Kuznets ratio.

The Kuznets ratio is a measurement of the ratio of income going to the highest-earning households (usually defined by the upper 20%) and the income going to the lowest-earning households, which is commonly measured by either the lowest 20% or lowest 40% of income. Comparing 20% to 20%, a completely even distribution is expressed as 1; 20% to 40% changes this value to 0.5.  Kuznets had two similar explanations for this historical phenomenon: In both explanations, inequality will decrease after 50% of the shift force switches over to the higher paying sector.

Criticisms.

Critics of the Kuznets curve theory argue that its U-shape comes not from progression in the development of individual countries, but rather from historical differences between countries. For instance, many of the middle income countries used in Kuznets' data set were in Latin America, a region with historically high levels of inequality. When controlling for this variable, the U-shape of the curve tends to disappear (e.g. Deininger and Squire, 1998). Regarding the empirical evidence, based on large panels of countries or time series approaches, Fields (2001) considers the Kuznets hypothesis refuted.  The East Asian miracle (EAM) has been used to criticize the validity of the Kuznets curve theory. The rapid economic growth of eight East Asian countries—Japan, South Korea, China, Singapore (Four Asian Tigers), Indonesia, Thailand, and Malaysia—between 1965 and 1990, was called the East Asian miracle. Manufacturing and export grew quickly and powerfully. Yet simultaneously, life expectancy was found to increase and population levels living in absolute poverty decreased. This development process was contrary to the Kuznets curve theory. Many studies have been done to identify how the EAM was able to ensure that the benefits of rapid economic growth were distributed broadly among the population, because Kuznets’ theory stated that rapid capital accumulation would lead to an initial increase in inequality. Joseph Stiglitz argues the East Asian experience of an intensive and successful economic development process along with an immediate decrease in population inequality can be explained by the immediate re-investment of initial benefits into land reform (increasing rural productivity, income, and savings), universal education (providing greater equality and what Stiglitz calls an “intellectual infrastructure” for productivity), and industrial policies that distributed income more equally through high and increasing wages and limited the price increases of commodities. These factors increased the average citizen’s ability to consume and invest within the economy, further contributing to economic growth. Stiglitz highlights that the high rates of growth provided the resources to promote equality, which acted as a positive-feedback loop to support the high rates of growth. The EAM defies the Kuznets curve, which insists growth produces inequality, and that inequality is a necessity for overall growth.  Cambridge University Lecturer Gabriel Palma recently found no evidence for a ‘Kuznets curve’ in inequality:  "[T]he statistical evidence for the ‘upwards’ side of the 'Inverted-U' between inequality and income per capita seems to have vanished, as many low and low-middle income countries now have a distribution of income similar to that of most middle-income countries (other than those of Latin America and Southern Africa). That is, half of Sub-Saharan Africa and many countries in Asian, including India, China and Vietnam, now have an income distribution similar to that found in North Africa, the Caribbean and the second-tier NICs. And this level is also similar to that of half of the first-tier NICs, the Mediterranean EU and the Anglophone OECD (excluding the US). As a result, about 80% of the world population now live in countries with a Gini around 40."  Palma goes on to note that, among middle-income countries, only those in Latin America and Southern Africa live in an inequality league of their own. Instead of a Kuznets curve, he breaks the population into deciles and examines the relationship between their respective incomes and income inequality. Palma then shows that there are two distributional trends taking place in inequality within a country:  "One is ‘centrifugal’, and takes place at the two tails of the distribution—leading to an increased diversity across countries in the shares appropriated by the top 10 percent and bottom forty percent. The other is ‘centripetal’, and takes place in the middle—leading to a remarkable uniformity across countries in the share of income going to the half of the population located between deciles 5 to 9."  Therefore, it is the share of the richest 10% of the population that affects the share of the poorest 40% of the population with the middle to upper-middle staying the same across all countries.  In "Capital in the Twenty-First Century", Thomas Piketty denies the effectiveness of the Kuznets curve. He points out that in some rich countries, the level of income inequality in 21st century has exceeded that in the second decades of 20th century, proposing the explanation that when the rate of return on capital is greater than the rate of economic growth over the long term, the result is the concentration of wealth.

