Life.

Shang Qu was born in 522 BC, 29 years younger than Confucius. He was born in the State of Lu, Confucius' native state. According to the "Shiben", he was a descendant of the Shang dynasty nobility, hence his surname Shang.  According to the "Records of the Grand Historian" ("Shiji"), Shang Qu was responsible for the preservation of the "I Ching", which he received from Confucius. The "Shiji" records the transmission of the "I Ching", step by step, from Shang Qu to his disciple Han Bi (<unk>臂), down to Yang He (杨何) of the Han dynasty. Yang He served as an official in the court of Emperor Wu of Han (reigned 156–87 BC) because of his knowledge of the "I Ching".

Legends.

Little is known about Shang Qu's life, but several legends have later developed about him. According to one legend, Shang Qu did not have a son when he approached the age of 40. His mother was worried, but Confucius told her that Shang Qu would have five sons after turning 40, which became true.  In another legend, Shang Qu performed divination which predicted that Confucius would die at noon of that day. Upon hearing this, Confucius asked his disciples to bring his books, so he could read until noon.

Honours.

In Confucian temples, Shang Qu's spirit tablet is placed in the outer court, beyond those of the Four Assessors and Twelve Wise Ones, and after that of Nangong Kuo.  During the Tang dynasty, Emperor Xuanzong posthumously awarded Shang Qu the nobility title of Count of Meng (蒙伯). During the Song dynasty, Emperor Zhenzong further awarded him the title of Marquis of Xuchang (須昌侯).

Shang Qu (; 522 BC –?), courtesy name Zimu (), was a disciple of Confucius. He studied the "I Ching" from Confucius, and is credited with the preservation and transmission of the classic.

Shang Qu (en ), né en 522 av. J.-C., Zimu () de son prénom social, est un disciple de Confucius. Il a étudié le "Yi Jing" de son maître et est crédité de sa préservation et transmission.


History.

John Holliday describes the history of train whistles as originating in 1832, when a stationmaster suggested, at the opening of the Leicester and Swannington Railway, that the trains should have an audible signaling device. A local musical instrument builder was commissioned to provide a steam-powered whistle, then known as a "steam trumpet".  The article also describes a train collision with a cart, where the driver had blown a horn (steam whistles having not as yet been invented). One account states that Weatherburn, the engine driver, had "mouthblown his horn" at the crossing in an attempt to prevent the accident, but that no attention had been paid to this audible warning, perhaps because it had not been heard. Although nobody was injured, the accident was deemed serious enough to warrant George Stephenson’s personal intervention. Stephenson subsequently called a meeting of directors and accepted the suggestion of the company manager, Ashlin Bagster, that a horn or whistle which could be activated by steam should be constructed and fixed to the locomotives. Stephenson later visited a musical instrument maker in Duke Street in Leicester, who, on Stephenson's instructions, constructed a "steam trumpet", which was tested in the presence of the Board of Directors ten days later.  Stephenson mounted the whistle on the top of the boiler's steam dome, which delivers dry steam to the cylinders for locomotion. The device was apparently about high and had an ever-widening trumpet shape with a diameter at its top or mouth. The company went on to mount similar devices on its other locomotives.  There is another account that sets the invention of the steam whistle against the actual opening of the line in 1832, rather than associating it with a specific incident.

North American usage.

North American steam locomotive whistles have different sounds from one another. They come in many forms, from tiny little single-note shriekers (called "banshees" on the Pennsylvania Railroad) to larger plain whistles with deeper tones (a deep, plain train whistle is the "hooter" of the Norfolk & Western, used on their A- and Y-class Mallet locomotives). Even more well known were the multi-chime train whistles. Nathan of New York copied and improved Casey Jones's boiler-tube chime whistle by casting the six chambers into a single bell, with open "steps" on top to save on casting. This whistle is still considered the "king of train whistles". It is the most copied train whistle in the United States, and many railroads' shops cast their own version of it.  Another very popular American train whistle was, again, a Nathan product. This was a five-note whistle, with a much shorter bell, and therefore, much higher in pitch. This whistle produced a bright G-major 6th chord (GBDEG) and, again, was heavily imitated, copies being made by many different railroads.  The most popular American chime train whistle was the three-note version. These were either commercially made (Crosby, Lunkenheimer, Star Brass, Hancock Inspirator Co. among others) or shop-made by the railroads themselves. Some famous and very melodious shop-made train whistles were Pennsy's passenger chimes and the Baltimore and Ohio's step-top three chimes. But the most beloved of all three-chime train whistles to the public and railroaders alike were the deep-chorded "steamboat minor" long-bells. A well known commercially made chime was Hancock Inspirator Company's three-note step top. These found use on almost every American railroad. Some railroads copied these also, examples being found on the old St. Louis–San Francisco Railway and Illinois Central.  The Southern Railway made three-chime train whistles. These were all distinctive, having top-mounted levers. They had short-bell three-chimes as well as their (highly copied) long-bell three-chimes on passenger engines, especially their PS4 engines, one of which resides today at the Smithsonian Institution.  Two-note and four-note train whistles never caught on with North American railroads, with one exception: Canadian National Railway created a large four-chime step-top whistle for limited use on some of their locomotives. These were not common and only a few survive today in the hands of collectors. Otherwise, North American train whistles were of the single-note, three-note, five-note and six-note varieties.  These are a few American railroads with whistles valued by collectors:

UK usage.

In the United Kingdom, it is normal for diesel and electric multiple-units and locomotives to have two horns, of different pitches (rather like two-tone emergency road vehicles—police cars, etc.). This has given rise to drivers "playing" unofficial combinations of low and high notes. When passing through the local station in the Yorkshire town of Ilkley, drivers soon began to play the first line of the chorus of the folk song, "On Ilkla Moor Baht 'at" on their horns, using a series of short blasts: low, h-i-g-h high high, low, high, until the practice was stopped by authorities.  The first four notes of Beethoven's Fifth Symphony—played during World War II as the Morse code "V" (for Victory)—can be sounded on a train horn as three short notes and a longer one, often the last note on the lower-tone horn.  Early railways, before continuous brakes, had the communication chain or cord from the carriages connected to a "brake whistle" on the engine. This was usually of a lower note than the normal whistle used by the driver. Engines of Britain's Great Western Railway carried two whistles, one low- and one high-pitched. The high-pitched whistle was for warning of the trains approach and for giving shunting signals. The low-pitched whistle was for sending braking instructions to the crew on the train before the advent of continuous brakes and was retained for the same purpose for goods operations. Some whistle-signals required use of both whistles. Some Great Western "autocoaches"—from where the driver operated the steam engine's regulator and brakes, when the engine was propelling one or more autocoaches—still had a whistle connection with the engine's brake whistle, although a gong (much like a tram gong) was fitted at the front of each autocoach and was operated by the driver using a foot treadle.  Back in the days of steam, when assisting engines pushed long goods trains up steep gradients (or "banks"), the train would come to a halt at the bottom of the bank. The assisting engine—or "banker"—would either be attached to the rear of the train, or just come up against the guard's brake van's buffers. Then the banker's driver would whistle—using a series of long blasts and shorts. This told both the signalman and the driver of the train engine that he was ready. The train engine's driver would reply in similar fashion and, with signals at clear, they would set off in unison. If the banker was coupled to the train, when it reached the top of the bank, the train would stop or come to a crawl for the banker to be uncoupled; if not, the banker's driver would just ease off the regulator, allowing the train to continue on its way, with, of course, a whistled "goodbye".

Noise complaints from train whistles.

It is not uncommon for the sound of a train's whistle to propagate for miles; yet vehicle operators still have a difficult time hearing the warning signal due to the vehicle's soundproofing and ambient noise within the cab (such as engine, road, radio, and conversation noises).  The need to blare a train's whistle loudly to be heard by the driver of a vehicle approaching a grade crossing has become a major disadvantage to the use of train whistles as a safety device and has caused much controversy among those living within earshot of the train's whistle. It has been documented that a train's whistle, when operating on compressed air, driving an exponential horn, has been measured at a higher decibel levels within the homes of nearby residents than within the cab of a vehicle sitting at the grade crossing.  Given the tonal design of the train whistle, the sound level, how often trains pass through a given community, the number of grade crossings in proximity, and the time of day (night) of occurrence, community residents residing near crossing sometimes feel that train whistles have a serious detrimental effect on the quality of life despite the gain in safety that sounding the horn provides to motorists and pedestrians. However, one Federal Railroad Administration study has shown that the frequency of grade crossing accidents increases in areas where "quiet zones" are in effect. The study fails to account for other factors that were also introduced at the same time which may have also accounted for the reduction in accidents during the same period the study measured. For instance, it was during the same period that locomotives began sporting the now crucially important tri-lamp headlight arrangement ("ditch lights") and reflector strips similar to those commonly found on highway tractor-trailers. Additionally, the measurements were based on accidents at grade-crossings, which are very low numbers overall to begin with. A grade-crossing that had two accidents during the comparison years, when contrasted with only one accident during the control period, would statistically yield a high percentage-wise improvement in safety, when in reality, it was the difference in only one accident for that grade-crossing.  Conversely, there are those who do not object to the train whistle, as they believe it provides an important safety feature. Some people even like the sound of the whistle, as it calls to mind a nostalgic era, as with the riverboats and their steam whistles and calliopes. However, no real studies have been performed by unbiased official entities to measure the real effects such noise has on a community.  Quiet zones are created in municipalities where citizens of the community complain of the noise pollution from the increasing number of trains which decreases their quality of life. In order to be approved for quiet zones, extensive safety and traffic studies must be conducted. Municipalities and the owners of the tracks must work together to ensure all federal regulations are being met. Quiet zones require improvements which would include installing standard or conventional automatic warning devices such as gates with lights if not already installed Medians must be installed at the railroad crossings to ensure vehicles do not proceed into the opposite lane to go around the gates (4). Once all safety measures are completed train whistles will be silenced at the railroad crossings. Quiet zones silencing train whistles reduces noise pollution but also creates safer railroad crossings wherein the whole community benefits, not just those that live near the tracks.

