditionality three months later, in which anyone convicted of welfare fraud would run the risk of being given a lifetime ban from the program. The investigations Baird initiated during the fiscal year of 2000 uncovered $58.2 million in social assistance that people were not entitled to receive, and $16.6 million in avoided future costs, but critics of this approach, including opposition members, poverty advocates, and scholars, suggested that the Harris government was overstating the extent of fraud in order to undermine public confidence in welfare programs. In mid-year, Baird announced that workfare placements had reached departmental quotas for most of the province.  Baird revealed a $50 million program in May 2000 to help people with developmental disabilities become integrated into their communities. He later affirmed that the province was considering closing its remaining three institutions for the mentally handicapped as part of a larger strategy focusing on home care. Baird expressed

2001–2002.

In early 2001, Baird announced that his government's proposed drug-testing plan would be extended to identify welfare recipients addicted to prescription drugs and alcohol. He later announced that provincial welfare applicants would be required to pass a literacy test. The Harris government's welfare policies were put under scrutiny in August 2001 after a pregnant woman in Sudbury, Kimberly Rogers, died while serving a house arrest for welfare fraud. The woman had been confined to her apartment for three months and reports indicated that her pregnancy was "exacerbated by sweltering conditions in her apartment". Responding to criticism, Baird said that he could not comment on the specifics of the case until a coroner's inquest was completed. He defended his government's general policy on welfare issues. A subsequent inquest did not

Energy Minister and Government House Leader.

Baird was returned to a more prominent cabinet position in August 2002 after Eves separated the ministries of Environment and Energy and appointed Baird to head the latter department. Baird was given additional responsibilities as Government House Leader in June 2003 after Chris Stockwell was forced to resign following allegations that he had used government funds for a family vacation.  As Energy Minister, Baird was entrusted with implementing the government's plan to sell off part of Ontario's Hydro One. A few months later, he became unexpectedly involved in two major and interrelated policy reversals. The Energy ministry came under intense media scrutiny in late 2002 after hydro rates increased significantly in many parts of the province. Critics argued that the Progressive Conservative government's price deregulation policy (implemented before Baird became Energy Minister) was responsible. Baird suggested that the rate increases resulted from

Opposition member.

The Ontario Liberal Party won a majority government in the 2003 election, although Baird was comfortably re-elected in his own seat. Between 2003 and 2005 he served as Official Opposition critic for Finance, Culture, Francophone Affairs, Intergovernmental Affairs and Health. He opposed the imposition of a health premium by Dalton McGuinty's government in 2004, charging that the Liberals broke an election pledge not the raise taxes. Baird and New Democrat Peter Kormos were vocal critics of Speaker Alvin Curling for allegedly favouring his Liberal

Federal politics.

Baird supported a Canadian Alliance candidate in the 2000 federal election, and later endorsed Stephen Harper's bid to lead the newly formed Conservative Party of Canada in its 2004 leadership election. He was appointed as the Conservative Party's Ontario co-chair for the 2004 federal election. There were rumours that Baird would leave provincial politics to contest the 2004 election, but this did not happen. In 2005 he resigned his provincial seat to campaign federally for the Conservative Party.  Baird won a contested nomination battle for Ottawa West—Nepean Conservative nomination on May 5, 2005, defeating challengers Ed Mahfouz, Margret Kopala and Ade Olumide. John Pacheco later campaigned in the election as an "Independent conservative", with the specific intent of being a spoiler against Baird. He argued that if his campaign caused Baird to lose, the Conservatives would "get the message that social conservatives are serious about their politics." Baird chose to ignore Pacheco entirely in at least one all-candidates debate.  Baird was elected, defeating Liberal candidate Lee Farnworth by about 5,000 votes. The "Ottawa Citizen" endorsed Baird in this campaign, and argued that his political judgment had improved considerably since his tenure as a Harris cabinet minister. In December 2006 Baird was one of thirteen Conservative MPs who voted against reopening the national debate on same-sex marriage.  Baird played an aggressive role in Question Period after his appointment to cabinet, leading MP Garth Turner to describe him as Stephen Harper's "Commons pit bull".

President of the Treasury Board.

Baird was appointed President of the Treasury Board on February 6, 2006. Following his appointment, he said that one of his priorities would be to prevent government jobs from being relocated from Ottawa to other regions for political purposes. Baird also indicated that his government was not planning to introduce job cuts or initiate a radical reduction in the size of government. In June 2006 he announced the creation of a three-member panel to advise the federal government on grant and contribution programs and accountability issues. One of the members was Frances Lankin, a former Ontario New Democratic Party cabinet minister.

Accountability Act.

