Background.

The underlying causes of the revolt were the policies of the Umayyad governors in Kairouan, Ifriqiya, who had authority over the Maghreb (all of North Africa west of Egypt) and al-Andalus.  From the early days of the Muslim conquest of North Africa, Arab commanders had treated non-Arab (notably Berber) auxiliaries inconsistently, and often rather shabbily. When they arrived in North Africa the Umayyads had to face a Christian-majority population in Africa Proconsularis (which became Ifriqiya, modern-day Tunisia) and pagans in the Maghreb al-Aqsa (now Morocco) with Jewish minorities. Some Berbers of the Maghreb quickly converted and participated in the growth of Islam in the region, but the Arab authorities continued to treat them as second-class people.  Although Berbers had undertaken much of the fighting in the Umayyad conquest of Hispania, they were given a lesser share of the spoils and frequently assigned to the harsher duties (e.g. Berbers were thrown into the vanguard while Arab forces were kept in the back; they were assigned garrison duty on the more troubled frontiers). Although the Ifriqiyan Arab governor Musa ibn Nusair had cultivated his Berber lieutenants (most famously, Tariq ibn Ziyad), his successors, notably Yazid ibn Abi Muslim, had treated their Berber forces particularly poorly.  Most grievously, Arab governors continued to levy extraordinary "dhimmi" taxation (the "jizyah" and "kharaj") and slave-tributes on non-Arab populations that had converted to Islam, in direct contravention of Islamic law. This had become particularly routine during the caliphates of Walid I and Sulayman.  In 718, the Umayyad caliph Umar II finally forbade the levying of extraordinary taxation and slave tributes from non-Arab Muslims, defusing much of the tension. But expensive military reverses in the 720s and 730s had forced caliphal authorities to look for innovative ways to replenish their treasuries. During the caliphate of Hisham from 724, the prohibitions were sidestepped with reinterpretations (e.g. tying the "kharaj" land tax to the land rather than the owner, so that lands that were at any point subject to the "kharaj" remained under "kharaj" even if currently owned by a Muslim).  As a result, resentful Berbers grew receptive to radical Kharijite activists from the east (notably of Sufrite and later Ibadite persuasion) which had begun arriving in the Maghreb in the 720s. The Kharijites preached a puritan form of Islam, promising a new political order, where all Muslims would be equal, irrespective of ethnicity or tribal status, and Islamic law would be strictly adhered to. The appeal of the Kharijite message to Berber ears allowed their activists to gradually penetrate Berber regiments and population centers. Sporadic mutinies by Berber garrisons (e.g. under Munnus in Cerdanya, Spain, in 729-31) were put down with difficulty. One Ifriqiyan governor, Yazid ibn Abi Muslim, who openly resumed the "jizya" and humiliated his Berber guard by branding their hands, was assassinated in 721.  In 734, Ubayd Allah ibn al-Habhab was appointed Umayyad governor in Kairouan, with supervisory authority over all the Maghreb and al-Andalus. Coming in after a period of mismanagement, Ubayd Allah soon set about expanding the fiscal resources of the government by leaning heavily on the non-Arab populations, resuming the extraordinary taxation and slave-tribute without apologies. His deputies Oqba ibn al-Hajjaj al-Saluli in Córdoba (Al-Andalus) and Omar ibn el-Moradi in Tangier (Maghreb) were given similar instructions. The failure of expensive expeditions into Gaul during the period 732-737, repulsed by the Franks under Charles Martel, only increased the tax burden. The parallel failure of the caliphal armies in the east brought no fiscal relief from Damascus.

The Revolt.

Revolt in the Maghreb.

The zeal of the Umayyad tax-collectors finally broke Berber patience. It is reported that following Ubayd Allah ibn al-Habhab's instructions to extract more revenues from the Berbers, Omar ibn al-Moradi, his deputy governor in Tangiers, decided to declare the Berbers in his jurisdiction a "conquered people" and consequently set about seizing Berber property and enslaving persons, as per the rules of conquest, the "caliphal fifth" was still owed to the Umayyad state (alternative accounts report he simply doubled their tribute).  This was the last straw. Inspired by the Sufrite preachers, the North African Berber tribes of western Morocco – initially, the Ghomara, Berghwata and Miknasa – decided to break openly into revolt against their Arab overlords. As their leader, they chose Maysara al-Matghari, alleged by some Arab chroniclers to be a lowly water-carrier (but more probably a high Matghara Berber chieftain).  The only question was timing. The opportunity arose sometime in late 739 or early 740 (122 AH), when the powerful Ifriqiyan general Habib ibn Abi Obeida al-Fihri, who had recently been imposing his authority on the Sous valley of southern Morocco, received instructions from the Kairouan governor Ubayd Allah to lead a large expedition across the sea against Byzantine Sicily. Gathering his forces, Habib ibn Abi Obeida marched the bulk of the Ifriqiyan army out of Morocco.  As soon as the mighty Habib was safely gone, Maysara assembled his coalition of Berber armies, heads shaven in the Sufri Kharijite fashion and with Qura'nic inscriptures tied to their lances and spears, and brought them bearing down on Tangiers. The city soon fell into rebel hands and the hated governor Omar al-Moradi was killed. It was at this point that Maysara is said to have taken up the title and pretences of "amir al-mu'minin" ("Commander of the Faithful", or "Caliph"). Leaving a Berber garrison in Tangier under the command of Christian convert, Abd al-Allah al-Hodeij al-Ifriqi, Maysara's army proceeded to sweep down western Morocco, swelling its ranks with new adherents, overwhelming Umayyad garrisons clear from the Straits down to the Sous. One of the local governors killed by the Berbers was Ismail ibn Ubayd Allah, the very son of the Kairouan emir.  The Berber revolt surprised the Umayyad governor in Kairouan, Ubayd Allah ibn al-Habhab, who had very few troops at his disposal. He immediately dispatched messengers to his general Habib ibn Abi Obeida al-Fihri in Sicily instructing him to break off the expedition and urgently ship the Ifriqiyan army back to Africa. In the meantime, Ubayd Allah assembled a cavalry-heavy column, composed of the aristocratic Arab elite of Kairouan. He placed the nobles under the command of Khalid ibn Abi Habib al-Fihri, and dispatched it to Tangiers, to keep the Berber rebels contained, while awaiting Habib's return from Sicily. A smaller reserve army was placed under Abd al-Rahman ibn al-Mughira al-Abdari and instructed to hold Tlemcen, in case the Berber rebel army should break through the column and try to drive towards Kairouan.  Maysara's Berber forces encountered the vanguard Ifrqiyan column of Khalid ibn Abi Habib somewhere in the outskirts of Tangiers After a brief skirmish with the Arab column, Maysara abruptly ordered the Berber armies to fall back to Tangier. The Arab cavalry commander Khalid ibn Abi Habiba did not give pursuit, but just held his line south of Tangier, blockading the Berber-held city, while awaiting the reinforcements from Habib's Sicilian expedition. In this breathing space, the Berber rebels got reorganized and undertook an internal coup. The Berber tribal leaders swiftly deposed (and executed) Maysara and elected the Zenata Berber chieftain, Khalid ibn Hamid al-Zanati as the new Berber "caliph". The reasons for Maysara's fall remain obscure. Possibly the sudden cowardice shown before the Arab cavalry column proved him military unfit, possibly because the puritan Sufrite preachers found a flaw in the piety of his character, or maybe simply because the Zenata tribal chieftains, being closer to the Ifriqiyan frontline, felt they should be the ones leading the rebellion.  The new Berber leader Khalid ibn Hamid al-Zanati opted to immediately attack the idling Ifriqiyan column before they could be reinforced. The Berber rebels under Khalid ibn Hamid overwhelmed and annihilated the Arab cavalry of Khalid ibn Abi Habiba in an encounter known as the Battle of the Nobles, on account of the veritable massacre of the cream of the Ifriqiyan Arab nobility. This is tentatively dated around c. October–November, 740.  The immediate Arab reaction to the disaster shows just how unexpected this reversal was. Upon the first news of the defeat of the nobles, the reserve army of Ibn al-Mughira in Tlemcen fell into a panic. Seeing Sufrite preachers everywhere in the city, the Umayyad commander ordered his nervous Arab troops to conduct a series of round-ups in Tlemcen, several of which ended in indiscriminate massacres. This provoked a massive popular uprising in the hitherto-quiet city. The city's largely Berber population quickly drove out the Umayyad troops. The frontline of the Berber revolt now leaped to the middle Maghreb (Algeria).  The Sicilian expeditionary army of Habib ibn Abi Obeida arrived too late to prevent the massacre of the nobles. Realizing they were in no position to take on the Berber army by themselves, they retreated to Tlemcen, to gather the reserves, only to find that city too was now in disarray. There, Habib encountered Musa ibn Abi Khalid, an Umayyad captain who had bravely stayed behind in the vicinity of Tlemcen gathering what loyal forces he could find. The state of panic and confusion was such that Habib ibn Abi Obeida decided to blame the guiltless captain for the entire mess and cut off one of his hands and one of his legs in punishment.  Habib ibn Abi Obeida entrenched what remained of the Ifriqiyan army in the vicinity of Tlemcen (perhaps as far back as Tahert), and called upon Kairouan for reinforcements. The request was forwarded to Damascus.  Caliph Hisham, hearing the shocking news, is said to have exclaimed: "By God, I will most certainly rage against them with an Arab rage, and I will send against them an army whose beginning is where they are and whose end is where I am!"

Coup in al-Andalus.

It is sometimes reported that the Andalusian governor Uqba ibn al-Hajjaj dispatched an Andalusian army across the straits to support the Ifriqiyan column around Tangiers, only to be similarly defeated by the Berber rebels in late 740. But this story has been discounted by modern historians, as it is sourced principally from later al-Andalus chronicles; there is nothing in contemporary accounts referencing any such expedition.  Nonetheless, the news of the Berber victory in Morocco echoed through al-Andalus. Berbers heavily outnumbered Arabs in al-Andalus. Fearing the Berber garrisons in their own lands might take inspiration from their Moroccan brethren, the Andalusian Arab elite quickly deposed Obeid Allah's deputy, Uqba ibn al-Hajjaj, in January 741 and reinstated his predecessor, Abd al-Malik ibn Katan al-Fihri, a more popular figure among local Arabs and Berbers alike.

The Syrian Expedition.