Kuznets' own caveats.

In a biography about Simon Kuznets' scientific methods, economist Robert Fogel noted Kuznets' own reservations about the "fragility of the data" which underpinned the hypothesis. Fogel notes that most of Kuznets' paper was devoted to explicating the conflicting factors at play. Fogel emphasized Kuznets' opinion that "even if the data turned out to be valid, they pertained to an extremely limited period of time and to exceptional historical experiences." Fogel noted that despite these "repeated warnings", Kuznets' caveats were overlooked, and the Kuznets curve was "raised to the level of law" by other economists.

Inequality and trade liberalization.

Dobson and Ramlogan’s research looked to identify the relationship between inequality and trade liberalization. There have been mixed findings with this idea – some developing countries have experienced greater inequality, less inequality, or no difference at all, due to trade liberalization. Because of this, Dobson and Ramlogan suggest that perhaps trade openness can be related to inequality through a Kuznets curve framework. A trade liberalization-versus-inequality graph measures trade openness along the x-axis and inequality along the y-axis. Dobson and Ramlogan determine trade openness by the ratio of exports and imports (the total trade) and the average tariff rate; inequality is determined by gross primary school enrolment rates, the share of agriculture in total output, the rate of inflation, and cumulative privatization. By studying data from several Latin American countries that have implemented trade liberalization policies in the past 30 years, the Kuznets curve seems to apply to the relationship between trade liberalization and inequality (measured by the GINI coefficient). However, many of these nations saw a shift from low-skill labour production to natural resource intensive activities. This shift would not benefit low-skill workers as much. So although their evidence seems to support the Kuznets theory in relation to trade liberalization, Dobson and Ramlogan assert that policies for redistribution must be simultaneously implemented in order to mitigate the initial increase in inequality.

Environmental Kuznets curve.

The environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) is a hypothesized relationship between environmental quality and economic development: various indicators of environmental degradation tend to get worse as modern economic growth occurs until average income reaches a certain point over the course of development. The EKC suggests, in sum, that "the solution to pollution is economic growth."  Although subject to continuing debate, there is considerable evidence to support the application of environmental Kuznets curve for various environmental health indicators, such as water, air pollution and ecological footprint which show the inverted U-shaped curve as per capita income and/or GDP rise. It has been argued that this trend occurs in the level of many of the environmental pollutants, such as sulfur dioxide, nitrogen oxide, lead, DDT, chlorofluorocarbons, sewage, and other chemicals previously released directly into the air or water. For example, between 1970 and 2006, the United States' inflation-adjusted GDP grew by 195%, the number of cars and trucks in the country more than doubled, and the total number of miles driven increased by 178%. However, during that same period certain regulatory changes and technological innovations led to decreases in annual emissions of carbon monoxide from 197 million tons to 89 million, nitrogen oxides emissions from 27 million tons to 19 million, sulfur dioxide emissions from 31 million tons to 15 million, particulate emissions by 80%, and lead emissions by more than 98%.  Deforestation may follow a Kuznets curve (cf. forest transition curve). Among countries with a per capita GDP of at least $4,600, net deforestation has ceased to exist. Yet it has been argued that wealthier countries are able to maintain forests along with high consumption by ‘exporting’ deforestation.

Criticisms.