Illustrating the Doppler effect.

The example of the change in frequency in the whistle of a passing train is often used to explain the phenomenon of the Doppler effect. It became a common classroom example after the introduction of trains, since at the time they were one of the few objects that moved quickly while sounding a relatively constant note.

Whistle code.

Train whistles are used to communicate with other railroad workers on a train or in the yard. Different combinations of long and short whistles each have their own meaning. They are used to pass instructions, as a safety signal, and to warn of impending movements of a train. Despite the advent of modern radio communication, many of these whistle signals are still used today. (See also Train horn (Common horn signals).)  Signals illustrated below are for North American railroads, "o" for short sounds, and "–" for longer sounds.

Other whistle codes.

Not all railroads use exactly the same whistle signals or assign the same meanings. Some railroads will use their own variations of the above. A few of the signals are obsolete because the workers they were used to communicate with (such as flagman) are now obsolete.  In Norway, for example, the following whistle signals are used:  In Finland, the following are some of the signals used:

A train whistle or air whistle (originally referred to as a steam trumpet) is an audible signaling device on a steam locomotive, used to warn that the train is approaching, and to communicate with rail workers. Modern diesel and electric locomotives primarily use a powerful air horn instead of a whistle as an audible warning device. However, the word "whistle" continues to be used by railroaders in referring to such signaling practices as "whistling off" (sounding the horn when a train gets underway).

Dans les chemins de fer, un sifflet, ou sifflet à vapeur (à l'origine appelé en anglais "steam trumpet", soit « trompette à vapeur ») est un dispositif de signalisation sonore installé sur une locomotive à vapeur et utilisé pour avertir de l'approche d'un train, afin de communiquer avec les personnes situées aux abords des voies ferrées.


Emergence of feminist archaeology.

Feminist archaeology initially emerged in the late 1970s and early 80s, along with other objections to the epistemology espoused by the processual school of archaeological thought, such as symbolic and hermeneutic archaeologies. Margaret Conkey and Janet Spector’s 1984 paper "Archaeology and the Study of Gender" summed up the feminist critique of the discipline at that time: that archaeologists were unproblematically overlaying modern-day, Western gender norms onto past societies, for example in the sexual division of labor; that contexts and artifacts attributed to the activities of men, such as projectile point production and butchering at kill sites, were prioritized in research time and funding; and that the very character of the discipline was constructed around masculine values and norms. For example, women were generally encouraged to pursue laboratory studies instead of fieldwork (although there were exceptions throughout the history of the discipline) and the image of the archaeologist was centered on the rugged, masculine, “cowboy of science”. In 1991, two publications marked the emergence of feminist archaeology on a large scale: the edited volume "Engendering Archaeology", which focused on women in prehistory, and a thematic issue of the journal "Historical Archaeology", which focused on women and gender in post-Columbian America. Outside the Americas, feminist archaeology enjoyed an earlier emergence and greater support among the greater archaeological community.

Early feminist studies.

Notable challenges raised by early feminist archaeologists have concerned hunting and stone tool-making, among many other topics. The Man the Hunter paradigm in anthropology, named after a symposium given in the 1960s by some of the most prominent names in archaeology, bifurcated the hominid sexual division of labor along male and female sexes. Males were in charge of hunting, and presumably through this activity developed important evolutionary traits, such as increased brain size. Meanwhile, females stayed at home and raised the young. An assumption behind this model is that women were constrained from certain activities due to decreased mobility resulting from pregnancy and their role in raising young children. This model has been critiqued by feminist anthropologists, as underplaying the evolutionary importance of women in favor of portraying them strictly as passive objects of reproduction and nothing more. Adrienne Zihlman, tracing the evolutionary achievements ascribed to males as hunters, pointed out that female gathering activities could just as easily account for such adaptations.  Joan Gero challenged androcentric explanations of tool-making on several levels. First, the common assumption that tool-making was almost exclusively associated with men was almost certainly false; at the least, women were far more likely to produce their own tools as needed in domestic contexts rather than wait for a man to come along and do it for them. The argument behind this assumption, that men possess greater upper-body strength, was dismissed by Gero, who pointed out physical strength is not an imperative quality in someone skilled at making stone tools. Additionally, Gero pointed out the great emphasis in research time and money towards studies concerned with the most “masculine” of stone tools, such as projectile points, while stone tools likely made and used by women, for example utilized flakes, have been relatively ignored.

Feminist and gender archaeologies.

Since the early feminist critiques of archaeology, gender has gained enormous popularity within the discipline. The label “feminist” has not been embraced by most archaeologists, however. A split between gender and feminist archaeologies formed during the 1990s. Gender archaeology has become a wide umbrella, including, but not limited to, feminist work that employs queer theory, practice theory, and performance theory, among others. Many archaeologists engaged in gender research avoid the label of “feminist,” largely due to the perceived negative connotations of the word. Others within the discipline have an oversimplified understanding of feminist archaeology's history and aims, and as a consequence mistakenly conflate it with postmodernism. Some archaeologists have argued against the continued incorporation of feminist thought, which is inherently political, into archaeological studies of gender. Few works in gender archaeology have actively engaged in challenging patriarchal power structures beyond rectifying androcentric histories. Feminist archaeology engages in challenging and changing interpretive frameworks employed by archaeologists: “Feminism is a politics aimed at changing gender-based power relations.” Noted feminist philosopher Alison Wylie delineates several guidelines imperative for conducting feminist archaeology:  In contrast, gender archaeology not employed by feminists lacks such characteristics. Gender is currently a common topic of study in archaeology among non-feminists. Such studies focus on identifying gendered activities and material culture and on the gender roles of past peoples, but do not present themselves in an overtly political way. Non-feminist archaeologists are less compelled to position themselves within their work, or reflect on how their position affects their work. Investigating gender independent of feminism, however, elides the aims of early studies and represents gender and sex in a conceptually deficient manner.

Ongoing feminist contributions to archaeology.

Feminist archaeologists continue to challenge archaeological norms and expand research into new intellectual territories. They argue for the incorporation of alternative forms of knowledge and representation; for example, black and Indigenous epistemologies have been employed by feminist archaeologists. There continues to be a feminist critique of the masculine character and organization of archaeology.

Alternative forms of knowledge and presentation.

One important realm of research for feminist archaeologists, along with some non-feminists, is de-centering Westernized forms of history in favor of privileging alternative conceptions and interpretations of the past, and exploring non-traditional ways of conveying knowledge. A growing body of work involves involvement with descendant communities, giving them a voice in archaeological investigations and interpretations of the past. The public demand for allowing descendant communities a voice in the African Burial Ground controversy highlighted the importance of this kind of work. Parallels have been drawn between feminist archaeology and Indigenous archaeology, focusing on how both work to break down the male, white, middle-class, Western monopoly to accessing knowledge about the past. This type of work helps to de-center the privileged position of Western knowledge without removing its relevance.  Additionally, feminist archaeologists have engaged in the use of fiction to help access the past. This has taken the form of plays, as seen in "Red-Light Voices", based on letters and diaries by early 20th-century prostitutes to explore prostitution. Another example is seen in Laurie Wilkie’s fictional worker involved in the Federal Writers' Project, interjected in her archaeological study of an African-American midwife in the post-emancipation South. Janet D. Spector interpreted the meaning behind a single artifact through a fictional narrative in "What This Awl Means". Narrative has been argued as an effective means by which archaeologists can create multivocal and more broadly accessible interpretations and presentations. The use of storytelling “demonstrate[s] how narrative is a powerful tool for bringing texture, nuance, and humanity to women’s experiences as evidenced through archaeology”).

Intersectional analysis.

A common analytical technique employed by feminist (and some non-feminist) archaeologists is intersectional analysis, which, following the assertions of black feminists leading third-wave feminism in the U.S., maintains that gender cannot be accessed by itself but must be studied in conjunction with other forms of identity. In historical archaeology the linkage between gender, race, and class has been increasingly explored, but other aspects of identity, notably sexuality, have been examined as well in relation to gender. Intersectional analysis has not been limited to feminist archaeology, as illustrated by the prevalent use of gender-race-class as a means of exploring identity by historical archaeologists. Although many such studies have focused on white, middle-class women of the recent Anglo-American past, the articulation of gender with other aspects of identity is starting to be applied to Native American women and African Americans. The work of Kathleen Deagan on Spanish colonial sites in the US and Caribbean has pioneered a movement of study of gender in the Spanish colonies. The use of black feminist work, which calls to attention the inherent connectivity between gender and class in the U.S. has been an important step in advancing the use of intersectional analysis in archaeology. The intersectional approach faced a lot of “oppositional consciousness” that intervened in the flow of hegemonic feminist theory” and challenges in crossing the boundaries and negotiating with the terms of belonging in the community.

Household Studies.

Archaeological studies of domestic sites have been particularly affected by ongoing feminist work. The long-standing trend in archaeology to associate women with domestic spaces, placed in opposition to the association with men and “public” spaces, has been a continuous locus of feminist research. Since the advent of the new millennium, there has been a shift away from such dichotomized spatial separation of gender. In historical archaeology, feminist archaeologists have been crucial to widening the definition of what constitutes a household from a familial model based on Western norms, such as household archaeology projects studying brothels and fraternities. By engaging with broader household literature, archaeologists have begun to re-conceive household, long considered autonomous analytical units, as political spaces, occupied by social actors occupying different social positions shaped by gender, race, age, occupation, socioeconomic status, and so on.

Feminist archaeology and the study of masculinity.

Feminist concern has been primarily with women; however, emerging concern with the exploration and intricacies of masculinities in archaeology is rising. Masculine identity constructs and social reproduction of normative masculinity are some of the topics that have been addressed by a limited number of archaeologists. This area of study in general, however, remains relatively unexplored.