In February, 741, the Umayyad Caliph Hisham appointed Kulthum ibn Iyad al-Qasi to replace the disgraced Obeid Allah as governor in Ifriqiya. Kulthum was to be accompanied by a fresh Arab army of 30,000 – 27,000 raised from the regiments ("junds") of Syria and an additional 3,000 to be picked up in Egypt. Caliph Hisham appointed Kulthum's nephew Balj ibn Bishr al-Qushayri as his lieutenant and designated successor, and the Jordanian commander Thalaba ibn Salama al-Amili as his second successor (should tragedy befall the prior two).  The elite Syrian cavalry under Balj ibn Bishr, which had moved ahead of the bulk of the forces, was the first to arrive in Kairouan in the Summer of 741. Their brief stay was not a happy one. The Syrians arrived in haughty spirits and quarreled with the Kairouan city authorities, who suspicious, had given them a rather cool reception. Interpreting it as ingratitude, the Syrian barons imposed themselves on the city, billeting troops and requisitioning supplies without regard to local authorities or priorities.  Moving slower with the bulk of the forces, Kulthum ibn Iyad himself did not enter Kairouan, but merely dispatched a message assigning the government of the city to Abd al-Rahman ibn Oqba al-Ghaffari, the "qadi" of Ifriqiya. Collecting the Syrian vanguard, Kulthum hurried along to make junction with the remaining Ifriqiyan forces (some 40,000) of Habib ibn Abi Obeida al-Fihri holding ground in the vicinity of Tlemcen.  The junction between the North African and Eastern forces did not go smoothly. News of the Syrian misbehavior in Kairouan had reached the Ifriqiyan troops, while the Syrians, incensed at the poor reception, treated their Ifriqiyan counterparts in a high-handed fashion. Habib and Balj bickered and the armies nearly came to blows. By smooth diplomacy, Kulthum ibn Iyad managed hold the armies together, but the mutual resentments would play a role in subsequent events.  The Berber rebel army, under the leadership of Khalid ibn Hamid al-Zanati (perhaps jointly with a certain Salim Abu Yusuf al-Azdi ), while boasting great numbers (some 200,000), were very poorly equipped. Many Berber fighters had nothing but stones and knives, dressed in a mere loin cloth, heads shaved in puritan fashion. But they made up for this in knowledge of the terrain, excellent morale, and a fanatical Sufrite-inspired religious fervor.  The Berber and Arab armies finally clashed at the Battle of Bagdoura (or Baqdura) in October-November, 741, by the Sebou river (near modern Fes). Disdaining the experience and cautious advice of the Ifriqiyans, Kulthum ibn Iyad made several serious tactical errors. Berber skirmishers dehorsed and isolated the Syrian cavalry, while the Berber foot fell upon the Arab infantry with overwhelming numbers. The Arab armies were quickly routed. By some estimates, two-thirds of the Arab army were killed or captured by the Berbers at Bagdoura. Among the casualties were the new governor Kulthum ibn Iyad al-Qasi and the Ifriqiyan commander Habib ibn Abi Obeida al-Fihri.  The Syrian regiments, now reduced to some 10,000, were pulled together by Kulthum's nephew, Balj ibn Bishr and scrambled up towards the straits, where they hoped to get passage across the water to al-Andalus. A small Ifriqiyan contingent, under Habib's son Abd al-Rahman ibn Habib al-Fihri, joined the Syrians in their flight, but the rest of the Ifriqiyan forces fled in a scattered way back to Kairouan. The bulk of the Berber rebel army set off in pursuit of the Syrians, and laid siege to them in Ceuta.

Offensive on Kairouan.

The Zenata Berber leader Khalid ibn Hamid al-Zanati who delivered the two great victories over the Arab armies disappears from the chronicles shortly after Bagdoura (741). But news of the defeat emboldened hitherto quiet Berber tribes to join the revolt. Berber uprisings erupted across the Maghreb and al-Andalus.  The most immediate threat arose in southern Ifriqiya, where the Sufrite leader Oqasha ibn Ayub al-Fezari raised a Berber army and laid sieges to Gabès and Gafsa. By a rapid sally south with the remnant of the Ifriqiyan army, the Kairouan "qadi" Abd al-Rahman ibn Oqba al-Ghaffari managed to defeat and disperse Oqasha's forces near Gafsa in December, 741. But the qadi possessed far too few Arab troops to put up a pursuit, and Oqasha immediately set about re-assembling his forces quietly around Tobna in the Zab valley of western Ifriqiya.  Immediately after hearing of the disaster at Bagdoura, the Caliph Hisham ordered the Umayyad governor of Egypt, Handhala ibn Safwan al-Kalbi, to quickly take charge of Ifriqiya. In February 742, Handhala ibn Safwan hurried his Egyptian army westwards and reached Kairouan around April 742, just as Oqasha was returning to try his luck again. Handhala's forces pushed Oqasha back again.  When Oqasha was reassembling his forces once more in the Zab, he came across a large Berber army coming from the west, under the command of the Hawwara Berber chieftain Abd al-Wahid ibn Yazid al-Hawwari (possibly dispatched by the Berber caliph Khalid ibn Hamid al-Zanati, although he is not mentioned in the chronicles). Abd al-Wahid's army was composed of some 300,000 Berber troops, ostensibly the largest Berber army ever seen. After a quick consultation, Oqasha and Abd al-Wahid agreed on a joint attack on Kairouan, Oqasha taking his forces along a southerly route, while Abd al-Wahid led his large army through the northern passes, converging on Kairouan from both sides.  Hearing of the approach of the great Berber armies, Handhala ibn Safwan realized it was paramount to prevent their junction. Dispatching a cavalry force to harass and slow down Abd al-Wahid in the north, Handhala threw the bulk of his forces south, crushing Oqasha in a bloody battle at El-Qarn and taking him prisoner. But Handhala had taken a lot of losses himself, and now faced the unhappy prospect of Abd al-Wahid's gigantic army. Hurrying back, Handhala is said to have put the entire population of Kairouan under arms to bolster his ranks, before setting out again. In perhaps the bloodiest encounter in the Berber wars, Handhala ibn Safwan defeated the great Berber army of Abd al-Wahid ibn Yazid at El-Asnam around May 742 (perhaps a little later), just three miles outside of Kairouan. Some 120,000-180,000 Berbers, including Abd al-Wahid, fell in the field of battle in that single encounter. Oqasha was executed shortly after.  Although Kairouan was saved for the caliphate, and with it the core of Ifriqiya, Handhala ibn Safwan now faced the unenviable task of dragging the more westerly provinces, still under Berber sway, back into the fold. He would not have the chance to accomplish this.

Revolt in al-Andalus.

The coup installing Abd al-Malik ibn Qatan al-Fihri as ruler in al-Andalus in early 741 had been a failsafe device. But once the news of the disaster at Bagdoura spread, a general Berber uprising in al-Andalus could no longer be prevented. In October 741, Berber garrisons north of the Douro River mutinied. They discarded their Arab commanders and took to the field, abandoning their garrison posts to assemble their own Berber rebel army around the center and march against the Andalusian Arabs in the south.  Although their leaders' names have escaped us, the Andalusian Berber rebel army was organized into three columns – one to take Toledo (the main garrison city of the central march), another to aim for Córdoba (the Umayyad capital), and the third to take Algeciras, where the rebels hoped to seize the Andalusian fleet to ferry additional Berber troops from North Africa.  With the frontier garrisons in the northwest suddenly evacuated, the Christian king Alfonso I of Asturias could hardly believe his luck, and set about dispatching Asturian troops to seize the empty forts. With remarkable swiftness and ease the northwest was captured, and the banks of the upper Ebro were raided by Alfonso and permanently lost to al-Andalus. The Asturians devastated several towns and villages on the banks of the Douro River, and carried off local populations from the towns and villages in the Galician-Leonese lowlands back to the mountains, creating an empty buffer zone in the Douro River valley (the "Desert of the Duero") between the Asturias in the north and al-Andalus in the south. This newly emptied frontier would remain in place for the next few centuries. It is alleged that pastoral Berber mountaineers remained behind in the highlands around Astorga and León. These trapped Berber communities were called ""Maragatos"" by the local Christian Leonese (etymology uncertain, possibly from "mauri capti", "captive Moors"). Although eventually converted to Christianity, the "Maragatos" retained their distinctive dress, customs and lifestyle of Berber origin down to the early modern era.

The Syrians in Al-Andalus.

Through much of the winter of 741-42, the remnant of the Syrian expedition, some 10,000 men, under Balj ibn Bishr, remained trapped in Ceuta, besieged by the Berber rebels. The Andalusian ruler Abd al-Malik ibn Qatan al-Fihri, wary that the presence of the Syrians in Al-Andalus would only aggravate matters, refused them passage across the water. Indeed, he forbade any relief of the stranded Syrians, going so far as to publicly torture to death an Andalusian merchant who had dared to dispatch a couple of grain boats to Ceuta to feed the desperate Syrians.  But news soon reached the Andalusian governor that the Berber rebel armies from the northwest had been organized and were now barreling south in three columns, towards Toledo, Córdoba and Algeciras.  Not having enough Arab forces at hand, the Andalusian governor Abd al-Malik realized he had little choice but to make use of the stranded Syrian force to defeat the Berber armies. In a carefully negotiated treaty, Abd al-Malik granted the Syrians permission to cross over, on the condition that they promise to return to North Africa within a year of the settlement of the Berber matter in Al-Andalus. Hostages were taken to secure Syrian compliance.  The Syrian junds under Balj ibn Bishr crossed the straits in early 742 and immediately headed to the environs of Medina-Sidonia, where they intercepted and disposed of the Berber column aiming for Algeciras. The Syrians then joined the Andalusian Arabs in crushing the main Berber rebel army in a ferocious battle outside of Córdoba in the Spring of 742. Shortly after, they proceeded to defeat the third Berber army, then laying siege to Toledo.  The Berber rebellion was quashed in Al-Andalus, but the Syrians showed no signs of intending to leave. When the Andalusian governor Abd al-Malik ibn Qatan ibn Fihri pressed the point, Balj ibn Bishr, decided to simply depose him and proclaim himself governor, invoking his credentials as designated successor to his uncle, the late Ifriqiyan governor Kulthum ibn Iyad al-Qasi. In revenge for the merchant of Ceuta, Balj ordered the elderly Ibn Qatan tortured to death.  A civil war was not short in happening. Rallied by Qatan and Umayya, the sons of the late Fihrid governor, Andalusian Arabs took up arms against the Syrian "junds". The Syrians delivered a decisive defeat upon the Andalusian at the Battle of Aqua Portora outside of Córdoba in August 742, but Balj ibn Bishr was mortally wounded in the field. Command of the Syrian armies devolved to Thalaba ibn Salama al-Amili, and for the next few months, the Syrians remained bunkered down, while the Andalusians (soon joined by what remained of the Beber rebels), assembled in Mérida.  Much of the next few months was spent in an internecine Arab civil war, the Berber question relegated to a secondary concern. Eventually, tiring of war, the parties, appealed to the Ifriqiyan emir Handhala ibn Safwan al-Kalbi to resolve the matter. Handhala dispatched his cousin Abu al-Khattar ibn Darar al-Kalbi as the new governor for al-Andalus. Abu al-Khattar arrived in May 743 and immediately set about restoring peace in Al-Andalus, liberating prisoners (Arab and Berber) and figuring a resolution to the displaced Syrian troops. He decided to distribute the various Syrian junds across Al-Andalus, carving out regimental fiefs in hitherto thinly-held areas: the Damascus jund was established in Elvira (Granada), the Jordan jund in Rayyu (Málaga and Archidona), the Palestine jund in Medina-Sidonia and Jerez, the Emesa (Hims) jund in Seville and Niebla and the Qinnasrin jund in Jaén. The Egypt jund was divided between Beja (Algarve) in the west and Tudmir (Murcia) in the east. (Al-Maqqari refers to an additional "jund" from Wasit (Iraq) that was settled in Cabra, but this "jund" is not recorded in other sources). The Syrian junds were allocated a third of the tax revenues collected in their regions, and given responsibilities of tax-collection and military service to the Andalusian governor.  The arrival of the Syrian "junds" would have tremendous implications for subsequent Andalusian history. They increased substantially the Arab element on the Iberian peninsula, and, as such, were instrumental in deepening the Muslim hold on the south, what would become the heart of al-Andalus. But they also brought trouble. Unwilling to be governed, the Syrian "junds" carried on an existence of autonomous feudal anarchy, severely destabilizing the power of the governor of al-Andalus.