Baird introduced the Conservative government's first piece of legislation in April 2006. The "Accountability Act" promised significant reform to the structure of Canadian politics and government. Prime Minister Harper said that it would "put an end to the influence of money" in the Canadian government. The "Accountability Act" restricted the ability of former politicians and bureaucrats to become lobbyists, provided protection to whistle-blowers in the civil service and gave the Auditor General of Canada new powers of oversight. It limited individual donations to political parties and candidates to $1,100 per year (down from $5,200), created nine new or revised positions to oversee the activities of public officials and placed crown corporations such as the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation under access-to-information legislation.  Opposition MPs complained that several recommendations for access-to-information reform were omitted from the bill, and were instead sent to committee for further review. New Democratic Party MP Pat Martin suggested that this deferral could delay meaningful reform for the foreseeable future. Martin later made a deal with Baird to give the bill an easy passage through committee, in return for the Conservatives

Program cuts.

In May 2006, Baird was asked to find $1 billion in cuts for 2006 and 2007. On September 25, on the same day that the government announced a $13.2 billion surplus, Baird announced cuts to sixty-six federal programs, including Status of Women, medicinal marijuana research, Canadian museums, adult literacy, youth employment and social development and the British Columbia pine beetle program. One of the most controversial

2006 Ottawa municipal election.

In early October 2006, Baird's department reviewed a promised $200 million grant to the City of Ottawa's light-rail expansion project for the O-Train. Baird indicated that the government would keep the funding at least until the November election, but added that the Council elected in November would have the final say on the issue. He also leaked details of the city's contact with the German firm Siemens. As a result, the rail program became a focal issue in the 2006 Ottawa mayoral election and Baird's opponents accused him of trying to influence the outcome. Baird and Ottawa Mayor Bob Chiarelli accused one another of lying about details of the project, and Liberal MP Navdeep Bains asked the Federal Ethics Commissioner to investigate Baird's decision to release details of

Other responsibilities.

Baird held ministerial responsibilities for the Toronto Harbourfront Centre and the Toronto Waterfront Revitalization Corporation. He developed a working relationship with Toronto Mayor David Miller soon after his appointment, and was present for the announcement of a comprehensive new waterfront strategy in June 2006. Ontario cabinet minister David Caplan described Baird as a champion of waterfront renewal and Miller described him as an ally of the city. Baird spent Christmas 2006 meeting with Canadian soldiers in Afghanistan.

Environment Minister 2007–08.

On January 4, 2007, Baird was appointed as Environment Minister in a cabinet shuffle, replacing Rona Ambrose. In making the appointment, Prime Minister Stephen Harper acknowledged that his government needed to do more to make the environment a priority. Some commentators remarked favourably on Baird's appointment, describing him as a strong communicator and negotiator. Columnist Andrew Coyne, however, described Baird as "the man sent to kill the issue," suggesting that Baird's appointment was meant to neutralize the environment as an

Approach to the Kyoto Protocol.

In February 2007, the Liberal opposition brought forward a non-binding motion for Canada to renew its commitment to the Kyoto Protocol. All Conservative MPs who were present in the House, including Baird, voted against the motion, which passed with the support of the three opposition parties. The following month, opposition members on a special Commons committee used their majority to bring forward sweeping changes to the government's Clean Air Act. Among other things, the revised act called for participation in international carbon markets and the fulfillment of Kyoto targets.  Baird indicated that the opposition's changes would not be included in federal targets or regulations.  In April 2007, Baird produced a federal study supported by five independent economists to

Environmental strategy.

Baird was the Harper government's representative at the release of a major United Nations report on climate change in Paris in February 2007. He described the report as a "turning point in the battle against climate change," while indicating his surprise that human activity was found to be a major cause of the phenomenon.  Baird released his government's targets for greenhouse gas emissions in late April 2007. The plan calls for Canada to begin cutting its existing rate of greenhouse gas emissions by 2010 and for cuts to reach 20% by 2020. Under this plan, Canada will reach its Kyoto targets between 2020 and 2025, taking an additional eight to thirteen years longer than Kyoto. The government plan uses production intensity targets instead of hard caps. Baird said that the "plan strikes a balance between the perfection some environmentalists may be seeking and the status quo that some in industry seek to protect." In December 2007, Baird revealed in a plan that over 700 big-polluter companies, including oil and gas, pulp and paper, electricity and iron and steel companies, must cut greenhouse emissions by six percent between 2008 and 2010. The companies would also have to produce

Environmental record.

Shortly after his appointment, Baird, Stephen Harper and Natural Resources Minister Gary Lunn announced $1.5 billion for clean-energy initiatives over the next decade. Baird and Lunn also announced a $230 million program for clean energy technology. Lunn said that "there were literally hundreds of programs but there was no focus" when the Conservatives took office. Critics argued that the new Conservative measures were similar to measures introduced by the Liberals in their 2005 budget. Former Liberal leader Stéphane Dion has argued that the Conservative Party's strategy is too strongly focused on nuclear energy.  On February 12, 2007, Baird appeared at a press conference with Stephen Harper and Quebec Premier Jean Charest to announce a $1.5 billion environmental fund for the provinces. Journalist Frances Russell criticized that as a reduction from the $3 billion promised by the previous Liberal government.  Canada is a signatory to the Kyoto protocol which legally requires signatory countries to set up compatible

Bali.