Feminist archaeology employs a feminist perspective in interpreting past societies. It often focuses on gender, but also considers gender in tandem with other factors, such as sexuality, race, or class. Feminist archaeology has critiqued the uncritical application of modern, Western norms and values to past societies. It is additionally concerned with switching a perceived androcentric bias in the structuring disciplinary norms of archaeology with a gynocentric bias within the profession.

L'archéologie féministe est une orientation de l'interprétation archéologique des sociétés passées selon une perspective féministe. Elle se concentre souvent sur le genre, mais considère également l'égalité en tandem avec d'autres facteurs, comme la sexualité, la race ou la classe. L'archéologie féministe a critiqué l'application sans discernement des normes et valeurs occidentales modernes à des sociétés passées. Elle est en outre préoccupée par la commutation d'un biais androcentrique perçue dans la structuration des normes disciplinaires de l'archéologie avec un biais gynocentrique au sein de la profession.


History.

The medieval sheriffdom of Cromarty encompassed a single tract on the north of the Black Isle peninsula. The sheriffdom was hereditary in Clan Urquhart. It comprised the parish of Cromarty; most of the adjacent parish of Kirkmichael, excluding a portion at Balblair where a ferry crossed the Cromarty Firth to Invergordon; and a single farm in Cullicudden parish. As late as the mid-nineteenth century, ownership of the moor of Mulbuie was uncertain between Cromartyshire and Ross-shire.  Cromartyshire originally bordered Inverness-shire, but in 1504 Ross-shire was formed out of the nearest parts of Inverness-shire, and its boundaries were fixed in 1661. In 1662, Kirkmichael and Cullicudden parishes merged to form the parish of Resolis.  The feudal barony of Cromarty, whose appurtenant land was coterminous with the county, was purchased from the Urquharts in 1682 by the Mackenzies of Tarbat. They owned scattered lands in Ross-shire, including the barony of Tarbat on the Moray Firth north of the Black Isle. In 1685 Sir George Mackenzie, recently made Viscount of Tarbat and later elevated to Earl of Cromartie, secured two Acts of the Parliament of Scotland transferring his lands in Easter Ross from Ross-shire to Cromartyshire. These were enumerated as: And: Although this was repealed in 1686 on the grounds that some lands not belonging to Viscount Tarbat had been included, it was re-enacted in 1690 to include only "the said barony of Tarbat and all other lands in Ross-shire belonging in property to the said viscount". The transfers increased the area and rateable value of Cromartyshire by respective factors of fifteen and three. Cromartyshire was the smallest constituency in the Parliament of Scotland, with only five freeholders electing its two Commissioners in 1703. After the Act of Union 1707, Cromartyshire sent one MP to Westminster alternately with Nairnshire, a nearby small county. Only six of 19 votes on the register at the last election, in 1831, were found to be genuine freeholders.  The exclaves were for many purposes administered as part of Ross-shire rather than Cromartyshire. After the Sheriffs (Scotland) Act 1747, Ross and Cromarty had a common sheriff. The 1801 census report listed "Shire of Cromarty" and "Shire of Ross" separately, the former including only the old shire and the latter the exclaves. The 1811 census report listed "Ross and Cromarty" together on the ground that it was impractical to separate them. In 1810, the militia was for Ross-shire in some exclaves and Cromartyshire in others. The Scottish Reform Act 1832 merged Cromartyshire's constituency with Ross-shire's to form Ross and Cromarty, returning one MP to Parliament. Police and ratings administration were merged similarly in the Victorian period.  The Local Government (Scotland) Act 1889 provided that "the counties of Ross and Cromarty shall cease to be separate counties, and shall be united for all purposes whatsoever, under the name of the county of Ross and Cromarty."

Geography.

Given the scattered nature of the county it is difficult to generalise. The original shire consisted of a portion of the Black Isle peninsula bordering on Cromarty Firth, across which lay the Tarbart peninsula, of which several portions belonged to Cromartyshire, including Tarbat Ness. The interior sections consist of several enclaves within Ross-shire which are mountainous, remote and sparsely populated. To the west are various sections around Little Loch Broom, including the southern tip of Gruinard Island. North of Loch Broom lies the largest single section of the county, which takes in Ullapool, the Coigach peninsula and a number of small islands in Enard Bay (most notably Sgeir Mhòr, Fraoachlan, Eilean Mòr, Eilean Mòineseach and Green Island) and also the Summer Isles where Loch Broom meets The Minch. This section also contains a number of lochs, most notably Loch na Totaig, Loch Osgaig, Loch Raa, Loch Vatachan, Fionn Loch, Loch Veyatie, Loch Lurgainn, Loch Bad a' Ghaill, Loch Sionascaig, Lochan Tuath, Loch an Doire Duibh, Loch Doire na h-Airbhe, Loch a Ghille, Loch Buine Mhòire, Loch Call an Uidhean, Loch a' Chroisg, Loch Achall, Loch an Daimh, Loch na Maoile, Loch Ob an Lochain, Clar Lochan and Loch an Eilein.  Sources tend to number the tracts added to Cromartyshire at between eight and eleven; however some comprise multiple parcels. In 1807, Alexander Nimmo listed the additions in eight groups with two to six parcels in each.

Ordnance Survey list.

The 1881 index to the Ordnance Survey's first edition lists 22 detached parts, and the original "old shire", all of whose areas are given on the six-inch map. The total measured area of Cromartyshire was 217321.186 acres, or.

Other sources.

Some places not included within Cromartyshire in the Ordnance Survey map are stated by earlier sources to have been within it. The 1859 edition of the "Encyclopædia Britannica" asserts that Royston Park (now Caroline Park) outside Edinburgh, the city residence of the Viscount Tarbat, was also considered part of Cromartyshire. Nimmo's 1807 list includes:

Cromartyshire () is a historic county in the Highlands of Scotland, comprising the medieval "old shire" around the county town of Cromarty and 22 enclaves and exclaves transferred from Ross-shire in the late 17th century. The largest part, six times the size of the old shire, is Coigach, northwest from Ullapool. In 1890, Cromartyshire was merged with Ross-shire into the administrative county of Ross and Cromarty. In 1975, the resulting county was combined with Caithness, Inverness-shire, Nairnshire, Sutherland, and parts of Argyllshire and Morayshire to form the Highland council area.

Le Cromartyshire ou comté de Cromarty est un comté historique d'Écosse, qui comprenait, en plus du territoire directement autour de Cromarty (le siège du comté), 22 exclaves incluses dans le Ross-shire (dont la plus grande autour d'Ullapool). En 1890, le comté a fusionné justement avec celui du Ross-shire pour former le comté de Ross and Cromarty. Plus tard, en 1975, ils rejoignirent d'autres comtés des Highlands pour former la région du Highland, devenue un council area en 1996.


Early years.

McGuire was born in Ridgewood, New Jersey, on August 1, 1920. He and his mother moved to Sebring, Florida in the late 1920s and McGuire graduated from Sebring High School in 1938. He enrolled at the Georgia Institute of Technology and joined Beta Theta Pi fraternity, but left after his third year to enter the U.S. Army Air Corps Aviation Cadet Program on July 12, 1941.

United States Army Air Forces.

McGuire would become one of the top scoring combat pilots in U.S. Air Force history. Had it not been for periodic illnesses and the heavy administrative duties as Commander, 431st Fighter Squadron (from May to December 1944), he might have become the United States' leading ace. Civilian contractor Charles Lindbergh bunked with him for a time and flew as his wingman on several missions. Visitors recalled McGuire ordering Lindbergh around, telling him to run errands as though he were a servant. With a total of 38 enemy planes destroyed to his credit in World War II, McGuire was only two victories behind Major Richard Bong.

World War II.

McGuire reported to the flying school in Corsicana, Texas, as an aviation cadet. He received further training in San Antonio, and was commissioned a second lieutenant and awarded his pilot wings at Kelly Field, Texas, on February 2, 1942. He was assigned to the 313th Pursuit Squadron at Selfridge Field, Michigan from February to May and the 56th Pursuit Squadron at Paine Field, Texas.

Combat missions.

McGuire's first combat assignment was in June 1942, flying patrols over the Aleutian Islands in a Bell P-39 Airacobra while assigned to the 54th Fighter Group until October, before returning to Harding Field, Louisiana. While scoring no aerial victories in the Aleutians, McGuire was able to hone his skills as a pilot. In December 1942, he married Marilynn "Pudgy" Giesler shortly before he was transferred to Hamilton Field, California. In February 1943, he reported to Orange County Airport, California for transition training in the Lockheed P-38 Lightning.  In March 1943, McGuire was sent to the Southwest Pacific as a member of the 9th Fighter Squadron, 49th Fighter Group, Fifth Air Force, based in New Guinea. Two months later, the Fifth Air Force created an entire group of P-38s, the 475th Fighter Group in Australia at the behest of Lieutenant General George Kenney, the commanding officer of the Fifth Air Force. In mid-July, McGuire was transferred to the 431st Fighter Squadron, 475th Fighter Group. On August 18, 1943, Lieutenant McGuire was part of a group flying top cover for bombers striking at Wewak, New Guinea. Nearing their target, the fighters were attacked by Japanese aircraft. During the battle, McGuire shot down two Nakajima Ki-43 "Oscars" and one Kawasaki Ki-61 "Tony." On the following day, near the same location, he downed two more Oscars. This established him as an ace in two days. In September, he was promoted to first lieutenant.  McGuire's career nearly came to an end on October 17, 1943, when he scrambled from Dubodura, New Guinea to intercept approaching Japanese bombers being escorted by Mitsubishi A6M Zero fighters over Oro Bay, New Guinea. During the ensuing dogfight, McGuire observed at least seven Zeros attacking a lone P-38 that was trailing smoke. McGuire dove into the enemy fighters and quickly shot down three. The remaining four Zeros were able to attack McGuire and severely damage his aircraft. With his controls out, McGuire decided to bail out but as he exited the aircraft, his parachute harness snagged on something in the cockpit. From McGuire struggled to free himself from the stricken fighter. Finally McGuire was able to free himself and deploy his parachute at. He landed safely in the water and was rescued by a PT boat. McGuire suffered a bullet wound to his wrist and numerous other injuries including some broken ribs. He spent six weeks in the hospital before he returned to his unit. For his actions on this day he was awarded a Silver Star and a Purple Heart. In late December, he was promoted to captain and became the operation officer of the 431st Fighter Squadron.  In early May 1944, McGuire became the commanding officer of the 431st Fighter Squadron.McGuire wrote a book "Combat Tactics In The Southwest Pacific Area", for Fifth Air Force, on 4 May 1944. On May 18, he was promoted to major. In December, McGuire became the Operation Officer of the 475th Fighter Group. On December 25–26, 1944, he downed seven Japanese fighter aircraft in just two days over Luzon, Philippines.