Later years.

It is common to denote 742 or 743 as the 'end' of the Great Berber Revolt, after the failure of the Berber armies to seize Kairouan or Córdoba. But the Berber hold on Morocco as well as the western and central parts of the Maghrib al-Awsat (Central Maghreb, modern-day Algeria) would continue, leading to the establishment of the Barghwata state in Tamesna by 744, Abu Qurra's state in Tlemcen by 742 and the Midrarid emirate in Sijilmassa by 758, while Arab hold would last over Al-Andalus and Ifriqiya, including the eastern part of modern-day Algeria.  Later, non-Berber dynasties came to power with Berber support, such as the Rustamids, a dynasty of Persian descent who by 761 established an Imamate over the area of Tahert, in modern-day Algeria, and the Sharifian Idrisids in Morocco, by 789 considered as the founder dynasty of the modern Moroccan state.  By this era, though not organized as states, many areas were ruled by Kharijite rebels such as Djerba, Wargla, Setif, Tozeur, Gafsa and the Djebel Nafusa.

The Great Berber Revolt of 739/740–743 AD (122–125 AH in the Muslim calendar) took place during the reign of the Umayyad Caliph Hisham ibn Abd al-Malik and marked the first successful secession from the Arab caliphate (ruled from Damascus). Fired up by Kharijite puritan preachers, the Berber revolt against their Umayyad Arab rulers began in Tangiers in 740, and was led initially by Maysara al-Matghari. The revolt soon spread through the rest of the Maghreb (North Africa) and across the straits to al-Andalus.

Der Aufstand des Maysara war ein Berberaufstand gegen die arabische Herrschaft in den Jahren 740–742. Nach der Unterwerfung des Maghreb durch die Muslime unter Hassan ibn an-Numan und Musa ibn Nusayr (700–710) traten die Berber schnell zum Islam über und nahmen schon 711 an der Eroberung des Reichs der Westgoten in Spanien teil. Allerdings verweigerten die arabischen Muslime, die die Führungspositionen in Verwaltung und Militär besetzten, den islamisierten Berbern die Gleichstellung und die Beteiligung an der Macht.


Pre-Christian European conceptions.

The Imperial cult of ancient Rome identified Roman emperors and some members of their families with the "divinely sanctioned" authority ("auctoritas") of the Roman State. The official offer of "cultus" to a living

Christian conceptions.

During early and middle ages.

Outside of Christianity, kings were often seen as either ruling with the backing of heavenly powers or perhaps even being divine beings themselves. However, the Christian notion of a divine right of kings is traced to a story found in 1 Samuel, where the prophet Samuel anoints Saul and then David as "mashiach" or king over Israel. The anointing is to such an effect that the monarch became inviolable, so that even when Saul sought to kill David, David would not raise his hand against him because "he was the Lord's anointed".  Although the later Roman Empire had developed the European concept of a divine regent in Late Antiquity, Adomnan of Iona provides one of the earliest written examples of a Western medieval concept of kings ruling with divine right. He wrote of the Irish King Diarmait mac Cerbaill's assassination and claimed that divine punishment fell on his assassin for the act of violating the monarch. Adomnan also recorded a story about Saint Columba supposedly being visited by an angel carrying a glass book, who told him to ordain Aedan mac Gabrain as King of Dal Riata. Columba initially refused, and the angel answered by whipping him and demanding that he perform the ordination because God had commanded it. The same angel visited Columba on three successive nights. Columba finally

Western conceptions.

The conception of ordination brought with it largely unspoken parallels with the Anglican and Catholic priesthood, but the overriding metaphor in James's handbook was that of a father's relation to his children. "Just as no misconduct on the part of a father can free his children from obedience to the fifth commandment", James also had printed his "Defense of the Right of Kings" in the face of English theories of inalienable popular and clerical rights. The divine right of kings, or divine-right theory of kingship, is a political and religious doctrine of royal and political legitimacy. It asserts that a monarch is subject to no earthly authority, deriving his right to rule directly from the will of God. The king is thus not subject to the will of his people, the aristocracy, or any other estate of the realm, including (in the view of some, especially in Protestant countries) the church. A weaker or more moderate form of this political theory does hold, however, that

Divine right and Protestantism.

Before the Reformation the anointed king was, within his realm, the accredited vicar of God for secular purposes (see the Investiture Controversy); after the Reformation he (or she if queen regnant) became this in Protestant states for religious purposes also.  In England it is not without significance that the sacerdotal vestments, generally discarded by the clergy – dalmatic, alb and stole – continued to be among the insignia of the sovereign (see Coronation of the British monarch). Moreover, this sacrosanct character he acquired not by virtue of his "sacring", but by hereditary right; the coronation, anointing and vesting were but the outward and visible symbol of a divine grace adherent in the sovereign by virtue of his title. Even Roman Catholic monarchs, like Louis XIV, would never have admitted that their coronation by the archbishop constituted any part of their title to reign; it was no more than the consecration of their title.  In England the doctrine

Zoroastrianism conceptions (Iranian world).

Khvarenah (Avestan: 'xvarənah;' Persian: "far") is an Iranian and Zoroastrian concept, which literally means "glory", about divine right of the kings. In Iranian view, kings would never rule, unless Khvarenah is with them, and they will never fall unless Khvarenah leaves them. For example,

Divine right in Asia.

In early Mesopotamian culture, kings were often regarded as deities after their death. Shulgi of Ur was among the first Mesopotamian rulers to declare himself to be divine. This was the direct precursor to the concept of "Divine Right of kings", as well as in the Egyptian and Roman religions.

Confucianism's and Shintoism's.

Practice in China and East Asia.

In China and East Asia, rulers justified their rule with the philosophy of the Mandate of Heaven, which, although similar to the European concept, bore several key differences. While the divine right of kings granted unconditional legitimacy, the Mandate of Heaven was dependent on the behaviour of the ruler, the Son of Heaven. Heaven would bless the authority of a just ruler, but it could be displeased with a

Practice in Japan.

In Japan, the Son of Heaven title was less conditional than its Chinese equivalent. There was no divine mandate that punished the emperor for failing to rule justly. The right to rule of the Japanese emperor, descended from the sun goddess Amaterasu, was absolute. The Japanese emperors traditionally wielded little secular power; generally, it was the duty of the sitting emperor to perform rituals and make public appearances, while true power was held by regents, high-ranking ministers, a commander-in-chief of the emperor's military known as the "shōgun", or even retired emperors depending on the time period.

Hinduism and Indic religions.

Indian origin religions (also called Dharmic or Indic religions) originated in the Indian subcontinent; namely Hinduism, and its later offshoots such as Jainism, Buddhism, and Sikhism. These religions are also all classified as Eastern religions. Although Indian religions are connected through the history of India, they constitute a wide range of religious communities, and are not confined to the Indian subcontinent. With ancient roots in the Indus Valley Civilisation, the documented history of Indian religions begin with the historical Vedic religion during the Vedic period which lasted from 1750 BCE to 500 BCE. Various reform movements in Hinduism led to development of offshoots of Hinduism such as Jainism, Buddhism and Sikhism.

Concept of "Chakravarti".

""Chakravarti"" refers to an ideal universal ruler especially in the sense of an imperial ruler of the entire Indian sub-continent (as in the case of the Maurya Empire).  In Hinduism,

Concept of "Devaraja".

The concept ""devarāja"" grew out of Sanatana Dharma, in which the king was a divine universal ruler, a manifestation of Shri Bhagawan (often attributed to Shiva or Vishnu). The concept viewed the monarch to possess transcendental quality, the king as the living

Indian Subcontinent.

"Devaraja" kings in Indianized polities in Southeast Asia.

Indianised Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms of Southeast Asia deployed the Indian Hindu Brahmins scholars in their courts. Under the influence of the Brahmin scholars these kingdoms adopted the concept of deveraja. It was first adopted by the Indianised Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms of Java. Khmer empire which ruled Cambodia and Vietnam and other parts of the nearby present day nations adopted it from the Javanese kings. Eventually, Thai kings adopted the concept from the nearby Khmer empire.

Right of kings and subjects.

Rights of subjects under the divine ruler.

Historically, many notions of rights were authoritarian and hierarchical, with different people granted different rights, and some having more rights than others. For instance, the right of a father to respect from his son did not indicate a right for the son

Opposition to the divine right of kings.

In the sixteenth century, both Catholic and Protestant political thinkers began to question the idea of a monarch's "divine right".  The Spanish Catholic historian Juan de Mariana put forward the argument in his book "De rege et regis institutione" (1598) that since society was formed by a "pact" among all its members, "there can be no doubt that they are able to call a king to account". Mariana thus challenged divine right theories by stating in certain circumstances, tyrannicide could be justified. Cardinal Robert Bellarmine also "did not believe that the institute of monarchy had any divine sanction" and shared Mariana's belief that there were times where Catholics could lawfully remove a monarch.  Among groups of English Protestant exiles fleeing from Queen Mary I, some of the earliest anti-monarchist publications emerged. "Weaned off uncritical royalism by the actions of Queen Mary... The political thinking of men like Ponet, Knox, Goodman and Hales."  In 1553, Mary I, a Roman Catholic, succeeded her Protestant half-brother, Edward VI, to the English throne. Mary set about trying to restore Roman Catholicism by making sure that: Edward's religious laws were abolished in the

The divine right of kings, divine right, or God's mandate is a political and religious doctrine of royal and political legitimacy. It stems from a specific metaphysical framework in which the king (or queen) is pre-selected as an heir prior to their birth. By pre-selecting the king's physical manifestation, the governed populace actively (rather than merely passively) hands the metaphysical selection of the king's soul – which will inhabit the body and thereby rule them – over to God. In this way, the "divine right" originates as a metaphysical act of humility or submission towards the Godhead.