While participating at the United Nations Summit On Climate Changes in Bali, Indonesia, Baird announced a $86 million funding to help Canadian communities notably coping with the loss of forests due to pine beetles in the west and of infrastructures in the north due to softer soil. The four-year plan included $56 million on several projects and $29 million for research.  Baird was criticized by some parties and observers for obstructing progress on what was to become 'the Bali Action Plan'. Baird showed up for the Bali Conference at which it was intended he explain Canada's position at a meeting with non-governmental activists, but instead quickly left, with one of the activists alleging that Baird left because he "probably did not want to confront young activists critical of Canada's stand."

Draft Baird Movement.

In late November and early December 2008, a website went online allegedly representing a movement to draft Baird for leader of the Conservative Party, in the face of Stephen Harper facing possible defeat by an opposition coalition.  The draft group allegedly comprised over 100 party members from across the country—including two MPs and

Minister of Transport (2008–2010).

Baird served as Minister of Transport

'Interim' Environment Minister 2010–2011.

Cancun climate 'fossil awards'.

After resuming his environment portfolio from November 2010 until January 2011, Baird was the Harper government's main representative to the United Nations climate conference in Cancun in December 2010. On the first day, Canada "won" three Fossil of the Day awards, awards which, after a vote by more than 400 leading international organizations, go to countries that do the most to disrupt or undermine UN climate talks." Canada under Baird was accused of "working against progressive legislation to address climate change", cited for "cancelling support for clean energy and for failing to have any plan to meet its very weak target for reducing [Canada]'s greenhouse gas emissions."

Foreign Affairs Minister 2011–2015.

Activists on board a Canadian boat taking supplies to Gaza (which had been blockaded by the Israeli government to ensure that weapons and other contraband did not enter Gaza) in November 2011 urged Baird to resign as foreign minister for "failing to do his job". They said they had been roughed up and Tasered by Israeli forces and that "If minister Baird wants to put the interests of a far-right Israeli government before Canadians, he should apply for the job of Israel's ambassador". Baird affirmed Canada's support for Likud's opposition to Palestinian statehood while visiting Israel in February 2012.  On September 7, 2012, he announced the sudden closure of Canada's embassy in Tehran and the expulsion of all Iranian diplomats from Canada. Baird made the announcement at an Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation meeting in Russia. He said Canada's decision was

Resignation and departing public office.

Following his resignation as Minister of Foreign Affairs, Baird remained a backbench MP for several weeks. On February 19, 2015,

Private sector.

Since leaving politics, Baird has accepted several private sector appointments. In June 2015 he was hired as a strategic adviser to Hatch Ltd, an international engineering and consulting firm for companies in the resource industry. In October 2015 he joined political risk consulting firm Eurasia Group as a senior adviser, where he offers strategic insight to companies on how global politics affects business. He has also been hired as an adviser to Bennett Jones,

Later political activity.

Following the 2019 federal election, Baird was commissioned by the Conservative Party to investigate and deliver a report analyzing the party's campaign and the reasons for its failure to win the election. When party leader Andrew Scheer resigned,

Electoral record.

All electoral information taken from Elections Canada and Elections Ontario. Italicized expenditures refer to submitted totals, and are presented when the final reviewed totals are

External links.

<nowiki>*</nowiki>Elliott led a restructured Ministry of Community, Family and Children's Services.

John Russell Baird (born May 26, 1969) is a Canadian retired politician. He served as Minister of Foreign Affairs from 2011 to 2015 in the cabinet of Prime Minister Stephen Harper. He had been a member of the federal cabinet, in various positions, since 2006. Previously he was a provincial cabinet minister in Ontario during the governments of Premiers Mike Harris and Ernie Eves. Baird resigned from Harper's cabinet on February 3, 2015, and as a Member of Parliament on March 16, 2015.

John Russell Baird, né le, est un homme politique canadien. Il était député à l'Assemblée législative de l'Ontario de 1995 à 2005 sous la bannière du Parti progressiste-conservateur, et a été ministre dans les cabinets de Mike Harris et Ernie Eves. Il était le député conservateur à la Chambre des communes du Canada pour la circonscription de Ottawa-Ouest—Nepean. Il a été nommé président du Conseil du Trésor le, puis est ministre de l'Environnement du au et du au, des Transports du au et des Relations avec la Chambre des communes du 4 janvier au. Il a été ministre des Affaires étrangères du au.