However, the applicability of the EKC is debatable when it comes to other pollutants, some natural resource use, and biodiversity conservation. For example, energy, land and resource use (sometimes called the "ecological footprint") may not fall with rising income. While the ratio of energy "per real GDP" has fallen, "total" energy use is still rising in most developed countries as are "total" emission of many greenhouse gases. Additionally, the status of many key "ecosystem services" provided by ecosystems, such as freshwater provision (Perman, "et al"., 2003), soil fertility, and fisheries, have continued to decline in developed countries. Proponents of the EKC argue that this varied relationship does not necessarily invalidate the hypothesis, but instead that the applicability of the Kuznets curves to various environmental indicators may differ when considering different ecosystems, economics, regulatory schemes, and technologies.  At least one critic argues that the US is still struggling to attain the income level necessary to prioritize certain environmental pollutants such as carbon emissions, which have yet to follow the EKC. Yandle "et al." argue that the EKC has not been found to apply to carbon because most pollutants create localized problems like lead and sulfur, so there are a greater urgency and response to cleaning up such pollutants. As a country develops, the marginal value of cleaning up such pollutants makes a large direct improvement to the quality of citizens' lives. Conversely, reducing carbon dioxide emissions does not have a dramatic impact at a local level, so the impetus to clean them up is only for the altruistic reason of improving the global environment. This becomes a tragedy of the commons where it is most efficient for everyone to pollute and for no one to clean up, and everyone is worse as a result (Hardin, 1968). Thus, even in a country like the US with a high level of income, carbon emissions are not decreasing in accordance with the EKC. However, there seems to be little consensus about whether EKC is formed with regard to CO emissions, as CO is a global pollutant that has yet to prove its validity within Kuznet's Curve. That said, Yandle "et al." also concluded that "policies that stimulate growth (trade liberalization, economic restructuring, and price reform) should be good for the environment".  Other critics point out that researchers also disagree about the shape of the curve when longer-term time scales are evaluated. For example, Millimet and Stengos regard the traditional "inverse U" shape as actually being an "N" shape, indicating that pollution increases as a country develops, decreases once the threshold GDP is reached, and then begins increasing as national income continues to increase. While such findings are still being debated, it could prove to be important because it poses the concerning question of whether pollution actually begins to decline for good when an economic threshold is reached or whether the decrease is only in local pollutants and pollution is simply exported to poorer developing countries. Levinson concludes that the environmental Kuznets curve is insufficient to support a pollution policy regardless whether it is laissez-faire or interventionist, although the literature has been used this way by the press.  Arrow "et al." argue pollution-income progression of agrarian communities (clean) to industrial economies (pollution intensive) to service economies (cleaner) would appear to be false if pollution increases again at the end due to higher levels of income and consumption of the population at large. A difficulty with this model is that it lacks predictive power because it is highly uncertain how the next phase of economic development will be characterized.  Suri and Chapman argue that the EKC is not applicable on the global scale, as a net pollution reduction may not actually be occurring globally. Wealthy nations have a trend of exporting the activities that create the most pollution, like manufacturing of clothing and furniture, to poorer nations that are still in the process of industrial development (Suri and Chapman, 1998). This could mean that as the world's poor nations develop, they will have nowhere to export their pollution. Thus, this progression of environmental clean-up occurring in conjunction with economic growth cannot be replicated indefinitely because there may be nowhere to export waste and pollution-intensive processes. However, Gene Grossman and Alan B. Krueger, the authors who initially made the correlation between economic growth, environmental clean-up, and the Kuznets curve, conclude that there is "no evidence that environmental quality deteriorates steadily with economic growth."  Stern warns "it is very easy to do bad econometrics", and says "the history of the EKC exemplifies what can go wrong". He finds that "little or no attention has been paid to the statistical properties of the data used such as serial dependence or stochastic trends in time series and few tests of model adequacy have been carried out or presented. However, one of the main purposes of doing econometrics is to test which apparent relationships... are valid and which are spurious correlations". He states his unequivocal finding: "When we do take such statistics into account and use appropriate techniques we find that the EKC does not exist (Perman and Stern 2003). Instead, we get a more realistic view of the effect of economic growth and technological changes on environmental quality. It seems that most indicators of environmental degradation are monotonically rising in income though the 'income elasticity' is less than one and is not a simple function of income alone. Time-related effects reduce environmental impacts in countries at all levels of income. However, in rapidly growing middle income countries the scale effect, which increases pollution and other degradation, overwhelms the time effect. In wealthy countries, growth is slower, and pollution reduction efforts can overcome the scale effect. This is the origin of the apparent EKC effect".

In economics, a Kuznets curve () graphs the hypothesis that as an economy develops, market forces first increase and then decrease economic inequality. The hypothesis was first advanced by economist Simon Kuznets in the 1950s and 1960s.

Die Kuznets-Kurve (Aussprache: "Kusnez") ist die grafische Darstellung des von Simon Smith Kuznets aufgestellten hypothetischen Zusammenhangs zwischen Wirtschaftswachstum und Ungleichheit in der Einkommensverteilung. Sie besagt, dass ökonomische Ungleichheit während der Entwicklung eines Landes zunächst ansteigt und danach abfällt.