Das Gottesgnadentum ist eine Begründung für monarchische Herrschaftsansprüche. Der Begriff entwickelte sich aus dem lateinischen Titelzusatz "Dei gratia" („von Gottes Gnaden“).


Creation of the WASP.

WASP started out as two separate organizations. Pilot Jacqueline "Jackie" Cochran wrote to the First Lady, Eleanor Roosevelt, in 1939 to suggest the idea of using women pilots in non-combat missions. Cochran was introduced by Roosevelt to General Henry H. Arnold, chief of the Army Air Force, and to General Robert Olds, who became the head of the Air Transport Command (ATC). Arnold asked her to ferry a bomber to Great Britain in order to generate publicity for the idea of women piloting military aircraft. Cochran did go to England, where she volunteered for the Air Transport Auxiliary (ATA) and recruited American women pilots to help fly planes in Europe. Twenty-five women volunteered for the ATA with Cochran. The American women who flew in the ATA were the first American women to fly military aircraft. While in England, Cochran studied the organization of both the ATA and the Royal Air Force (RAF).  In the summer of 1941, Cochran and test-pilot Nancy Harkness Love independently submitted proposals to the U.S. Army Air Forces to allow women pilots in non-combat missions after the outbreak of World War II in Europe. The plan was to free male pilots for combat roles by using qualified female pilots to ferry aircraft from the factories to military bases, and also to tow drones and aerial targets. The U.S. was building its air power and military presence in anticipation of direct involvement in the conflict, and had belatedly begun to drastically expand its men in uniform. This period led to the dramatic increase in activity for the U.S. Army Air Forces, because of obvious gaps in "manpower" that could be filled by women. To compensate for the manpower demands of the military after the attack on Pearl Harbor, the government encouraged women to enter the workforce to fill both industrial and service jobs supporting the war effort.

WAFS.

Nancy Harkness Love's husband, Robert Love, was part of the Army Air Corps Reserve and worked for Colonel William H. Tunner. When Robert Love mentioned that his wife was a pilot, Tunner became interested in whether she knew other women who were pilots. Tunner and Nancy Love met and began to plan an aviation ferrying program involving women pilots. More formally, on June 11, 1942, Colonel Tunner suggested putting women pilots into the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps (WAAC). However, there were technical problems with this suggestion, so it was decided to pursue hiring civilian pilots for the

WFTD.

Cochran returned from England and arrived in the US the day before the announcement of the WAFS. Cochran was angry that Love's proposal had been accepted, while her own had seemingly been ignored. The next day, Cochran flew to Washington, D.C. and confronted General Arnold about her earlier proposal. The WAFS had been formed while General Arnold was out on prolonged medical leave. On September 13, Arnold sent a memo to General George E. Stratemeyer that designated Cochran as the director of "Women's Flying Training."

Requirements and demographics.

WASP adopted many of WAFS requirements, but added one other. Recruits still had to be between 21 and 35 years old, in good health, in possession of a pilot's license and 500 hours of flight time. Additionally, women were also required to be at least five feet and two inches tall. Over 25,000 women made application to join the WASP; 1,830 were accepted but only 1,074 completed the training. The applicants all had prior experience and airman certificates. Several WASPs had been trained previously in the Civilian Pilot Training Program (CPTP). Many women came from wealthy backgrounds or had husbands who helped pay for their expensive pilot training. All WASP recruits were interested in serving their country.  Although the majority of WASPs

WASP training.

The WASP training spanned 19 groups of women. The first group was the Originals, who were the first group of the Women's Auxiliary Ferrying Squadron (WAFS), led by Nancy Love.  The second group was The Guinea Pigs which were Jacqueline Cochran's first class of women pilots for the Women's Flying Training Detachment (WFTD). The Guinea Pigs started training at the Houston Municipal Airport (now William P. Hobby Airport) on November 16, 1942, as part of the 319th Army Air Force Women's Flying Training Detachment (AAFWFTD). This was just after the WAFS had started their orientation in Wilmington, Delaware. Unlike the WAFS, the women that reported to Houston did not have uniforms and had to find their own lodging. The "Woofteddies" (WFTD) also had minimal medical care, no life insurance, crash truck, or fire truck, and the ambulance was loaned from the Ellington Army Airfield, along with insufficient administrative staff, and a hodgepodge of aircraft—23 types—for training. As late as January 1943, when the third class was about to start their training, the three classes were described by Byrd Granger in "On Final Approach", as "a raggle-taggle crowd in a rainbow of rumpled clothing", while they gathered for morning and evening colors. There was also a lack of equipment, such as a Link trainer, that was necessary for training.  The first Houston class started with 38 women with a minimum of 200 hours. Twenty-three graduated on April 24, 1943, at the only Houston WASP graduation

Duties.

After their training, the WASP were stationed at 122 air bases across the U.S., where they assumed numerous flight-related missions, and relieved male pilots for combat duty. Ferrying planes from factory to airbases made up the first duties of the WASP. During World War II, women pilots flew 80 percent of all ferrying missions. They delivered over 12,000 aircraft. WASP freed around 900 male pilots for combat duty during World War II.  The original WAFS were organized specifically to ferry airplanes and free male pilots for combat roles. When a ferrying mission came in, the WASP would go to the factory, fly the plane in a test flight and then deliver the plane. Between September 1942 and December 1944, the WASP delivered 12,652 aircraft of 78 different types. In order to set an example, Nancy Love who was in charge of training, made sure she was trained and qualified on as many different types of planes as was possible.  They also towed targets for live anti-aircraft artillery practice, simulated strafing missions, and transported cargo. The live-target practice was announced by Jackie Cochran on July 19, 1943, to 25 recent WASP graduates at Avenger Field. Cochran told the group that she had a "top secret assignment" and that any WASP could opt out if they wished: none did. This group would be sent to Camp Davis to tow flying shooting targets for men on the ground to practice shooting airborne targets. Many of the planes were shot during this training and several WASP were shot in the feet. Sometimes the planes were

Request for military status.

The WASP members were U.S. federal civil service employees, and did not qualify for military benefits. Each member paid for her own transportation costs to training sites, for her dress uniforms and room and board. Although attached to the U.S. Army Air Forces, the members could resign at any time after completion of their training. On September 30, 1943, the first of the WASP militarization bills was introduced in the United States House of Representatives by Representative John Costello. Both Cochran and Arnold desired a separate corps headed by a woman colonel (similar to the WAC, WAVES, SPARS, and the Marine Corps Women's Reserve heads). The War Department, however, consistently opposed the move, because there was

End of the WASP program.

On June 21, 1944, the U.S. House bill to provide the WASP with military status, HR 4219, was narrowly defeated 188 against to 169 for. The civilian male pilots lobbied against the bill: reacting to closure of some civilian flight training schools, and the termination of two male pilot training commissioning programs. The House Committee on the Civil Service (Ramspeck Committee) reported on June 5, 1944, that it considered the WASP unnecessary, unjustifiably expensive, and recommended that the recruiting and training of inexperienced women pilots be halted. The committee had found that the program had cost $50 million in government funds. Because of the cost, the program needed to request funding through legislation.  Cochran had been pushing for a resolution of the question: in effect, delivering an ultimatum to either commission the women or disband the program. The AAF had developed an excess of pilots and pilot candidates. As a result, Arnold (who had been a proponent of militarization) ordered that the WASP be disbanded by December 20, 1944. Arnold is quoted from a speech he delivered at Avenger Field in Sweetwater, Texas on December 7, 1944:  On December 7, 1944, the final class of WASP pilots, 71 women in total, graduated from their training regardless of the plan to disband the WASP program within the following two weeks. Following the announcement approximately 20 WASP members offered to continue ferrying aircraft for

Legacy.

The records of the WASP program, like nearly all wartime files, were classified and sealed for 35 years making their contributions to the war effort little known and inaccessible to historians. However, there were unofficial historians, like WASP, Marty Wyall, who collected scrapbooks and newspaper clipping about what the WASP members had done and what they had gone on to do. Wyall also suggested in 1964, at a Ninety-Nines convention, that the remaining WASP members should meet up with one another every other year.  Early efforts to gain recognition for the WASP continued in the early 1970s. There was support from the office of Senator Barry Goldwater, who had flown with WASP during WWII. Goldwater's efforts to get the WASP veteran's status was met with shocking prejudice in Congress. According to Goldwater's legislative assistant, Terry Emerson, "Women were treated as non-persons." In the House, Representative Patsy Mink introduced a bill on May 17, 1972, to give the WASP veterans status. Another representative in the House, Lindy Boggs, introduced a bill around 1977 to give the WASP military status.  In 1975 under the leadership of Col. Bruce Arnold, the son of General Hap Arnold, along with the surviving WASP members organized as a group again and began what they called the "Battle of Congress". Their goal was to gain public support and have the WASP officially recognized as veterans of World War II. In 1976, there was a bill in the Senate Veteran's Affairs Committee to give the WASPs military status. The bill would allow WASP pilots to use veteran's services. In 1977, WASP records were unsealed after an Air Force press release erroneously stated the Air Force was training the first women to fly military aircraft for the U.S. Documents were compiled that showed during their service WASP members were subject to military discipline, assigned top secret missions and many members were awarded service ribbons after their units were disbanded. It was also shown that WASP member Helen Porter had been issued a Honorable Discharge certificate by her commanding officer following her service. This time, the WASPs lobbied Congress with the important support of Goldwater, who himself had been a World War II ferry pilot in the 27th Ferrying Squadron. During hearings on the legislation opposition to the WASP members being given military recognition was voiced by the Veterans Administration (VA), the American Legion and the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW). The VA, led by Dorothy L. Starbuck, argued that WASP should not be given military recognition because the women were never subject to court martial. The VFW felt that giving WASP military recognition would "destroy the special status of veterans and do irreparable damage to veterans benefits."  President Jimmy Carter signed legislation, P.L.95–202, Section 401, The G.I. Bill Improvement Act of 1977, providing that service as a WASP would be considered "active duty" for the purposes of programs administered by the Veterans Administration. Honorable Discharge certificates were

Discrimination.