Last mission and death.

January 7, 1945, McGuire took off from Dulag Airfield on Leyte and led a group of four P-38s – himself, Major Jack Rittmayer, Captain Edwin Weaver, and Lieutenant Douglas Thropp – on a fighter sweep over northern Negros Island in the central Philippines. Their aim was to gain victories. McGuire desperately wanted to pass Bong's score of 40 kills. Descending through cloud cover, McGuire's flight circled a Japanese airfield at Fabrica and then proceeded to a second airstrip at Manapla (also referred to as Carolina). As they approached Manapla, they were confronted by a lone Ki-43 "Oscar", which immediately engaged McGuire's flight.  Flying in the number-three position, Lt. Thropp saw the Oscar trying to attack him in a head-on pass. Thropp broke hard left. The Japanese pilot turned with him and fell into position behind him while firing. Major Rittmayer, flying as Thropp's wingman, turned sharply towards and began firing on the attacker. McGuire saw the Oscar was being engaged by Rittmayer and turned to face an imminent threat to the flight from the opposite direction. McGuire and his flight had encountered Warrant Officer Akira Sugimoto, who was an instructor pilot with some 3,000+ hours in type. Sugimoto broke away from Thropp and Rittmayer and turned to find McGuire and his wingman Ed Weaver directly in front of him. Sugimoto was easily able to catch up and attack them from behind. As Sugimoto approached Weaver from behind, Weaver radioed he was attacked and cut inside of the turn to present a more difficult shot. McGuire eased up on his turn rate in an effort to draw the attacker off of his wingman and onto himself. Sugimoto took the bait and switched his attack to McGuire. As Sugimoto approached from behind, McGuire rapidly increased his turn rate. This extremely dangerous maneuver, performed at an altitude of only (contrary to McGuire's own dictates never to engage at a low altitude), caused McGuire's P-38 to stall. It snap rolled inverted and nosed down into the ground. Despite the low altitude, McGuire nearly pulled out successfully; had he jettisoned his drop tanks at the start of the dogfight, he might have managed it. McGuire was killed on impact.  McGuire's crash was witnessed by Filipinos who immediately rushed to the scene and secured his body so it would not be captured. In 1949, his remains were recovered by the U.S. Army and returned to the United States. He was buried with full military honors at Arlington National Cemetery on May 17, 1950. A memorial, placed by aviation archaeologist and former fighter pilot David Mason in 2007, was erected at McGuire's fatal crash site on Negros Island.

Military awards.

McGuire's military decorations and awards include:

See also.

List of Medal of Honor recipients for World War II

Thomas Buchanan McGuire Jr. (August 1, 1920 – January 7, 1945) was an Irish American United States Army major who was killed in action while serving as a member of the United States Army Air Forces during World War II and posthumously awarded the Medal of Honor. He was one of the most decorated American fighter pilots and the second highest scoring American ace of the war.

Thomas Buchanan McGuire, Jr. ( – ) fut l’un des pilotes de combat américains les plus décorés de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Avec trente-huit victoires au moment de sa mort, il demeure le second plus grand as américain de la guerre, derrière Richard Bong. La Medal of Honor lui a été accordée de façon posthume. En son honneur, la base aérienne de Fort Dix dans le New Jersey, a été renommée en 1948.


Early career.

Totleben was born in Tottleben, Thuringia, and served at the court of Augustus III, King of Poland and Elector of Saxony. He fled Saxony after being accused of corruption. He then served for various periods at the courts of Saxe-Weissenfels, Bavaria, the Dutch Republic during the War of the Austrian Succession, and the Kingdom of Prussia. In 1747 he is mentioned as commander of a regiment of infantry of the Dutch Republic, but the regiment existed only on paper and was never realized. By then he already had a reputation as a scoundrel.  Count Totleben entered the Russian service during the Seven Years’ War (1757-1763). He distinguished himself at the Battle of Kunersdorf (1759) and was promoted to General. Totleben gained particular fame for his brief occupation of the Prussian capital Berlin in 1760. Shortly, the advance of Frederick the Great’s Prussian army forced him to retreat, however. In June 1761, he was accused of treachery and arrested in Pomerania. Sent in chains to St. Petersburg, he was sentenced to death via quartering, but Empress Catherine the Great pardoned him in 1763. Nevertheless, Totleben was deprived of all his titles and awards and sent into exile abroad (or to Siberia, according to one account).

Expedition to Georgia.

In 1768, with the outbreak of the war with the Ottoman Empire, he was summoned to active service again, this time in Transcaucasia, where, for the first time in the history of the Russo-Turkish wars, Catherine decided to stage a military diversion against the Ottomans' frontier provinces. Thus, Totleben became the first commander to have brought an organized Russian military force in Transcaucasia through the Daryal Pass. He was instructed to join his forces with King Heraclius II of Georgia who hoped to reconquer the Ottoman-held southern Georgian lands in conjunction with Russia. However, Totleben soon quarreled with the Georgian king and his commanders, whom he despised as "ignorant orientals" and demanded the exclusion of all Georgian officers from a combined army. Several Russian officers plotted against Totleben who, in his turn, accused Georgians of instigating all intrigues. The relations between the Russian commander and Heralcius were subjected to greater strain in April 1770, when the Russo-Georgian army marched against Akhaltsikhe, the Ottoman stronghold in Georgia. Totleben suddenly showed reluctance to engage in battle and abandoned the king on the battlefield. While the battle raged between the Georgians and Turks, Totleben marched to Tiflis and allied himself with a party of oppositionist Georgian nobles to stage a coup. However, Heraclius' victory over the Turks at the Battle of Aspindza made this plan unrealizable. The Russian government sent Captain Yazykov to investigate the affair, but Totleben had already crossed into Imereti, western Georgia, where he acted more energetically. Totleben dispossessed the Turks of the fortresses of Shorapani and Baghdati and helped King Solomon I of Imereti recover his capital Kutaisi on 6 August 1770. He then routed 25,000 Ottoman troops on his march to the Black Sea and laid siege to the fortress of Poti. However, Totleben again found himself in the center of intrigues between Solomon and his defiant vassal princes of Mingrelia and Guria who wanted to secure the Russian support against each other. The siege of Poti did not go well for the besiegers, and Totleben's relations with Solomon rapidly deteriorated. Totleben was recalled from Georgia in January 1771 and assigned to lead a division at Warsaw where he soon died. (For background, see Russian conquest of the Caucasus.)

Gottlob Curt Heinrich Graf von Tottleben, Herr auf Tottleben, Zeippau und Hausdorf im Saganschen (also "Tottleben", "Todtleben" "Todleben"; ) (21 December 1715 – 20 March 1773) was a Saxon-born Russian Empire general known for his adventurism and contradictory military career during the Seven Years' War and, then, the Russo-Turkish War (1768–74) as a commander of the first Russian expeditionary force in Georgia.

Gottlob Curt Heinrich von Tottleben (baron puis comte de Tottleben, parfois orthographié Todleben, Todtleben ou Totleben, en russe : Готтлоб Курт Генрих фон Тотлебен), né le à Tottleben près de Bad Tennstedt (Thuringe), mort le à Varsovie, aventurier et militaire russe d’origine saxonne.


History.

Taipei 101 and noodles.

The company was founded in 1958. In July 2009, it became the largest private shareholder in Taipei Financial Center Corporation, which owns Taipei 101.  The company is owned by the Wei family of Taiwan, and in 2009, was the largest maker of instant noodles in China.

Leaving certain industries (2014-2020).

The company in 2014 was run by four of the Wei brothers.  In 2014, the company announced it would no longer produce cooking oil after a tainted oil scandal. Several former executives were indicted later that year, including former chairman Wei Ying-chung. In 2014 not only did it suspend operations at Ting Hsin Oil and Fat, but also Cheng I Food Co Ltd. The company Wei Chuan, which was Taiwan's second-largest manufacturer of food then, face share value drops after the parent company apologized for food safety lapses. In 2014, Ting Hsin International Group said it would sell its Taipei Financial Center Corporation shares to raise cash for around $770 million. Over the next three years, the company had difficulty selling its TFCC holdings, with Blackstone Group talks not ending fruitfully, and the Taiwanese Ministry of Finance voting against a deal with a Malaysian investment company. Sometime around 2018 ITOCHU purchased 37% of Taipei Financial Center Corporation, which it spent USD$670 on. A new chairman, Jason Lee, was appointed in 2014. In August 2014, Ting Hsin acquired China Network Systems (CNS), a cable provider, from MBK Partners, Limited. To further stem losses in 2015, the company approved the sale of its Matsusei supermarket chain.  After the food safety scandal, the share of the Ting Hsin International Group subsidiary Wei Chuan, known for its milk brand, had went from holding 40 to 25 percent of the local milk market. The division said it was considering about increasing operations in China that year, in 2017. In 2017, it began building a new plant in China. After controversy concerning food dilution, on 3 January 2017, Ting Hsin announced that its board of directors had dissolved the company's affiliate manufacturer of instant noodles, Master Kong (Taiwan) Foods Co., Ltd. Master Kong was entirely dissolved, withdrawing from production in Taiwan. FamilyMart sued to end its partnership with Ting Hsin in 2019, which would end a 15-year joint venture. Ting Hsin International Group was the top seller of instant noodles in the world in 2017, with a 15% share of the market.