Design.

The two "Kaiser"-class ironclads were authorized under the naval program of 1867, which had been approved by the "Reichstag" to strengthen the North German Federal Navy in the wake of the Second Schleswig War, when the weak, then-Prussian Navy had been unable to break the blockade imposed by the Danish Navy. Designed by Edward James Reed in 1869, the ships were among the most powerful casemate ships built by any navy, though they were rendered obsolescent by the time they were completed by the advent of the turret ship.  "Deutschland" was long overall and had a beam of and a draft of forward. "Deutschland" was powered by one 2-cylinder single-expansion steam engine, which was supplied with steam by eight coal-fired trunk boilers. The ship's top speed was, at. She was also equipped with a full ship rig. Her standard complement consisted of 32 officers and 568 enlisted men.  She was armed with eight L/20 guns mounted in a central battery amidships. As built, the ship was also equipped with a single L/22 gun. After being rebuilt in 1891–1895, her armament was increased by six L/22 and one 8.8 cm L/30 guns, four and later twelve auto-cannons, and five torpedo tubes, all mounted in the ship's hull.  "Deutschland"s armor consisted of wrought iron; her armor belt was thick, above which a strake of armor that was thick protected the main battery guns. Her main armor deck was thick.

Service history.

"Deutschland" was ordered by the Imperial Navy from the Samuda Brothers shipyard in London, UK; her keel was laid in 1872. "Deutschland" and her sister "Kaiser" were ordered shortly after the end of the Franco-Prussian War, under the assumption that the French would quickly attempt a war of revenge. The ship was launched on 12 September 1874 and commissioned into the German fleet on 20 July 1875. She was the last German capital ship built by a foreign shipbuilder.  Following her commissioning in July 1875, a German crew sailed "Deutschland" to Germany. She arrived too late, however, to participate in the annual summer training maneuvers. The ship was ready for the 1876 maneuvers; the squadron consisted of "Deutschland", her sister, and the older ironclads and, commanded by Rear Admiral Carl Ferdinand Batsch. At around the time Batch's squadron was working up for the summer cruise, the German consul in Salonika, then in the Ottoman Empire, was murdered. Further attacks on German citizens living in the area were feared, and so Batsch was ordered to sail to the Mediterranean Sea to stage a naval demonstration in June 1876. After arriving with the four ironclads, he was reinforced by three unarmored vessels. After the threat of violence subsided in August, Batsch departed with "Kaiser" and "Deutschland"; the other two ironclads remained in the Mediterranean for the rest of the summer. For the 1877 maneuvers, the new turret ironclad replaced "Kronprinz". The squadron was again sent to the Mediterranean, in response to unrest in the Ottoman Empire related to the Russo-Turkish War; the violence threatened German citizens living there. The squadron, again under the command of Batsch, steamed to the ports of Haifa and Jaffa in July 1877, but found no significant tensions ashore. Batsch then departed and cruised the Mediterranean for the remainder of the summer, returning to Germany in October. The newly commissioned and, sister ships of "Preussen", replaced "Deutschland" and "Kaiser" in the 1878 maneuvers, during which "Grosser Kurfürst" was accidentally rammed and sank with great loss of life. "Deutschland" and her sister "Kaiser" remained in reserve for the next six years. They were reactivated in the spring of 1883 for the summer maneuvers under the command of Wilhelm von Wickede. Due to their long period out of service, their engines proved troublesome during the training cruise. Indeed, the maneuvers were temporarily put on hold when the steam plants in "Deutschland", "Kaiser", and "Kronprinz" broke down. Regardless, the 1883 cruise was the first year the German navy completely abandoned the use of sails on its large ironclads. "Deutschland" went into reserve during the 1884 maneuvers, which were conducted by a homogenous squadron composed of the four s. The ship did not see active duty again until the summer of 1889, when "Deutschland" joined the fleet that steamed to Great Britain to celebrate the coronation of Kaiser Wilhelm II; the ship joined her sister "Kaiser" and the turret ships "Preussen" and "Friedrich der Grosse" in II Division. The fleet then held training maneuvers in the North Sea under command of Rear Admiral Friedrich Hollmann. "Deutschland" and the rest of II Division became the training squadron for the fleet in 1889–1890, the first year the Kaiserliche Marine maintained a year-round ironclad force. The squadron escorted Wilhelm II's imperial yacht to the Mediterranean; the voyage included state visits to Italy and the Ottoman Empire. The squadron remained in the Mediterranean until April 1890, when it returned to Germany. "Deutschland" participated in the ceremonial transfer of the island of Helgoland from British to German control in the summer of 1890. She was present during the fleet maneuvers in September, where the entire eight-ship armored squadron simulated a Russian fleet blockading Kiel. II Division, including "Deutschland", served as the training squadron in the winter of 1890–1891. The squadron again cruised the Mediterranean, under the command of Rear Admiral Wilhelm Schröder.  During the winter of 1892–1893, "Deutschland" participated in a training squadron alongside the old ironclad and the new coastal defense ships and. The squadron carried over for the fleet maneuvers during the summer of 1893, when they were joined by the four "Sachsen"-class vessels. In November 1893, the "Deutschland", "König Wilhelm", and "Friedrich der Grosse" were joined by the brand-new pre-dreadnought battleship, under the command of Otto von Diederichs. The squadron participated in the fall maneuvers in 1894, which simulated a two-front war against France and Russia; "Deutschland"s squadron acted as the Russian fleet during the exercises. Between 1894 and 1897, "Deutschland" was rebuilt in the Imperial Dockyard in Wilhelmshaven. The ship was converted into an armored cruiser; her heavy guns were removed and replaced with lighter weapons, including eight and eight guns. Her entire rigging equipment was removed and two heavy military masts were installed in place of the rigging. Despite the modernization, she remained quite slow. "Kaiser" and the old ironclad "König Wilhelm" were similarly converted. "Deutschland" rejoined the fleet on 25 January 1897. Following Diederichs's seizure of Kiautschou Bay in November 1897, "Deutschland", the protected cruiser, and the light cruisers and reinforced the East Asia Cruiser Division. The arrival of the four ships allowed the division to be expanded to the East Asia Squadron. Prince Heinrich, with his flag aboard "Deutschland", departed Germany in December 1897 with "Gefion"; the two ships arrived in Hong Kong in March 1898. Prince Heinrich took the two ships on a tour of Asia, culminating in a state visit to Peking in April. While most of the Squadron went to the Philippines to safeguard German interests during the Spanish–American War in the summer of 1898, "Deutschland", "Gefion", and remained in Chinese waters. On 14 April 1899, Diederichs left the East Asia Squadron; command passed to Prince Henry and "Deutschland" became the Squadron flagship.  "Deutschland" remained on the East Asia station until early 1900, when she travelled via the Mediterranean and Portsmouth to Kiel. After returning to Germany, "Deutschland" was used as a harbor ship, starting on 3 May 1904. She was renamed "Jupiter" on 22 November of that year. On 21 May 1906, the ship was stricken from the naval register and used briefly as a target ship in 1907. The Kaiserliche Marine sold the ship in 1908 for 120,000 marks; she was broken up for scrap the following year in Hamburg-Moorburg.

SMS "Deutschland" was the second and final ship of the s; was her sister ship. Named for Germany ("Deutschland" in German), the ship was laid down in the Samuda Brothers shipyard in London in 1872. The ship was launched in September 1874 and commissioned into the German fleet in July 1875. "Deutschland" mounted a main battery of eight guns in a central battery amidships. She was the last capital ship built for the German Navy by a foreign ship-builder; all subsequent ships were built in Germany.

Die erste SMS "Deutschland " der Kaiserlichen Marine war eine Panzerfregatte der in England gebauten "Kaiser"-Klasse. Die vorhandene Segeleinrichtung wurde nach und nach reduziert und entfernt. Die "Deutschland" wurde 1897 in einen Großen Kreuzer umklassifiziert und diente 1898 bis 1900 in China.


History.