WASP members faced discrimination because of their gender during their work numerous times. Some male pilots and commanders were unhappy to have a women's presence in the traditionally male setting of the military. One WASP, Lorraine Rodgers, later recalled that some men "refused to acknowledge their ability," or that the men didn't trust the smaller women to be able to handle the planes. Some commanders would give out "undesirable" planes to the WASP to fly. One commander at Love Field was eventually formally admonished for treating the women unfairly. WASP Teresa James believed that the women pilots were disliked because they "flew longer than the men (service pilots). We flew our tails off." However, James also reported that she was sometimes "treated like a celebrity" when she stopped at Army bases for refueling. She said, "They had never seen a woman pilot in an Air Force airplane."  Camp Davis at North Carolina had the most prejudice and discrimination against the WASP. The base commander, Major Stephenson, told the women that "both they and the planes were expendable." Women at Camp Davis were unfairly evaluated in their flying, according to WASP Alia Corbett. Women were not given practice time, unlike the men. Sabotage was suspected in some incidents at the camp and Cochran found traces of sugar in the engine at one WASP crash site. Two WASP women died in the line of duty at Camp Davis. There were fourteen accidents involving improperly maintained towing planes at Camp Davis and planes at Camp Davis were found to be using the wrong octane fuel.  While the women were doing the same job as men who were also civilian ferry pilots, the WASP were paid at two-thirds the rate of their male counterparts.  The initial force of the Women's Army Ferrying Service (WAFS) put the cap on the age of recruits at 35 in order "to avoid the irrationality of women when they enter and go through menopause." At the time, the military had determined that age 40 was the time when menopause began, so if the war lasted more than 5 years, most recruits would just be entering the time of "debilitating irrationality." The WASP were even grounded for a time during their menstrual cycles by male commanders because they believed they were "less efficient during menses." This was stopped when flight records showed that this thinking was false. Some WASP were allowed to choose not to fly during menstruation and the pilots' periods were seen as a form of medical disability by military doctors.  On the military planes, there weren't facilities for the women to use the bathroom. When women were ferrying the planes, they had to touch down occasionally and women were not allowed to eat in some restaurants because they were wearing pants.

The Women Airforce Service Pilots (WASP) (also Women's Army Service Pilots or Women's Auxiliary Service Pilots) was a civilian women pilots' organization, whose members were United States federal civil service employees. Members of WASP became trained pilots who tested aircraft, ferried aircraft, and trained other pilots. Their purpose was to free male pilots for combat roles during World War II. Despite various members of the armed forces being involved in the creation of the program, the WASP and its members had no military standing.

Die Women Airforce Service Pilots, kurz WASP, war eine Gruppe ziviler weiblicher Piloten, die während des Zweiten Weltkrieges eingesetzt wurden, um unter Leitung der United States Army Air Forces transatlantisch Militärflugzeuge zu überführen.


Hardware support.

Contemporary desktop personal computers generally provide an option to boot from the network in their BIOS via the Preboot Execution Environment (PXE). Post-1998 PowerPC (G3 G5) Mac systems can also boot from their firmware to a network disk via NetBoot. Old personal computers without network boot firmware support can utilize a floppy disk or flash drive containing software to boot from the network.

Process.

The initial software to be run is loaded from a server on the network; for IP networks this is usually done using the Trivial File Transfer Protocol (TFTP). The server from which to load the initial software is usually found by broadcasting a Bootstrap Protocol or Dynamic Host Configuration Protocol (DHCP) request. Typically, this initial software is not a full image of the operating system to be loaded, but a small network boot manager program such as PXELINUX which can deploy a boot option menu then load the full image by invoking the corresponding second-stage bootloader.

Installations.

Netbooting is also used for unattended operating system installations. In this case, a network-booted "helper operating system" is used as a platform to execute the script-driven, unattended installation of the intended operating system on the target machine. Implementations of this for Mac OS X and Windows exist as NetInstall and Windows Deployment Services, respectively.

Legacy.

Before IP became the primary Layer 3 protocol, Novell's NetWare Core Protocol (NCP) and IBM's Remote Initial Program Load (RIPL) were widely used for network booting. Their client implementations also fit into smaller ROM than PXE. Technically network booting can be implemented over any of file transfer or resource sharing protocols, for example, NFS is preferred by BSD variants.

Network booting, shortened netboot, is the process of booting a computer from a network rather than a local drive. This method of booting can be used by routers, diskless workstations and centrally managed computers (thin clients) such as public computers at libraries and schools.

Als Netzboot versteht man im Allgemeinen ein über das Netzwerk gebootetes Betriebssystem. Diese Art des Ladens eines Betriebssystems ist immer dann nötig, wenn der Computer kein lokales Betriebssystem (auf der Festplatte, einer Compact Disc oder einer Diskette) hat. Dies tritt bei diskless Computern (z. B. einigen Bladeservern) auf. Auch als Thin Client bezeichnete Terminals, welche lediglich einen Bildschirm, Eingabegeräte und minimale weitere Hardware mit sich bringen, werden über das Netzwerk gebootet.


Life and family.

Born during World War II in Sarajevo, precisely one month after the Nazi German invasion of Yugoslavia, to Slovene-German father Mihail "Puba" Osim who worked as machinist at the railways and Polish-Czech mother Karolina. Both of his parents were also born in Sarajevo. Following the end of the war, he started playing football in the Željezničar youth system. He studied mathematics at the University of Sarajevo.  Osim is married to Asima and they have three children, two sons, Selmir and Amar, and daughter Irma. His son Amar was a football player himself, who afterward also became a successful football manager. From 1992 Ivica lived most of the time with his wife in Austria, in Graz., then Japan, and since 2008 Sarajevo.

Club career.

Osim began his professional career with hometown club Željezničar in 1959. Osim is considered one of the best Bosnians to step on a football field who was known as a ruthless dribbler. He stayed in Yugoslavia until the end of 1968, as transfers abroad were prohibited for players under 28 at the time. In December 1968 he went to the Netherlands, to play for Zwolsche Boys. This stay lasted only three months, due to a knee injury. In 1970, he moved to Strasbourg and played the rest of his career in France, playing for Valenciennes, Sedan and again at Strasbourg.

International career.

Osim played in 16 matches for Yugoslavia, including the UEFA Euro 1968 where the Yugoslavs reached the final, losing to Italy.

Managerial career.

Željezničar.

When his playing career ended in 1978, Osim took the managaing job at the club where he began playing, Željezničar. He managed the club until 1986, and finished third in the Yugoslav championship once, reached the Yugoslav Cup final once and the UEFA Cup semifinals once.

Yugoslavia.

Osim assisted Ivan Toplak, head coach of the Yugoslav Olympic team, at the 1984 Summer Olympics where Yugoslavia won the bronze medal.  In 1986, he took over the Yugoslav national team. The first qualifying cycle for UEFA Euro 1988 ended in failure with an embarrassing 1–4 home loss against England. Contrary to expectations and custom considering the fate of Yugoslav head coaches who presided over prior failed qualifying campaigns, Osim was not fired by the Yugoslav FA (FSJ) largely thanks to personal authority of FSJ president Miljan Miljanić who wanted Osim to be given another chance.  Osim's Yugoslavia rebounded in the 1990 FIFA World Cup qualifications, finishing ahead of France and Scotland. At the 1990 FIFA World Cup, Yugoslavia reached the quarterfinals by eliminating Spain 2–1 in the round of 16, and proceeded to face Diego Maradona's Argentina in the quarterfinals. Despite losing a defender Refik Šabanadžović to a red card at the half an hour mark, Osim's team held on through the entire game and extra time, only to unfortunately lose on penalties.  Yugoslavia qualified for UEFA Euro 1992, but Osim resigned on May 23, 1992; as his family in Sarajevo faced Serbian bombardment in the Yugoslav wars. "My country doesn't deserve to play in the European Championship," said Osim, "On the scale of human suffering, I cannot reconcile events at home with my position as national manager." Yugoslavia was banned from the event, and its newly independent states have since competed as separate nations. Osim's home national team, Bosnia and Herzegovina, had to wait further 23 years to qualify for their first major football competition, having done so for the 2014 FIFA World Cup held in Brazil.

Partizan.

Osim became the new manager of Partizan in the summer of 1991, in parallel with coaching the Yugoslav national team. He won the 1991–92 Yugoslav Cup with Partizan having eliminating his old club Željezničar during the semi-finals of the competition.

Panathinaikos.

After leaving Yugoslavia, Osim managed Panathinaikos from 1992 to 1994, winning the Greek Cup in 1993, and finishing second in the league in 1993.

Sturm Graz.

Between 1994 and 2002, Osim managed Austrian club Sturm Graz, whom he led to the Austrian Bundesliga in 1998 and 1999, the Austrian Cup in 1996, 1997 and 1999 and the Austrian Supercup in 1996, 1998 and 1999. Sturm Graz also appeared in the UEFA Champions League from 1998 to 2000 under Osim's guidance.

JEF United Ichihara.

From 2003 to 2006, Osim was manager of JEF United Chiba of the J1 League and built a contender despite the club's modest means. The club came closest to its first league title in 2003 when it finished third in the season's first stage and second in the second stage. In 2005, the club won its first major title with Osim as manager, the J. League Cup.

Japan.

On 21 July 2006, Osim was appointed head coach of the Japan national team, following Zico, who had resigned after the end of the 2006 FIFA World Cup. Japan defeated Trinidad and Tobago 2–0 in Osim's debut as head coach on 9 August 2006.  At the 2007 AFC Asian Cup, he failed to lead Japan to its third successive title, losing to Saudi Arabia in the semifinal and to South Korea in the third-place match on penalty kicks. He said, "I feel like I've dropped my trousers. Twice," in describing his own managerial performance, pointing out that he did not rest the tired players. During the tournament, Osim reduced his interpreter to tears during a dressing room tirade, in which he called his players "amateurs" following a 1–1 draw against Qatar, and refused to watch the penalty shootout against Australia in the quarterfinal round, saying "I didn't see it because it was bad for my heart. I don't want to die while I coach Japan's national team. I want to die in my hometown, Sarajevo."  Osim's remarks gained popularity with Japanese fans, and (), a collection of his quotes published in 2005, sold 400,000 copies and was on the bestseller list in Japan.

Health issues.