Food scandals and boycott.

Ting Hsin Oil and Fat in late 2013 was found to have purchased tainted food products from Chang Chi Foodstuff since 2007.  In November 2013, Wei Ying-chung (魏應充), former chairman of three subsidiaries of Ting Hsin International Group, was indicted on charges of fraud as part of an investigation into the 2013 Taiwan food scandal. Wei Ying-chung is the third of four Wei brothers controlling the Ting Hsin group.  On 9 October 2014, prosecutors launched an investigation into the 2014 Taiwan food scandal alleging a unit of Ting Hsin International Group over sale of tainted cooking oil. Prosecutor Tsai Lee-yee (蔡麗怡) said Ting Hsin unit Cheng-Yee Food Co. (正義股份有限公司) was investigated over allegedly mixing animal feed oil with cooking oil and then selling it for human consumption.  After the revelations, the Taiwan public boycotted Ting Hsin items, with a number of local governments, restaurants, traditional markets and schools refusing to consume the conglomerate's products. On 16 October 2014, Ting Hsin announced that it will leave Taiwan's oil market and donate NT$3 billion toward food safety under the supervision of Juantai Financial Group (潤泰集團) Chairman Yin Yen-liang ().  The Changhua District Court granted a request to detain Wei Ying-chung on 17 October. On 21 October, prosecutors said according to Ting Hsin's Vietnamese oil supplier Dai Hanh-Phuc 戴幸福, the majority of animal feed-grade oil imported by Ting Hsin may be used in the China market. In response, consumers in China called for a united boycott against Ting Hsin products.  In November 2014, Ting Hsin's products were tested for Agent Orange since an unnamed source told authorities that the oil Ting Hsin imported from Vietnam may contain traces of the herbicidal weapon.  In November 2015, six former managers of Ting Hsin International Group, including former executive Wei Ying-chung, were found not guilty. The verdict attracted immediate criticism from both the public and politicians. However, former Ting Hsin Oil and Fat Industrial Co. chairman Wei Ying-chung did begin a two-year prison term in July of 2017. After he was let off as not guilty in 2015, in 2018, Wei Ying-chun was "unexpectedly" sentenced to 15 years by a new court, the Taiwan High Court in Taichung.

Ting Hsin International Group () is a Taiwanese-owned corporate group established in 1958. It owns various food brands such as the instant noodle maker Master Kong, Wei-Chuan Food Corporation and Dicos.

Ting Hsin International est une entreprise agroalimentaire taiwanaise basée à Taipei spécialisée notamment les ramens. Elle est fondée en 1996. Elle est notamment connue pour ses marques Kang Shi Fu, Ting Yi et Master Kong. Elle est impliquée dans plusieurs scandales alimentaires et de corruptions.


Rankings.

Loyola College admits undergraduates and post-graduates and confers degrees in the commerce, sciences and liberal arts. The college is on a campus in the neighbourhood of Nungambakkam. The campus features tree-lined pathways, academic buildings, steepled Gothic church that dates back to 1930, and separate fields for each sport.

History.

The name Loyola comes from the ancestral castle where Íñigo López de Loyola was born in 1491, the last of a large Basque family. He along with St. Francis Xavier and companions founded the Society of Jesus (the Jesuit Order), a worldwide organization of religious men numbering about 19,000. Nearly 4,000 are working in the 18 provinces of India.  In Tamil Nadu there are 480 Jesuits working in schools, colleges, youth services, social work centres, parishes, mission outreach programmes, and in other forms of service and church ministry.  Loyola College was founded in 1925 by, along with other European Jesuits, the French Jesuit priest, Rev Fr Francis Bertram (originally a.k.a. Père François Bertrand; 1870/1871–1936), educated at the universities of Oxford, Cambridge, and the London School of Economics. The Department of Economics was founded by Rev Fr Basenach from the London School of Economics.

Academics.

The college offers courses at the undergraduate and postgraduate levels. The arts/humanities stream includes English, economics, commerce, history, Tamil and sociology. Science courses include physics, chemistry, botany, zoology and computer science. The college follows a credit-based, semester pattern. Undergraduate students must pass all examinations and obtain at least 120 credits in three years to be eligible for a degree. All students must also earn non-academic credits from extra-curricular and social service options. The Department of Outreach facilitates social work in the college. It is a degree requirement that every student irrespective of department complete the outreach program in second year, intended to form more complete human persons. The program takes students to slums and backward areas in and around Chennai to acquaint them with the sufferings of the people and to serve in small ways to better the living conditions. The program awards 3 credits.  Loyola College along with Women's Chritian college are the only colleges in the state capital Chennai with "A+" accreditation from NAAC. "India Today" magazine in 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008, and 2009 ranked Loyola number one in India for science degrees, and in 2007 in both science and humanities. The Department of Scientific and Industrial Research has recognised Loyola College as a Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation, the highest research honour for an Arts and Science College.  The college has been conferred a "College with Potential For Excellence" status by the University Grants Commission. It was given a 10 million grant (1 Crore) in 2006 by the UGC for continual improvement of facilities. The UGC has further certified it as a "College of Excellence" in the year 2014. The certification, for a period of five years until 2019, comes with a grant of Rs. 2 crore for the college to upgrade its facilities.  Loyola college is one of the colleges which was selected for Deen Dayal Upadhyay KAUSHAL Kendra, a remarkable scheme initiated and funded by the Government of India and the University Grants Commission. It hosts a variety of courses like B.Voc. 3D Animation, B.Voc. Digital Journalism, M.Voc. 3D Animation and M.Voc. Digital Journalism, all of which are designed to offer Job oriented training. It has both UG and PG level curriculum courses in the department.

Culturals.

Loyola College was a pioneer among colleges in South India in hosting cultural fests, and stands out among men's college in Chennai for fostering well-rounded development. Women were first admitted at the turn of the millennium, and they too are encouraged to participate in cultural activities. The College has been commended for its blend of cultures and for requiring all students to have weekly contact with the poor. Its cultural sensitivity also extends worldwide.  The large, Down Sterling inter-college carnival was terminated by college authorities in 1992 when things got out of hand. This historic carnival is memorialized in the friendship song "MUSTHAFA MUSTHAFA" from the movie "Kadhal Desam" (1996).  To somewhat fill the void the Loyola Student's Union organizes the inter-collegiate cultural event Ovations each September. The college also hosts an annual inter-collegiate dance competition called "Ignite" each February, where its dance team, Loyola Dream Team, excels; also featured are Western/acoustic music bands, and variety and mime teams.

Alumni.

Loyola college alumni also referred to as Loyolites have been contributors in various fields of law, politics, civil services, science, education, business, sports and entertainment.

Law and politics.

Heads of state and Heads of government.

Supreme Court Judges.

High Court Judges.

Governors.

Other political figures.

Civil servants.

Academics.

Educational institution founders and presidents.

Professors and scholars.

Business.

Film, theatre, and television.

Other.

Loyola College, Chennai is an autonomous Jesuit college of the University of Madras, Chennai, India. It consistently ranks among the top ten institutions in India for degree programmes in commerce, arts, natural sciences and social sciences.

Le est une institution jésuite d'enseignement supérieur sise à Chennai (Tamil Nadu, en Inde du Sud). Fondée par des missionnaires jésuites français en 1925 l'institution est affilié à l'université de Madras, tout en jouissant d'un large degré d'autonomie.


Professional.

Rildo was the last of Santos Golden Era players, which included Pelé, Pepe, Coutinho, Clodoaldo and many others. His career began in 1959 when he signed a youth contract with Botafogo. In 1961 he began his senior career with Botafogo. Two times winner in 1961 and 1962, and Brazilian Championship in 1963. In 1967, he transferred to Santos FC. Three time winner of Săo Paulo State Championship Captained the Team that won (1967, 1968, 1969). He won the World Club Championship with Santos in 1969. In 1977, he joined Pelé with the New York Cosmos of the North American Soccer League. At New York Cosmos he won the 1977 and 1978 Soccer Bowl Championship. From 1963 to 1970, he played for the Brazilian national team. In 1979, he played for the Southern California Lazers of the American Soccer League. He was selected as All League that season. In 1979, he played for the California Sunshine. On April 16, 1980, he signed with the Cleveland Cobras of the American Soccer League. After that, was head coach in California in several clubs and from 2014 until now, he is General Manager at Zamalek SC Academy, in Cairo, Egypt

National team.

Rildo earned 49 caps, scoring one goal, with the Brazilian national team from 1963 to 1969. He was a member of the Brazilian team at the 1966 FIFA World Cup where he scored his lone national team goal in a 3–1 loss to Portugal.

Coach.

In 1990, Rildo coached the California Emperors. In 1993, he coached the Los Angeles Salsa of the American Professional Soccer League. In October 1993, he resigned after the team lost the championship game. In 1995, he coached the San Fernando Valley Golden Eagles of the USISL.  Rildo is currently an assistant coach with the Marlborough High School soccer team where he oversees the junior varsity. Last season he assisted professional British Head Coach Gareth Pashley to their most successful season in the High School's history.

Rildo da Costa Menezes (born in Recife, January 23, 1942), also known as Rildo, is a former association footballer, one of the all-time best defender lateral for Santos F.C. with Dalmo and Geraldino.

Muyuka est une commune du Cameroun située dans la région du Sud-Ouest et le département du Fako. Son activité principale est la culture d'hévéa et la récolte de caoutchouc brut.