Classification.

Some scholars view (e.g. Lejeune 1971, Koch 2008) Lepontic as a distinct Continental Celtic language. Other scholars (e.g. Evans 1992, Solinas 1995, Eska 1996, McCone 1996, Matasovic 2009) consider it as an early form of Cisalpine Gaulish (or Cisalpine Celtic) and thus a dialect of the Gaulish language. An earlier view, which was prevalent for most of the 20th century and until about 1970, regarded Lepontic as a "para-Celtic" western Indo-European language, akin to but not part of Celtic, possibly related to Ligurian (Whatmough 1933 and Pisani 1964). However, Ligurian itself has been considered akin to, but not descended from, Common Celtic, see Kruta 1991 and Stifter 2008.  Referring to linguistic arguments as well as archaeological evidence, Schumacher even considers Lepontic a primary branch of Celtic, perhaps even the first language to diverge from Proto-Celtic. In any case, the Lepontic inscriptions are the earliest attestation of any form of Celtic.

Language.

The alphabet.

The alphabet of Lugano, based on inscriptions found in northern Italy and Canton Ticino, was used to record Lepontic inscriptions, among the oldest testimonies of any Celtic language, in use from the 7th to the 5th centuries BC. The alphabet has 18 letters, derived from the archaic Etruscan alphabet  The alphabet does not distinguish voiced and unvoiced occlusives, i.e. P represents /b/ or /p/, T is for /t/ or /d/, and K for /g/ or /k/. Z is probably for /t/. U /u/ and V /w/ are distinguished. Θ is probably for /t/ and X for /g/. There are claims of a related script discovered in Glozel.

Corpus.

Lepontic is known from around 140 inscriptions written in the alphabet of Lugano, one of five main Northern Italic alphabets derived from the Etruscan alphabet. Similar scripts were used for writing the Rhaetic and Venetic languages and the Germanic runic alphabets probably derive from a script belonging to this group.  The grouping of all inscriptions written in the alphabet of Lugano into a single language is disputed. Indeed, it was not uncommon in antiquity for a given alphabet to be used to write multiple languages. And, in fact, the alphabet of Lugano was used in the coinage of other Alpine tribes, such as the Salassi, Salluvii, and Cavares (Whatmough 1933, Lejeune 1971).  While many of the later inscriptions clearly appear to be written in Cisalpine Gaulish, some, including all of the older ones, are said to be in an indigenous language distinct from Gaulish and known as Lepontic. Until the publication of Lejeune 1971, this Lepontic language was regarded as a pre-Celtic language, possibly related to Ligurian (Whatmough 1933, Pisani 1964). Following Lejeune 1971, the consensus view became that Lepontic should be classified as a Celtic language, albeit possibly as divergent as Celtiberian, and in any case quite distinct from Cisalpine Gaulish (Lejeune 1971, Kruta 1991, Stifter 2008). Some have gone further, considering Lepontic and Cisalpine Gaulish essentially one and the same (Eska 1998). However, an analysis of the geographic distribution of the inscriptions shows that the Cisalpine Gaulish inscriptions are later and from an area to the south of the earlier (Lepontic) inscriptions, with which they display significant differences as well as similarities.  While the language is named after the tribe of the Lepontii, which occupied portions of ancient Rhaetia, specifically an Alpine area straddling modern Switzerland and Italy and bordering Cisalpine Gaul, the term is currently used by some Celticists (e.g. Eska 1998) to apply to all Celtic dialects of ancient Italy. This usage is disputed by those who continue to view the Lepontii as one of several indigenous pre-Roman tribes of the Alps, quite distinct from the Gauls who invaded the plains of Northern Italy in historical times.  The older Lepontic inscriptions date back to before the 5th century BC, the item from Castelletto Ticino being dated at the 6th century BC and that from Sesto Calende possibly being from the 7th century BC (Prosdocimi, 1991). The people who made these inscriptions are nowadays identified with the Golasecca culture, a Celtic culture in northern Italy (De Marinis 1991, Kruta 1991 and Stifter 2008). The extinction date for Lepontic is only inferred by the absence of later inscriptions.

Lepontic is an ancient Alpine Celtic language that was spoken in parts of Rhaetia and Cisalpine Gaul (what is now Northern Italy) between 550 and 100 BC. Lepontic is attested in inscriptions found in an area centered on Lugano, Switzerland, and including the Lake Como and Lake Maggiore areas of Italy.

Le lépontique est une langue celtique continentale parlée par les Lepontii dans une région de 100km environ autour de Lugano, donc dans la région des lacs entre le nord de l'Italie et le sud de la Suisse, du M. Lejeune et J. de Hoz considèrent cette langue comme une langue celtique différenciée alors que J. Eska pense lui qu'elle n'est qu'un dialecte du gaulois.