On 16 November 2007, Osim suffered a stroke at his residence in Chiba, Japan while watching a friendly match between Austria and England on television He was in a coma for almost three weeks during which time he was visited by notable people of world football like Michel Platini and Sepp Blatter among others. Eventually, Osim regained consciousness on 3 December 2007 and asked his wife, Asima, "What's the score?" of the game he was watching at the critical moment when he suffered the stroke. He was then moved from an intensive care unit to a general ward at the Juntendo University hospital in Urayasu, Chiba on 23 December 2007.  On 7 December 2007, the Japan FA formally announced the appointment of Takeshi Okada, who coached Japan during the 1998 FIFA World Cup, to replace Osim as Japan head coach.

Administrative work.

Football Association of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

On 18 April 2011, FIFA announced that Osim would head an interim committee to run the Football Association of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the country was suspended for two months from all international competitions by FIFA. He held on to that position until 13 December 2012.

Honours.

Player.

Željezničar  Strasbourg  Yugoslavia

Manager.

Partizan  Panathinaikos  Sturm Graz  JEF United Chiba

Awards and orders.

Awards.

Osim received the Sixth April Award of Sarajevo in 1990.

Ivan "Ivica" Osim (born 6 May 1941) is a Bosnian retired professional football manager and former player. He was most recently head coach of the Japanese national team, before he suffered a stroke in November 2007 and left the post. On 18 April 2011, FIFA announced that Osim became head of the interim committee to run the Football Association of Bosnia and Herzegovina after the country was suspended from all international competitions. He stayed on that position until 13 December 2012.

Ivan „Ivica“ Osim (* 6. Mai 1941 in Sarajevo, Unabhängiger Staat Kroatien) ist ein ehemaliger jugoslawischer und bosnischer Fußballspieler und -trainer. Osim war bis Ende November 2007 Trainer der japanischen Nationalmannschaft.


Early life.

Abdullah was born in the second district of Kabul, Afghanistan. His early years were split between living in Panjshir Province, and Kabul, where his father was serving as an administrator in the land survey, and subsequently the audit section of the Prime Minister's office. He is the son of a Pashtun father from the Kandahar area, Clan Noorzai, and a Tajik mother from Panjshir. His father was a senator during the final years of King Zahir Shah's rule. He has seven sisters and two brothers.  Until he became a government minister, Abdullah had only a first name; demands from Western newspaper editors for a family name led him to adopt the full name "Abdullah Abdullah". Dr. Abdullah is married, and has three daughters and a son.

Education and medical career.

Abdullah graduated from Naderia High School in 1976. Then he went on to study ophthalmology at Kabul's University Department of Medicine where he received an MBBS in 1983. From 1984 to 1985 he served as a resident ophthalmologist at N'oor Institute in Kabul. During the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and communist Democratic Republic of Afghanistan government from 1985 to 1986, he worked in the veterinary hospital for animals in Peshawar, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan.

Early political career.

Soviet war in Afghanistan.

In September 1985, Abdullah became the head of the Health Department for the Panjshir Resistance Front, coordinating treatments and health care for the resistance fighters and the civilian population. He became a close associate and adviser to Mujahideen commander Ahmad Shah Massoud in the Soviet–Afghan War.

Islamic State of Afghanistan.

After the fall of the communist government in 1992, the Peshawar Accord established the Islamic State of Afghanistan with a provisional government led by Burhanuddin Rabbani. Abdullah was appointed chief of staff and spokesperson of the Ministry of Defense.

United Islamic Front.

On September 27, 1996, the Taliban seized power in Kabul and 90% of the country with military training support by Pakistan and established the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. Following the capture of Kabul by the Taliban, the Northern Alliance was created under the leadership of Ahmad Shah Massoud, The NA was supported by Russia, Iran and India. Dr. Abdullah became the United Front's Minister of Foreign Affairs. Islamic State of Afghanistan elements of the United Front, including the Defense Minister Ahmad Shah Massoud and the Foreign Minister Abdullah Abdullah, remained Afghanistan's internationally recognized government. The Taliban government was recognized by only three countries – Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and the United Arab Emirates.  In early 2001, Abdullah traveled with Ahmad Shah Massoud to Brussels, where Massoud addressed the European Parliament asking the international community to provide humanitarian help to the people of Afghanistan. Dr. Abdullah translated when Massoud stated that the Taliban and al-Qaeda had introduced "a very wrong perception of Islam" and that without the support of Pakistan and Bin Laden, the Taliban would not be able to sustain their military campaign for up to a year.

Modern Afghanistan.

Foreign ministry.

In October 2001 the Taliban regime was overthrown by Operation Enduring Freedom including American and United Front forces. As a result of the International Conference on Afghanistan in Bonn in 2001, Abdullah was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Interim Administration in December 2001.  In November 2001, a diplomatic crisis unfolded when the British government, without any forewarning or seeking permission from the Northern Alliance, flew members of the British Special Boat Service to Bagram. Abdullah was "apoplectic" as he considered the uninvited arrival to be a violation of sovereignty, and complained bitterly to the head of the CIA field office, threatening to resign if the British did not withdraw. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw tried to reassure the Northern Alliance that the deployment was not a vanguard of a British peacekeeping army, but Northern Alliance leaders did not believe them; with the threat of the Northern Alliance opening fire on incoming Royal Air Force troop transports, the deployment was put on hold.  Following the 2004 Afghan presidential election, Abdullah was one of the few people who kept their position from the Transitional Government and was re-appointed as Minister of Foreign Affairs for another year. In 2005 he resigned his position.

2009 presidential election.

On May 6, 2009, Abdullah registered as an Independent candidate for the 2009 Afghan presidential election, running against incumbent president Hamid Karzai. Abdullah selected as his running mates Humayun Shah Asefi as his First Vice President and Dr. Cheragh Ali Cheragh (a surgeon from Kabul who is a practicing Shi'i Muslim) as Second Vice President. Afghanistan has an executive structure featuring two vice presidents, a First VP and a Second VP, to help ensure a stable government by attempting to provide ethnic and religious balance to senior government leadership positions. Unofficial and non-certified electoral results were announced during the day on September 16, 2009, showing that Abdullah was in second position with 27.8% of the total votes cast. President Karzai did not achieve the 50.01% vote majority required to avoid a runoff election. A large number of fraudulent ballots, mostly belonging to Karzai's camp, were disallowed by the Independent Afghan Electoral Commission. Karzai came under intense international political and diplomatic pressure from international leaders because of allegations of large-scale fraud. Hamid Karzai eventually agreed to participate in a designated head-to-head runoff election (held between the contenders with the two largest numbers of total votes in the first election) which was scheduled nationwide for November 7, 2009.  On November 1, 2009, Abdullah announced that he had decided to withdraw from the runoff election, citing his lack of faith in the President Karzai government's ability to hold a "fair and transparent" second election process. Subsequently, Hamid Karzai was declared the winner by the Afghan Electoral Commission (essentially winning by default).

National Coalition of Afghanistan.

After the 2009 Afghan Presidential Elections, Abdullah created the Coalition for Change and Hope (CCH). The NCA presented the leading democratic opposition movement against the government of Hamid Karzai.  In the September 18, 2010 parliamentary election, the Coalition for Change and Hope won more than 90 seats out of 249 seats, becoming the main opposition party. As a result, it is assumed that the new Parliament will introduce some checks and balances on the Presidential power.  Regarding the Taliban insurgency and Karzai's strategy of negotiations Dr. Abdullah stated: In December 2011, the National Coalition of Afghanistan, supported by dozens of Afghan political parties and led by Abdullah, was formed to challenge the government of President Hamid Karzai. Major figures associated with the coalition include Yunus Qanuni (the former head of the Afghan Parliament), Homayoon Shah-asefi (a former presidential candidate and leader of the monarchist party with ties to the family of former king Mohammed Zahir, Noorolhagh Oloumi (a senior political figure in the former Afghan communist government), Ahmad Wali Massoud (a younger brother of Ahmad Shah Massoud) and several current Members of Parliament.

Massoud Foundation.

Abdullah has been the Secretary General of the Massoud Foundation since June 2006. The Massoud Foundation is an independent, non-aligned, non-profitable and non-political organization established by people who have been affected by the life of Massoud. It provides humanitarian assistance to Afghans especially in the fields of health care and education. It also runs programs in the fields of culture, construction, agriculture and welfare.

2014 presidential candidacy.

On 1 October 2013, Abdullah officially announced his nomination for the presidential election held on 5 April 2014. On 13 April, BBC News reported that the counting indicated that Abdullah had thus far received 44.65% of the vote, with Ashraf Ghani following behind with 33.6%. Abdullah and Ghani were then bound to compete in a run-off election in June 2014. The results of that election remained in dispute through until September 2014, with Abdullah claiming the government and the national electoral institutions manipulated the results. Pressure from the United States on the two candidates to resolve their differences, and to negotiate a power-sharing deal were initially agreed to, but Abdullah later remained defiant. A UN-led audit failed to sway Abdullah as he insisted the audit team could not explain a million extra votes counted in the run-off. Ghani supporters insisted they wanted to do a deal with Abdullah, and said they were leaving the door open to negotiations.  On September 19, the Independent Election Commission announced Ghani the winner. Five hours later, Abdullah and Ghani signed a power-sharing agreement, with Ghani being named president and Abdullah taking on an important position in the government; the deal was signed in front of the presidential palace, with incumbent president Hamid Karzai in attendance. Part of the deal stipulated that the Independent Election Commission would not release the exact vote totals of the second round of voting.

Chief Executive (2014–2020).

Following a close loss to Ashraf Ghani in the second round of the 2014 election, Abdullah became Chief Executive, a newly created position that encompasses prime ministerial powers. Serving as Chief Executive, Abdullah has actively met with international business leaders and politicians alike, seeking foreign investment and support. He has further sought to implement a number of ceasefires with the Taliban. Citing mistrust of the Taliban, Abdullah has taken a somewhat more hardline stance against the Taliban movement than his presidential counterpart Ashraf Ghani, noting a number of failed attempts at long-term peace. In April 2019, Abdullah opted not to attend the Consultative Peace Jirga, noting that the Jirga was unlikely to resolve any issues.

2019 presidential election.

Incumbent Chief Executive Abdullah Abdullah registered as a candidate for the 2019 Afghan presidential election. Abdullah selected Enayatullah Babur Farahmand as his First Vice President and Asadullah Sadati as Second Vice President.  After the election results showed that Ashraf Ghani was declared as the winner, Abdullah declared himself winner as well, sparking a political crisis and leading him to publicly state that he would form a parallel government. On 9 March, both Abdullah and Ghani took the presidential oath of office at separate inauguration ceremonies.

High Council for National Reconciliation (2020–present).

On 17 May 2020, a deal was reached where Abdullah was to lead the country’s High Council for National Reconciliation (HCNR) as a Chairman. Moreover, HCNR was given the authority to handle and approve all affairs related to the Afghan peace process.