Background.

"Rose of My Heart" was Larson's second and final country album for MCA. It peaked at No. 40 on the "Billboard" Top Country Albums and remained on the chart for sixteen weeks. Three singles were released from the album. "Let Me Be the First" was released in February 1986 and reached No. 63 on "Billboard's" Hot Country Songs. "That's How You Know When Love's Right", a duet with Steve Wariner, was released in May and reached No. 9. It proved to be Larson's most successful entry on the Country Songs chart. In September, the final single, "That's More About Love (Than I Wanted to Know)", was released and reached No. 49.  In 2012, Raven Records gave the album its first CD release, as a double-album set with Larson's 1985 album "...Say When".

Critical reception.

Upon release, "Billboard" felt the album had a "few strays [to] keep this from being a total country album, but the songs that are country are wonderfully so". They felt some of the songs saw Larson "archive the musical purity and dramatic intensity of Emmylou Harris or Linda Ronstadt at their best". "Cash Box" considered the album to be "filled with strong material". They wrote: "Larson's voice suits the selections well and she does a fine job delivering."  In a retrospective review, Stephen Thomas Erlewine of AllMusic commented: "Larson's heart still seems to lie in California but that pull between mellow vibes and precision-tuned Nashville turns "Rose of My Heart" into a winning little record."

Rose of My Heart is the sixth studio album by American singer Nicolette Larson. It was produced by Emory Gordy Jr. and Tony Brown, and released by MCA Records in 1986.

Rose of My Heart est le sixième album studio de Nicolette Larson, sorti en 1986. L'album s'est classé au Top Country Albums.


Élection présidentielle srilankaise de 2015

Background.

According to the constitution, the normal term of office for a president is six years, although an incumbent serving a second term may call an election at any time after four years in office. In November 2009, buoyed by the government's defeat of the rebel Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in May 2009, incumbent Mahinda Rajapaksa called an early presidential election. In the elections held in January 2010 Rajapaksa secured a second term in office, defeating common opposition candidate Sarath Fonseka. In February 2010 the Supreme Court ruled that Rajapaksa's second term would begin in November 2010, and was accordingly sworn in on 19 November 2010.  In September 2010 Parliament, which was controlled by Rajapaksa's UPFA, passed the eighteenth amendment to the constitution, removing the two term limit on presidents, allowing Rajapaksa to run for a third term.  There was speculation in mid-2014 that Rajapaksa would call another early presidential election: on 20 October 2014 Minister of Mass Media and Information Keheliya Rambukwella confirmed that the election would be held in January 2015. Critics of Rajapaksa, including the Bar Association and former Chief Justice Sarath N. Silva, claimed that he could not stand for re-election as he had won his second term before the eighteenth amendment to the constitution had been passed. In early November 2014 Rajapaksa sought the Supreme Court's opinion on whether he could stand for re-election. The court ruled that Rajapaksa could stand for re-election. The independence of the Supreme Court has been questioned since the UPFA impeached former Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake, allowing Rajapaksa to appoint an ally and legal adviser, former Attorney General Mohan Peiris, as Chief Justice.  On 20 November 2014 Rajapaksa issued a proclamation calling for a presidential election at which he would seek re-election. The following day election commissioner Mahinda Deshapriya announced that nominations would be taken on 8 December 2014 and that the election would be held on 8 January 2015.  15,044,490 Sri Lankans were eligible to vote at the election. Postal voting was held on 23 and 24 December 2014. Foreign monitors were invited to observe the election but not from the United Nations.

Electoral system.

The Sri Lankan president is elected using a form of instant-runoff voting. Voters can rank up to three candidates, and if no candidate wins a majority in the first round of voting, second and third preferences from ballots whose first preference candidate has been eliminated are used to determine the winner. There are 12,314 polling stations in the 22 electoral districts.  The election had caused uncertainty over the planned visit of Pope Francis to Sri Lanka, due to take place from 13 to 15 January 2015. Prior to the election being called the Catholic Church in Sri Lanka had urged all sides not to politicise the papal visit. After the election had been called posters appeared showing the Pope blessing Rajapaksa. The Catholic church has condemned the posters and called for their removal.

Concurrent events.

In the last two weeks of December 2014 central, eastern and northern Sri Lanka were hit by the worst floods since 1956, resulting in several deaths and the displacement of over one million people. Some local election monitoring groups have expressed concern that the displaced may not be able to vote at the election. The Election Commissioner has however said that no candidate, their representative or lawyers had complained and that there was no reason to postpone the election.

Candidates.

Nineteen nominations were received from by the Elections Department on 8 December 2014, all of which were accepted. Seventeen candidates were from registered political parties and two were independents.

Mahinda Rajapaksa.

The incumbent Mahinda Rajapaksa will contest as the UPFA candidate, seeking an unprecedented third term. He has also received the backing of a number of small constituent parties of the UPFA including the Ceylon Workers' Congress, Communist Party, Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP), National Freedom Front, National Union of Workers and the Up-Country People's Front. On nomination day, 8 December 2014, two opposition MPs, Tissa Attanayake and Jayantha Ketagoda, defected to the government to support Rajapaksa. Attanayake was later appointed Minister of Health — the post previously held by Sirisena. Rajapaksa has also received the support of the Buddhist extremist Bodu Bala Sena.  However, the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) withdrew from UPFA government on 18 November 2014 citing Rajapaksa's refusal to reform the executive presidency and enact reforms to promote accountability. After much hesitation the All Ceylon Muslim Congress and Sri Lanka Muslim Congress also withdrew from the UPFA government, on 22 and 28 December 2014 respectively, blaming the government's failure to protect Sri Lankan Muslims from Sinhalese Buddhist extremists.  Rajapaksa released his manifesto, titled "Mahinda's Vision — The World Winning Path", on 23 December 2014 at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall. The manifesto pledges to introduce a new constitution within one year of being elected but the executive presidency won't be abolished — it will be amended and the "weakness" in the parliamentary system eliminated. A naval force and a special security force will be set up, with the help of the army, to tackle drug trafficking and other organised crime. The manifesto also pledges to establish a transparent, judicial inquiry into the alleged war crimes during the final stages of the Sri Lankan Civil War but Rajapaksa has refused to co-operate with UN investigation.

Maithripala Sirisena.

In the run up to the election being called several names had been suggested for nomination as the common opposition candidate: former president Chandrika Kumaratunga, UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, UNP Leadership Council Chairman Karu Jayasuriya, former Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake and leader of the National Movement for Social Justice Maduluwawe Sobitha Thero. However, on 21 November 2014, after the election had been called, Maithripala Sirisena, was revealed as the common opposition candidate by the UNP. Sirisena had been Minister of Health in Rajapaksa's government and general secretary of the SLFP before defecting to the opposition coalition. Sirisena immediately received the support of former president Chandrika Kumaratunga and several UPFA MPs that had defected alongside him (Duminda Dissanayake, M. K. D. S. Gunawardena, Wasantha Senanayake, Rajitha Senaratne, Rajiva Wijesinha). Sirisena and the other UPFA MPs were stripped of their ministerial positions and expelled from the SLFP. On 30 November minister Navin Dissanayake resigned from the UPFA government and defected to the opposition to support Sirisena. Two deputy ministers, Palani Digambaran and Velusami Radhakrishnan, resigned from the UPFA government on 10 December 2014 to support Sirisena. Two other deputy ministers, Faiszer Musthapha and Nandimithra Ekanayake, resigned from the UPFA government, on 31 December 2014 and 1 January 2015 respectively, to support Sirisena. Sirisena received the support of UPFA MP Achala Jagodage on 2 January 2015.  Sirisena has pledged to abolish the executive presidency within 100 days of being elected, repeal the controversial eighteenth amendment, re-instate the seventeenth amendment and appoint UNP leader Ranil Wickremasinghe as Prime Minister. On 1 December 2014 Sirisena signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with 36 opposition parties/civic groups promising to abolish the executive presidency, hold parliamentary elections, form an all-party national government and carry out various political reforms. Signatories to the MOU include the UNP, Sarath Fonseka's Democratic Party, Democratic People's Front, Azath Salley's Muslim Tamil National Alliance, Free Media Movement, Federation of University Teachers Association as well as dissident groups of the LSSP and Communist Party. The following day the JHU announced that it was supporting Sirisena in the presidential election. On 30 December 2014 the Tamil National Alliance, the largest political party representing the Sri Lankan Tamil people, endorsed Sirisena.  Sirisena is to contest as the New Democratic Front (NDF) candidate under its swan symbol. Common opposition candidate Sarath Fonseka contested the 2010 presidential election as a NDF candidate under its swan symbol.  Sirisena released his manifesto, titled "A Compassionate Maithri Governance — A Stable Country", on 19 December 2014 at a rally at Viharamahadevi Park. The main pledge in the manifesto is the replacement of the executive presidency with a Westminster style cabinet but the manifesto acknowledges that Sirisena would need the support of the parliament to amend the constitution. The manifesto also makes a commitment to replace the open list proportional representation system with a mixture of first-past-the-post and PR for electing MPs. Parliamentary elections will be held in April 2015 after the constitution has been amended. Independent commissions will be established to oversee the judiciary, police, elections department, Auditor-General's Department and Attorney-General's Department. The Commission on Bribery and Corruption will be strengthened and political diplomatic appointments annulled. Populist measures in the manifesto include a commitment to write-off 50% of farmers' loans, reduce fuel prices by removing taxes and a salary increase of Rs.10,000 for public servants. Public spending on health would increase from 1.8% of GDP to 3% of GDP whilst that on education would increase from 1.7% of GDP to 6% of GDP. The manifesto also states that the casino licences granted to Kerry Packer's Crown Resort and John Keells Holdings's Water Front will be cancelled. Political victims during Rajapaks's rule, including Sarath Fonseka and Shirani Bandaranayake, would be re-appointed.  In a separate document Sirisena has pledged that, whilst resisting any international investigation, he would establish an independent domestic inquiry into the alleged war crimes during the final stages of the Sri Lankan Civil War.