Abdullah Abdullah (Dari/, born 5 September 1960) is an Afghan politician who leads the High Council for National Reconciliation (HCNR), which is expected to lead the intra-Afghan peace talks with the Taliban. He served as Chief Executive Officer of the Unity Government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan from September 2014 until March 2020. From October 2001 to April 2005, he served as Minister of Foreign Affairs. Prior to that he was a senior member of the Northern Alliance working as an adviser to Ahmad Shah Massoud. He also worked as a medical doctor during the late 1990s.

Abdullah Abdullah (paschtunisch oder ; * 5. September 1960 in Kabul) ist ein afghanischer Politiker und amtierender Regierungschef (CEO). Er war von 1999 bis 2001 Außenminister des international anerkannten Islamischen Staates Afghanistan (der gegen das islamische Emirat der Taliban kämpfte) und von 2001 bis 2006 Außenminister Afghanistans in der Regierung Karzai. Er galt als Vertrauter des ermordeten Ahmad Schah Massoud. Bei der Präsidentschaftswahl 2009 trat Abdullah als aussichtsreichster Oppositionskandidat an, verzichtete aber angesichts schwerer Wahlmanipulationen Karzais im ersten Wahlgang auf eine Stichwahl gegen Amtsinhaber Hamid Karzai. Die Wahlbeschwerdekommission (ECC) der Vereinten Nationen fand heraus, dass in den Wahlen 2009 1,3 Millionen Stimmen durch Betrug zustande gekommen waren und etwa 1 Million davon zu Karzai gehörten. In der Folge gründete Abdullah die „Koalition für Wandel und Hoffnung“, welche bei den Parlamentswahlen 2010 90 von 249 Sitzen im afghanischen Parlament gewann. Die Koalition für Wandel und Hoffnung wurde Ende 2011 vergrößert und in „Nationalkoalition Afghanistans“ umbenannt.


Early life.

Daniel Boone was of English ancestry from Devonshire, England and Welsh ancestry from Montgomeryshire, Wales and Monmouthshire, Wales. Because the Gregorian calendar was adopted during his lifetime, Boone's birth date is sometimes given as November 2, 1734 (the "New Style" date), although Boone used the October date. The Boone family belonged to the Religious Society of Friends, called "Quakers", and were persecuted in England for their dissenting beliefs. Daniel's father, Squire (his first name, not a title) Boone (1696–1765) emigrated from the small town of Bradninch, Devon (near Exeter) to Pennsylvania in 1713, to join William Penn's colony of dissenters. Squire Boone's parents, George Boone III and Mary Maugridge, followed their son to Pennsylvania in 1717, and in 1720 built a log cabin at Boonecroft.  In 1720, Squire Boone, who worked primarily as a weaver and a blacksmith, married Sarah Morgan (1700–77). Sarah's family were Quakers from Wales, and had settled in 1708 in the area which became Towamencin Township of Montgomery County. In 1731, the Boones moved to Exeter Township in the Oley Valley of Berks County, near the modern city of Reading. There they built a log cabin, partially preserved today as the Daniel Boone Homestead.  Daniel

Yadkin River Valley, North Carolina.

In 1750, Squire Boone sold his land and moved the family to North Carolina. Daniel Boone did not attend church again. He identified as a Christian and had all of his children baptized. The Boones eventually settled on the Yadkin River, in what is now Davie County, about two miles (3 km) west of Mocksville. This was in the western backwoods area.  Because Boone grew up on the frontier, he had little formal education, but gained deep knowledge of the woods. According to one family tradition, a schoolteacher once expressed concern over Boone's education, but Boone's father said, "Let the girls do the spelling and Dan will do the shooting." Boone received some tutoring from family members, though his spelling remained unorthodox. Historian John Mack Faragher cautions that the folk image of Boone as semiliterate is misleading, and argues that he "acquired a level of literacy that was the equal of most men of his times." Boone regularly took reading material with him on his hunting expeditions—the Bible and "Gulliver's Travels" were favorites. He was often the only literate person in groups of frontiersmen. Boone would sometimes entertain his hunting companions by reading to them around the evening campfire.

French and Indian War.

After the French and Indian War (1754–1763) broke out between the French and British, and their respective Indian allies, North Carolina Governor Matthew Rowan called up a militia, for which Boone volunteered. He served under Captain Hugh Waddell on the North Carolina frontier. Waddell's unit was assigned to serve in the command of General Edward Braddock in 1755, and Boone acted as a wagoner, along with his cousin Daniel Morgan,

Marriage and family.

Boone returned home and on August 14, 1756, he married Rebecca Bryan, a neighbor in the Yadkin River Valley. Her brother married one of Boone's sisters. The couple initially lived in a cabin on his father's farm. They eventually had 10 children. His son, Nathan Boone, was the first British-American colonist known to be born in Kentucky.  Boone supported his growing family in these years as a market hunter and trapper, collecting pelts for the fur trade. Almost every autumn, Boone would go on "long hunts", extended expeditions into the wilderness lasting weeks or months. Boone went alone or with a small group of men, accumulating hundreds of deer skins in the autumn, and trapping

Cherokee conflict, temporary move to Virginia.

In 1758, a conflict erupted between the British forces and the Cherokee, their allies in the French and Indian War (which continued in other parts of the continent). After the Yadkin River Valley was raided by Cherokee, the Boones and many other families fled north to Culpeper County, Virginia. Boone served in the North Carolina militia during this "Cherokee Uprising". His militia expeditions went deep into Cherokee territory beyond the Blue Ridge Mountains and he was separated from his wife for about two years.  In 1762, Boone, his wife and four children moved back

Kentucky.

Boone first reached Kentucky in the fall of 1767 while on a long hunt with his brother Squire Boone, Jr. Boone's first steps in Kentucky were near present-day Elkhorn City. While on the Braddock expedition years earlier, Boone had heard about the fertile land and abundant game of Kentucky from fellow wagoner John Findley, who had visited Kentucky to trade with American Indians. Boone and Findley happened to meet again, and Findley encouraged Boone with more tales of Kentucky. At the same time, news had arrived about the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, in which the Iroquois had ceded their claim to Kentucky to the British. This, as well as the unrest in North Carolina due to the Regulator Movement, likely prompted Boone to extend his exploration.  On May 11, 1769, he began a two-year hunting expedition in Kentucky. On December 22, 1769, Boone and a fellow hunter, Benjamin Cutbirth, were captured by a party of Shawnees, who confiscated all of their skins and told them to leave and never return. The Shawnees had not signed the Stanwix treaty, and since they regarded Kentucky as their hunting ground, they considered white hunters there to be poachers. Boone, however, continued hunting and exploring Kentucky until his return to North Carolina in 1771, and returned to hunt there again in the autumn of 1772.  On July 5, 1773, Boone packed up his family and, with a group of about 50 immigrants, began the first attempt by British colonists to establish a settlement in Kentucky. Boone was still an obscure hunter and trapper at

American Revolution.

Violence in Kentucky increased with the outbreak of the American Revolutionary War (1775–1783). Native Americans who were unhappy about the loss of Kentucky in treaties saw the war as a chance to drive out the colonists. Isolated settlers and hunters became the frequent target of attacks, convincing many to abandon Kentucky. By late spring of 1776, fewer than 200 colonists remained in Kentucky, primarily at the fortified settlements of Boonesborough, Harrodsburg, and Logan's Station.  On July 5, 1776, Boone's daughter Jemima and two other teenaged girls were captured outside Boonesborough by an Indian war party, who carried the girls north toward the Shawnee towns in the Ohio country. Boone and a group of men from Boonesborough followed in pursuit, finally catching up with them two days later. Boone and his men ambushed the Indians while they were stopped for a meal, rescuing the girls and driving off their captors. The incident became the most celebrated event of Boone's life. James Fenimore Cooper created a fictionalized version of the episode in his classic novel "The Last of the Mohicans" (1826).  In 1777, Henry Hamilton, British Lieutenant Governor of Canada, began to recruit American Indian war parties to raid the Kentucky settlements. On April 24, Shawnee Indians led by Chief Blackfish attacked Boonesborough. Boone was shot in the ankle while outside the fort, but he was carried back inside amid a flurry of bullets by Simon Kenton, a recent arrival at Boonesborough. Kenton became Boone's close friend, as well as a legendary frontiersman in his own right.  While Boone recovered, Shawnees kept up their attacks outside Boonesborough, killing cattle and destroying crops. With the food supply running low, the settlers needed salt to preserve what meat they had, so in January 1778, Boone led a party of 30 men to the salt springs on the Licking River. On February 7, when Boone was hunting meat for the expedition, he was surprised and captured by warriors led by Blackfish. Because Boone's party was greatly outnumbered, Boone returned the next day with Blackfish and persuaded his men to surrender rather than put up a fight.  Blackfish wanted to continue to Boonesborough and capture it, since it was now poorly defended, but Boone convinced him that the women and children were not hardy enough to survive a winter trek. Instead, Boone promised that Boonesborough would surrender willingly to the Shawnees the following spring. Boone did not have an opportunity to tell his men that he was bluffing to prevent an immediate attack on Boonesborough, however. Boone pursued this strategy so convincingly that many of his men concluded that he had switched his loyalty to the British.  Boone and his

Businessman and politician from the Ohio River valley.

After the Revolutionary War ended, Boone resettled in Limestone, then a booming Ohio River port within Virginia, although across the Appalachian Mountains. During the next decade, fellow trans-Appalachian settlers (many of them fellow veterans) would three times elect Boone to represent them (part time) in the Virginia General Assembly in Richmond, although he represented a different county each time (since increased settlement led to the formation of new counties and ultimately the new state of Kentucky in 1791). Virginia and Pennsylvania had long claimed westward lands, and Virginia only relinquished its claims to those north of the Ohio River to permit creation of the Northwest Territory in 1787. A celebrity, Boone kept a tavern in Limestone, and also worked as a surveyor, horse trader and land speculator. On his 50th birthday (in 1784), settler and historian John Filson published "The Discovery, Settlement and Present State of Kentucke", a book which included a chronicle of Boone's adventures.  Settlers first elected Boone as one of their two representatives from what was then called Fayette County, Virginia, the year after legislators had split "Kentucky County" into three counties. Thus, Boone served alongside Thomas Swearingen representing Fayette County in the Virginia House of Delegates sessions of May 7-June 23, 1781, and again from October 1, 1781 until January 5, 1782. However, by May, 1782 Fayette County voters selected two other men (John Mosby and Robert Johnson) as their delegates.  As settlers moved westward, the border war with American Indians north of the Ohio River resumed, now sometimes called the Northwest Indian War. In September 1786, Boone took part in a military expedition into what was then called the "Ohio Country" led by fellow Virginia and Kentucky militia Col. Benjamin Logan. Returning to Limestone, Boone housed and fed Shawnees who were captured during the raid, and helped to negotiate a truce and prisoner exchange. Although the war escalated and would not end until the American victory at the Battle of Fallen Timbers eight years later, the 1786

Missouri.

Having endured legal and financial setbacks, Boone sought to make a fresh start by leaving the United States. In 1799, he moved his extended family to what is now St. Charles County, Missouri, but was then part of Spanish Louisiana. The Spanish, eager to promote settlement in the sparsely populated region, did not enforce the official requirement that all immigrants had to be Roman Catholic. The Spanish governor appointed Boone "syndic" (judge and jury) and commandant (military leader) of the Femme Osage district. The many anecdotes of Boone's tenure as syndic suggest he sought to render fair judgments rather than to strictly observe the letter of the law.  Boone served as syndic and commandant until 1804, when Missouri became part of the United States following the Louisiana Purchase. Because Boone's land grants from the Spanish government had been largely based on verbal agreements, he once again lost his land claims. In 1809, he petitioned Congress

Death.

Daniel Boone died of natural causes (other sources say from acute indigestion) on September 26, 1820, at Nathan Boone's home on Femme Osage Creek, five weeks short of his 86th birthday. His last words were, "I'm going now. My time has come." He was buried next to Rebecca, who had died on March 18, 1813. The graves, which were unmarked until the mid-1830s, were near Jemima (Boone) Callaway's home on Tuque Creek, about two miles (3 km) from the present-day Marthasville, Missouri. In 1845, the Boones' remains were supposedly disinterred and reburied in a new cemetery, Frankfort Cemetery in Frankfort, Kentucky. Resentment in Missouri about the disinterment grew over the years, and a legend arose that Boone's remains never left Missouri. According to this story, Boone's tombstone in Missouri had

Cultural legacy.

Daniel Boone remains an iconic figure in American history, although his status as an early American folk hero and later as a subject of fiction have tended to obscure the actual details of his life. Several places in the United States are named for him, including the Daniel Boone National Forest, the Sheltowee Trace Trail, the town of Boone, North Carolina, various settlements carrying the name of "Boonville", and seven counties: Boone County, Illinois, Boone County, Indiana, Boone County, Nebraska, Boone County, West Virginia, Boone County, Missouri, Boone County, Arkansas, and Boone County, Kentucky. Schools across the United States are named for Daniel Boone, including schools in Birdsboro, Pennsylvania, Douglassville, Pennsylvania, Richmond, Kentucky, Wentzville, Missouri, Warrenton, Missouri, Gray, Tennessee, and Chicago. Daniel Boone was honored with a 6-cent stamp in the American Folklore Series on September 26, 1968, at Frankfort, Kentucky, where his remains were supposedly reburied. He was a famous frontiersman in the development of Virginia, Kentucky and the trans-Appalachian west. A wall of roughly-hewn boards displays the tools of Boone's trade—a Pennsylvania rifle, a powder horn, and a knife. The pipe tomahawk represents that the Shawnees had adopted Boone. His name and birth date were carved on the wall.  The U.S. Navy's Polaris submarine, was named after Boone.

Emergence as a legend.

Boone emerged as a legend in large part because of land speculator John Filson's "The Adventures of Colonel Daniel Boon", part of his book "The Discovery, Settlement and present State of Kentucke". First published in 1784, Filson's book was primarily intended to popularize Kentucky to immigrants. It was soon translated into French and German, and made Boone famous in America and Europe. Based on interviews with Boone, Filson's book contained a mostly factual account of Boone's adventures from the exploration of Kentucky through the American Revolution. However, because the real Boone was a man of few

Symbol and stereotype.

Thanks to Filson's book, in Europe, Boone became a symbol of the "natural man" who lives a virtuous, uncomplicated existence in the wilderness. This was most famously expressed in Lord Byron's epic poem "Don Juan" (1822), which devoted a number of stanzas to Boone, including this one:  Byron's poem celebrated Boone as someone who found happiness by turning his back on civilization. In a similar vein, many folk tales depicted Boone as a man who migrated to more remote areas whenever civilization crowded in on him. In a typical anecdote, when asked why he was moving to Missouri, Boone supposedly replied, "I want more elbow room!" Boone rejected such an interpretation of his life, however. "Nothing embitters my old age," he said late in life, like "the circulation of absurd stories that I retire as civilization advances..."  Existing simultaneously with the image of Boone as a refugee from society was, paradoxically, the popular portrayal of him as civilization's trailblazer. Boone was celebrated as an agent of Manifest Destiny, a pathfinder who tamed the wilderness, paving the way for the extension of American civilization. In 1852, critic

In fiction.

Boone's adventures, real and mythical, formed the basis of the archetypal hero of the American West, popular in 19th-century novels and 20th-century films. The main character of James Fenimore Cooper's Leatherstocking Tales, the first of which was published in 1823, bore striking similarities to Boone; even his name, Nathaniel Bumppo, echoed Daniel Boone's name. As mentioned above, "The Last of the Mohicans" (1826), Cooper's second Leatherstocking novel, featured a fictionalized version of Boone's rescue of his daughter. After Cooper, other writers developed the Western hero, an iconic figure which began as a variation of Daniel Boone.  In the 20th

Descendants.

Boone's grandson Alphonso Boone was an early settler of the Willamette River Valley in Oregon, arriving in 1846 and establishing

External links.

Primary material  Other material

Daniel Boone (September 26, 1820) was an American pioneer, explorer, woodsman, and frontiersman whose frontier exploits made him one of the first folk heroes of the United States. Although he also became a businessman, soldier and politician who represented three different counties in the Virginia General Assembly following the American Revolutionary War, Boone is most famous for his exploration and settlement of what is now Kentucky. Although on the western side of the Appalachian Mountains from most European-American settlements, Kentucky remained part of Virginia until it became a state in 1791.

Daniel Boone (* in Birdsboro, Pennsylvania; † 26. September 1820 in Defiance, Missouri) war ein US-amerikanischer Pionier und Jäger, der unter anderem die Wilderness Road erschloss und die Stadt Boonesborough in Kentucky gründete.


Heparin-coated blood oxygenator.

Rationale.

Operations which involve uncoated CPB circuits require a high dose of systemic heparin. Although the effects of heparin are reversible by administering protamine, there are a number of side effects associated with this. Side effects can include allergic reaction to heparin resulting in thrombocytopenia, various reactions to the administration of protamine and post-operative hemorrhage due to inadequate reversal of the anticoagulation. Systemic heparin does not completely prevent clotting or the activation of complement, neutrophils, and monocytes, which are the principal mediators of the inflammatory response. This response produces a wide range of cytotoxins, and cell-signaling proteins that circulate throughout the patient's body during surgery and disrupt homeostasis. The inflammatory responses can produce microembolic particles. A greater source of such microemboli are caused by the suction of surgical debris and lipids into the CPB circuit.  Microparticles obstruct arterioles that supply small nests of cells throughout the body and, together with cytotoxins, damage organs and tissues and temporarily disturb organ function. All aspects of cardiopulmonary bypass, including manipulation of the aorta by the surgeon, may be associated with neurological symptoms following perfusion. Physicians refer to such temporary neurological deficits as “pumphead syndrome.” Heparin-coated blood oxygenators are one option available to a surgeon and a perfusionist to decrease morbidity associated with CPB to a limited degree.  Heparin-coated oxygenators are thought to:

Surgical outcomes.

Heparin coating is reported to result in similar characteristics to the native endothelium. It has been shown to inhibit intrinsic coagulation, inhibit host responses to extracorporeal circulation, and lessen postperfusion, or “pumphead,” syndrome. Several studies have examined the clinical efficacy of these oxygenators.  Mirow et al. 2001 examined the effects of heparin-coated cardiopulmonary bypass systems combined with full and low dose systemic heparinization in coronary artery bypass patients. The researchers concluded that  Ovrum et al. 2001 compared the clinical outcomes of 1336 patients with the Carmeda Bioactive Surface and Duraflo II coatings. The researchers concluded that:  Statistics and conclusions from more studies are available here. Clearly, heparin-coated blood oxygenators exhibit some advantages over non-coated oxygenators. Some hospitals use heparin-coated oxygenators for the large majority of their cases requiring cardiopulmonary bypass. It is unclear whether most surgeons actually reduce the amount of systemic heparin used when their patients are being perfused with heparin-coated oxygenators. Ultimately, each surgeon makes this decision based upon the needs of individual patient.  Although they offer advantages, these oxygenators are not widely regarded by surgeons as revolutionary breakthroughs in cardiopulmonary bypass. This is attributable to the fact that most of the morbidity associated with CPB is not caused by the contact between the blood with the oxygenator. The leading cause of hemolysis and microemboli is the return of blood suctioned from the surgical field to the CPB circuit. This blood has come into contact with air, lipids and debris that can significantly increase system inflammatory response. Surgeons are instead looking to off-pump cardiac procedures, wherein surgery is performed on beating hearts, as the next “big thing” in open heart surgery.  Coated circuits have not been proven to alter surgical outcomes in any statistically significant manner. Furthermore, coated circuits are significantly more expensive than conventional circuits.

An oxygenator is a medical device that is capable of exchanging oxygen and carbon dioxide in the blood of human patient during surgical procedures that may necessitate the interruption or cessation of blood flow in the body, a critical organ or great blood vessel. These organs can be the heart, lungs or liver, while the great vessels can be the aorta, pulmonary artery, pulmonary veins or vena cava. An oxygenator is typically utilized by a perfusionist in cardiac surgery in conjunction with the heart-lung machine. However, oxygenators can also be utilized in extracorporeal membrane oxygenation in neonatal intensive care units by nurses. For most cardiac operations such as coronary artery bypass grafting, the cardiopulmonary bypass is performed using a heart-lung machine (or cardiopulmonary bypass machine). The heart-lung machine serves to replace the work of the heart during the open bypass surgery. The machine replaces both the heart's pumping action and the lungs' gas exchange function. Since the heart is stopped during the operation, this permits the surgeon to operate on a bloodless, stationary heart.

Ein Oxygenator ist ein medizintechnisches Produkt, das Blut mit Sauerstoff anreichert und Kohlenstoffdioxid aus dem Blut entfernt. Er wird zur Aufrechterhaltung des Gasaustausches in der Herzchirurgie als Einzelteil der Herz-Lungen-Maschine verwendet und in der Intensivmedizin zur Behandlung von akutem Lungenversagen. Der Oxygenator ersetzt kurzzeitig die Funktion der Lunge. Es gibt Film-, Blasen- und Membranoxygenatoren, wobei in Deutschland fast ausschließlich letztere verwendet werden.