Minor candidates.

The remaining seventeen candidates are from minor political parties or independents.  Some of the minor candidates are "dummy candidates" who have been fielded by the two main candidates so that they may obtain maximum benefits of being a candidate, such as free slots on state television, two agents at every polling booth and assigning counting agents.

Conduct.

This election, like past Sri Lankan elections, has been characterised by violence, misuse of state resources and other violations of election laws. Local election monitoring groups described the violations as shameless and condemned the police for their inaction. The government accused some local election monitoring groups of being biased in favour of the opposition candidate and of being funded by foreign countries. The International Crisis Group warned that the tighter the election, the more violent it would be and should Rajapaksa lose he may use the military or the "politically-compliant" Supreme Court to retain power. However, Rajapaksa stated that, although he expected not to lose, he would hand over power peacefully should he do so. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon called on the Sri Lankan government to ensure "the peaceful and credible conduct" of the election. Commonwealth Secretary-General Kamalesh Sharma called for "transparency, a level playing field, and adherence to the laws and norms that govern a credible and peaceful election". The European Union's heads of mission in Colombo issued a joint statement on 2 January 2015 calling for a "peaceful, credible and transparent" election.  By 31 December 2014 the Campaign for Free and Fair Elections (CaFFE) had recorded 1,007 incidents of election law violations of which 105 related to violence, including 19 incidents involving firearms. CaFFE has accused the police of allowing government supporters to attack the opposition. The People's Action for Free and Fair Elections (PAFFREL) recorded 730 cases of violations by 3 January 2015 including 197 incidents of violence. The Center for Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV) had recorded 420 incidents between 20 November 2014 and 5 January 2015. The police had received 214 complaints up to 2 January 2015 and arrested 92 people who were all subsequently released on bail.  According to analysts and opposition parties Rajapaksa was using the Sri Lankan military to depress opposition turnout, particularly amongst the Tamils in the north and east of the country. On 4 January 2015 international election monitors reported that they had received complaints of voter intimidation and that the army had set up 400 roadblocks to prevent Tamils from voting.  After voting had finished election commissioner Mahinda Deshapriya declared the poll to be "peaceful" and the election to be "free and fair". However, according to CMEV some voters in the north were prevented from voting.

Election monitors.

104 election monitors from the South Asian Election Monitoring Forum, South Asian Election Monitoring Association, Asian Election Monitoring Network and the Commonwealth arrived in Sri Lanka on 27 December 2014. Monitors from the European Election Monitoring Association are also expected to be called upon. The Election Commissioner offered six election monitoring groups the opportunity to monitor the count at only 300 of the 1,200 counting centres.  After polling Commonwealth observers said the election was not fully democratic because of the inadequate electoral and legal framework and the unequal pre-electoral environment.

Violence.

A Buddhist vihara in Borella belonging to JHU MP Athuraliye Rathana Thero was attacked on 20 November 2014, two days after the JHU left the UPFA government. On the evening of 21 November 2014 UNP member Chamila Ranasinghe was shot at Maggona in Payagala as UNP supporters celebrated the crossover of UPFA MPs to the opposition. The houses of two UNP supporters from Madampe, Milton and Sudeh Priyankara, were shot at on the night of 22/23 November 2014. The office of UNP MP M. H. A. Haleem in Mawilmada was shot at in the early hours of 25 November 2014. A rice truck belonging Sirisena's brother Dudley Sirisena and its crew were attacked in Marandagahamula on 29 November 2014. A group of UNP supporters were attacked by UPFA supporters in Gelioya on the night of 30 November 2014. UPFA local councillor Shiron Fernando, who had defected to the opposition to support Sirisena, was attacked at his home in Bolewatte near Wennappuwa.  On the morning of 17 December 2014 a stage that Sirisena had been intending to use for a rally at Wanduramba near Galle was set on fire along with a vehicle by an unidentified group, and three workers installing the stage were abducted. Three suspects were arrested but were then taken from police custody by Deputy Minister Nishantha Muthuhettigama. Despite an arrest warrant being issued for his arrest, Muthuhettigama left Sri Lanka for Singapore on 26 December 2014. He was arrested on 28 December 2014 after returning to Sri Lanka but was released the following day.  The UNP's headquarters Sirikotha was attacked on 24 December 2014 by members of the Patriotic National Front and the Federation of National Organizers (FNO) resulting in over 30 injuries on both sides. The FNO is believed to be an affiliate of the National Freedom Front, a member of the UPFA government. On 20 December 2014 UPFA supporters tried to sabotage an opposition rally in Haputale before attacking UNP supporters resulting in five injuries. A group of opposition activists were attacked on 21 December 2014 at the bus halt in Hambantota by government supporters led by Hambantota mayor Eraj Ravindra Fernando. Fernando was arrested the following day but released on bail on 24 December 2014. On the night of 23/24 December 2014 an unidentified group fired shots at the stage that Sirisena had been intending to use for a rally at Kolonnawa. Sirisena's election office in Batticaloa was attacked on the morning of 24 December 2014 by a group of around 30 unidentified people armed with firearms and petrol bombs.  The house in Beruwala that former president Chandrika Kumaratunga and provincial councillor Hirunika Premachandra, who had defected to support Sirisena, were dining in was stoned by UPFA supporters on 26 December 2014. Later that night clashes broke in Beruwala out between UPFA and UNP supporters resulting in the Special Task Force being deployed in the town the following day. Sirisena's election office in Irrakandi was attacked on the night of 27/28 December 2014. On the night of 28 December 2014 Sirisena supporters were attacked following a rally at Nidangala near Mahiyangana, resulting in three injuries. A group of artists distributing leaflets for the Sirisena in Kumbukgate near Kurunegala were attacked by UPFA supporters on 29 December 2014 as police officers looked on. On 30 December 2014 clashes broke in Polonnaruwa between two groups Buddhist monks, one supporting Rajapaksa and the other Sirisena, during which an election monitor was attacked and threatened by supporters of Deputy Minister Siripala Gamalath.  An opposition rally on 2 January 2015 in Pelmadulla was stoned by government supporters, seriously injuring at least 20, whilst Sirisena was addressing the rally. Unidentified individuals fired shots at the house of UPFA provincial councillor Lakshman Wendaruwa, who had earlier pledged support for Sirisena, on the night of 2 January 2015, injuring a security guard. As Sirisena was leaving a rally at Aralaganwila on 3 January 2015 a group of government supporters arrived in a jeep and fired shots at the rally, injuring a bystander and damaging vehicles.  On 5 January 2015 three people setting up a stage for a Sirisena rally in Kahawatta were injured when unidentified people fired shots at them. Arrest warrants were issued for three UPFA politicians, including deputy minister Premalal Jayasekara, in connection with the shooting. One of the victims, Shantha Dodamgoda, succumbed to injuries and died on 7 January 2015.  On election day, 8 January 2015, explosions were reported at three locations — Navaladi junction near Alvai, Nelukkulam Kalaimagal Maha Vidyalayam near Vavuniya and Beruwala. Two women were assaulted by UPFA supporters, including deputy minister Sarana Gunawardena, in Yatiyana.

Media abuse.

On 22 November 2014, PEO TV internet protocol television network (IPTV) and Dialog TV satellite television network had reportedly blocked the Sirasa TV from broadcasting the "Satana" programme which interviewed the common opposition candidate Sirisena and several other members of opposition. Tisara Samal Somaratne, a journalist for Hiru TV and "Ada" newspaper, was attacked by UPFA supporters in Eppawala on 5 December 2014 and later threatened by UPFA supporters whilst receiving hospital treatment.  The 30 November 2014 edition of the "Ravaya" newspaper contained a story claiming that the State Intelligence Service had carried out a survey which showed that the opposition candidate would win the election by 59% to 41%. The editor of the paper K. W. Janaranjana was later interrogated about the story by the Criminal Investigation Department. According to "Ravaya", newspaper distributors had been threatened not to sell the paper.  On nomination day, 8 December 2014, all English and Sinhala language newspapers in the country carried a front-page promotion of Rajapaksa's war victory whilst Tamil language newspapers carried an advertisement showing Rajapaksa re-opening the railway line to Jaffna. All TV stations in Sri Lanka had planned to broadcast "Janapathi Janahamuwa", a programme featuring Rajapaksa, on the evening of 5 January 2015, the last legal day of campaigning, which would have prevented other candidates from having access TV. However, on 5 January 2015 the district court in Kaduwela issued an enjoining order barring the stations from broadcasting the programme.  Naushad Amith, a journalist working for Wijeya Newspapers, was assaulted by government supporters in Maligawatta on 6 January 2015 as police officers stood by.

Misuse of state resources.

Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL) has documented incidents of state employees, including those from Road Development Authority and the Sri Lanka Civil Security Force, carrying out election propaganda work for the Rajapaksa campaign. TISL has also alleged that over 1,000 buses belonging to the state-owned Sri Lanka Transport Board had been used to transport people long distances to attend Rajapaksa rallies. TISL has complained to the Election Commissioner regarding state-owned TV stations (Rupavahini and Independent Television Network (ITN)) carrying live broadcasts of Rajapaksa rallies — a violation of election laws. The Election Commissioner has asked the state broadcasters not to broadcast programmes supporting Rajapaksa. According to TISL government officials were distributing free mobile phones on behalf of the Rajapaksa campaign.  The UNP has alleged that employees of the state-owned Sri Lanka Ports Authority are being used for election propaganda work for the Rajapaksa campaign. The Jathika Sevaka Sangamaya (a pro-UNP trade union) has alleged that more than 1,000 employees of Colombo Port have been transferred to carry out election work for the Rajapaksa campaign.  Government employees have been photographed by "The Sunday Times" putting up Rajapaksa posters on the Southern Expressway. The newspaper has also reported that several senior diplomats had been recalled to Sri Lanka to work on Rajapaksa's campaign. CaFFE has claimed that 44 prisoners from Galle Prison were used to erect the stage for a Rajapaksa rally at Kamburupitiya on 14 December 2014. CaFFE has also alleged that senior government officials are openly campaigning for Rajapaksa. Rajapaksa's manifesto launch on 23 December 2014 was broadcast live on the state-owned Rupavahini TV station. The opposition has alleged that the army is campaigning for Rajapaksa, a charge the army has denied. The army was found to have used state money to post Rajapaksa campaign propaganda to hundreds of thousands of soldiers and their families.  The Sri Lankan government has denied that state resources are being used on the Rajapaksa campaign.

Results.

Sirsena was declared the winner after receiving 51.28% of all votes cast compared to Rajapaksa's 47.58%. However, approximately 58% of Sinhalese voted for Rajapaksa while 84% of minority voters chose Sirisena. Turnout was 81.52%, the highest for a Sri Lankan presidential election and significantly more than the 2010 presidential election. Sirsena was the winner in 12 electoral districts whilst Rajapaksa was victorious in the remaining 10.  Rajapaksa had earlier conceded defeat after meeting Wickremesinghe and assuring him of a smooth transition of power. Rajapaksa then left his official residence Temple Trees. He also vacated President's House.  Sirisena was sworn in as Sri Lanka's sixth executive president before Supreme Court judge K. Sripavan in Independence Square, Colombo at 6.20pm on 9 January 2015. It is custom for the president to be sworn in before the chief justice but Sirisena had refused to be sworn in before Chief Justice Peiris who had been appointed by Rajapaksa after the controversial impeachment of the previous chief justice. Immediately afterwards, Wickremesinghe was sworn in as Sri Lanka's new prime minister before Sirisena. After being sworn in Sirisena stated that he would only serve one term.

Aftermath.

Attempted coup.

According to Mangala Samaraweera and Rajitha Senaratne, senior figures in the Sirisena campaign, Rajapaksa attempted to stage a coup in order to stay in power when it became clear he was going to lose the election. They allege that Rajapaksa and his brother Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, the Defence Secretary, summoned Commander of the Army Daya Ratnayake, Inspector General of Police N. K. Illangakoon and Attorney General Yuwanjana Wanasundera to Temple Trees at around 1am on 9 January 2015. Rajapaksa allegedly pressured the three officials to deploy troops, annul the election results and declare a state of emergency but they refused. According to the "Colombo Telegraph" Rajapaksa also wanted to dissolve parliament. It was only then Rajapaksa decided to concede defeat and summoned Wickremesinghe to assure him of a smooth transition of power.  A spokesman for Rajapaksa has denied the allegations as baseless. The army and police have also denied the allegations. The new government is to investigate the alleged coup attempt.

Departures and resignations.

Central Bank governor Ajith Nivard Cabraal who had openly campaigned for Rajapaksa, resigned from his position on 9 January 2015. Minister of Foreign Employment Dilan Perera also resigned. The controversial Treasury Secretary P.B. Jayasundera fled to Singapore on election day. He was replaced by Arjuna Mahendran. B.M.U.D. Basnayake was appointed Defence Secretary, replacing Rajapaksa's brother Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. Lanka Hospitals Corporation, whose biggest shareholder is the state-owned Sri Lanka Insurance Corporation, announced on 9 January 2015 that its chairman (Gotabhaya Rajapaksa) and vice chair person (Roshini Cabraal, wife of Ajith Nivard Cabraal) had resigned.  Basil Rajapaksa, Minister of Economic Development and another brother of Mahinda Rajapaksa, and his wife left Sri Lanka for the USA on 11 January 2015. Basil Rajapaksa holds US-Sri Lankan dual citizenship. Senior diplomats who had returned to Sri Lanka to support the Rajapaksa election campaign left the country on the same day. Two of aides of Sarath Fonseka, Major General Mahesh Senanayake and Brigadier Duminda Keppetiwalana, who had fled Sri Lanka after the 2010 presidential election, returned to Sri Lanka on 10 January 2015.  Rajpal Abeynayake and Dinesh Weerawansa, editors of the state-owned "Daily News" and "Sunday Observer" newspapers which had run a venomous campaign against Sirisena in the run up to the election, failed to show up for work on 9 January 2015 and had vanished. After Sirisena's victory the "Daily News" made an abrupt u-turn, praising Sirisena and criticising Rajapaksa. Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation chairman Hudson Samarasinghe and Deputy General Manager of ITN Sudharman Radaliyagoda had fled the country according to the "Colombo Telegraph". Somaratne Dissanayake, who had worked for the Rajapaksa regime before defecting to support Sirisena, was appointed chairman of the state-owned Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation.  The new administration has said that a special unit will be established to investigate large scale corruption during the Rajapaksa regime.  On 10 January 2015 minister Nimal Siripala de Silva announced that the UPFA would support Sirisena's 100-day programme unconditionally. Addressing the nation from Temple of the Tooth the following day, Sirisena invited all political parties to join to form a national unity government. Shortly afterwards a group of 21 SLFP MPs pledged their support for Sirisena. According to Sirisena's team has enough support in parliament to secure a majority.

Alleged role of RAW.

It was alleged by the Sri Lankan newspaper The Sunday Times, that Indian spy agency Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) had a played in role in uniting the opposition, to bring about the defeat of Mahinda Rajapaksa. There had been growing concern in the Indian government, on the increasing influence of economic and military rival China in Sri Lankan affairs. Rajapaksa further upped the ante by allowing 2 Chinese submarines to dock in 2014, without informing India, in spite of a stand still agreement to this effect between India and Sri Lanka. The growing Chinese tilt of Rajapaksa was viewed by India with unease. Further, it was alleged, that a RAW agent, helped co-ordination of talks within the opposition, and convincing former PM Ranil Wickremesinghe not to stand against Rajapaksa, but to choose a common opposition candidate, who had better chances of winning. The agent is also alleged to have been in touch with Chandrika Kumaratunga, who played a key role in convincing Maithripala Sirisena to be the common candidate. Further, it was alleged, that the Rajapaksa government had expelled the involved RAW agent in the run-up to presidential election.  However these allegations were denied by the Indian Government and the new Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera.

Presidential elections were held in Sri Lanka on 8 January 2015, two years ahead of schedule. The incumbent President Mahinda Rajapaksa was the United People's Freedom Alliance's candidate, seeking a third term in office. The United National Party (UNP)-led opposition coalition chose to field Maithripala Sirisena, the former Minister of Health in Rajapaksa's government and general secretary of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) – the main constituent party of the UPFA – as its common candidate.

L'élection présidentielle sri-lankaise de 2015 a lieu le afin d'élire le président du Sri Lanka. Elle a été annoncée le à la demande du président Mahinda Rajapakse. L'organisation des élections est anticipée avant l'expiration normale du mandat de six ans. Maithripala Sirisena est élu président.


The Taking of Pelham One Two Three (novel)

Plot.

A normal day on the subway is disrupted by the hijacking of a 6 train, designated Pelham One Two Three to indicate its point and time of origin. Four men armed with submachine guns detach the lead car and drive it into a tunnel with its 17 passengers as hostages. The hijackers are led by Ryder, a former mercenary, and consist of disgruntled former motorman Longman, violent ex-Mafia thug Joey Welcome, and powerful, laconic brute Steever. The gang threaten to execute one hostage per minute unless the city delivers to them a one million dollar ransom within one hour. One of the hostages is an armed undercover police officer, who considers the odds too overwhelming to attempt any confrontation and remains seated and quiet.  While the city authorities weigh it up and agree to pay, the transit police try to figure out the hijackers' plan, particularly their escape from a tunnel while completely surrounded. They do not suspect that the hijackers have a mechanism, "The Gimmick", for defeating the train's dead-man's switch, which prevents the train from running without a driver's hand pressing down on it. The hijackers intend to let the train and its hostages speed along the track by itself, chased by the police above surface, while they get away. They will discard their weapons and escape through an emergency exit, disappearing into the busy flow of New York pedestrians.  The ransom is delivered to the hijackers, who then demand that the track ahead is cleared all the way to South Ferry. They move the train a short distance down the tunnel, fit The Gimmick, get off the train, and engage The Gimmick to hold down the dead-man's switch. Once the train is underway the gang makes their way to an emergency exit and the undercover police officer jumps off into the tunnel.  At the emergency exit, Welcome refuses to leave his submachine gun behind and argues with Ryder. Ryder fatally shoots him, but the delay allows the undercover cop to shoot Steever from the darkness of the tunnel. Longman escapes while Ryder fires back and wounds the cop. As Ryder goes to finish him off with a head shot, he is himself shot dead by DCI Daniels of the Special Operations Division. Later, the transit police go through their records of dismissed motormen and track down and arrest Longman.

Adaptations.

The novel has been adapted to film and television on three times:

Aftermath.

After the 1974 movie adaptation was released, for many years the New York City Transit Authority barred its planners from scheduling trains leaving Pelham station at 1:23 AM or PM, realizing that it would become too much of a reminder to the public. Eventually this policy was rescinded, but due to the superstitions involved, dispatchers have continued to avoid scheduling a Manhattan-bound train to leave Pelham at 1:23.

The Taking of Pelham One Two Three (1973) is a thriller novel by Morton Freedgood, writing under the pen name John Godey. The novel's title is derived from the train's radio call sign. When a New York City Subway train leaves to start a run, it is given a call sign based upon the time it left and where; in this case, Pelham Bay Park station at 1:23 p.m.

Les Pirates du métro (titre original : "") est un thriller américain de John Godey paru en 1973. La traduction française paraît en 1973 chez Flammarion sous le titre "Arrêt prolongé sous Park Avenue", puis est rééditée en 1975 chez J'ai lu sous le titre "Les Pirates du métro".