The town was first mentioned in one of the first documents written partially in the Polish language, that is the Bull of Gniezno of 1136. Back then it was a private property of the Bishops of Gniezno. In the mid-13th century the town was transferred to the Bishops of Poznań, who remained the sole owners of the area until after the Partitions of Poland. Located at the trade route linking Poznań with Wrocław, the town drew significant income from the traders and merchants, who were obliged to sell their merchandise at the local market before proceeding down the trade route. In 1359 king Casimir III granted the town with Środa Law, a local variant of the famous Magdeburg Law. In 1797 Dolsk was confiscated by the Prussian authorities and gradually fell into dismay. During the mass executions of World War II, 10 people from Dolsk and the surrounding areas were shot. Liberation from Nazi occupation took place on January 21, 1945.  Currently the town is experiencing a period of growth due to increase in tourist traffic. Among the most notable tourist attractions are three local churches: St. Michael's church (circa 1460, burnt and rebuilt in 1790, one of the most notable pieces of late gothic architecture in the area), St. Laurentius' church (17th century) and Holy Spirit's church (17th century wooden church, formerly a chapel for the local hospital). The area around the town is a mosaic of various types of landscape, mostly formed during the glacial age. Among the most notable features are dense forests, several lakes and healthy turf deposits.

References.

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Dolsk () is a town of approximately 1,400 inhabitants (as of 2005) in the Greater Poland Voivodeship of Poland. A capital of a commune within the powiat of Śrem, the town is a minor centre of trade and commerce. The town is located between two lakes, the "Dolskie Wielkie" and "Dolskie Małe", both deriving their names from the name of the town. Geographically, the town lies in the Leszczyńska Uplands in Greater Poland, close to its border with Lower Silesia.

Dolsk ( "Dolzig") ist eine Stadt im Powiat Śremski der Woiwodschaft Großpolen in Polen. Sie ist Sitz der gleichnamigen Stadt-und-Land-Gemeinde mit Einwohnern (Stand ).


History.

Pre-Revolution.

Tractor was formed in 1970 in support of the Tractor Manufacturing Company in Tabriz. They played in the Pasargad League for five years until 1975. They finished 1974–75 as the winner of the Pasargard League and were promoted to the Takht Jamshid Cup (now the Iran Pro League). In their first season in the Takht Jamshid Cup, they were in poor form, and as a result they were relegated to the Pasargard League after just one year in the first division. They also lost the Hazfi Cup final to Malavan in the cup's inaugural edition. After their relegation, Hossein Fekri remained as the club's manager and led them to a return to the first division for the 1977–78 season, which they finished in 5th place. In the 1978–79 season, which never finished due to the Iranian Revolution, they were in 8th place with twelve matches played. Their rival at the time was Machine Sazi, who are also based in Tabriz.

Post-Revolution.

In the 1980s the national league was suspended due to the Iran–Iraq War, therefore Tractor were forced to compete in the Tabriz Local Leagues for many years. In the 1986–87 Qods League the East Azerbaijan Provincial team, with a mix of players from Tractor and rivals Machine Sazi, made it to the final, but were defeated in the final by the Isfahan Provincial team.

1990s.

Romanian coach Vasile Godja was in charge of Tractor's youth teams from 1986. He was also a worker at the Tractor Company and discovered various talents as the B team's coach. He also discovered and trained various talented players like Karim Bargheri, Sirous Dinmohammadi, Alireza Nikmer and Hossein Khatibi which, in time, played for Iran's national team. In 1990, he was promoted to first team coach and led the club in the 1992–93 season, finishing third place in the national competition. Esmail Halali was their star in this period. Under his leadership in 1994, Tractor made the finals of the Hazfi Cup again, this time losing to Bahman in the final, and won the MILLS International cup in India in 1995.  Godja left the team in 1997 after eight years in charge of the club. Mohammad Hossein Ziaei then became the player-coach of Tractor. At this time, notable players of the team started their migration to the other clubs. 1998 to 2001 they finished the league in mid-table.

Iran Pro League.

In 2001, IRIFF formed the Iran Pro League as the professional league. The inaugural 2001–02 season under Reza Vatankhah and Mahmoud Yavari's management, saw Tractor relegated to the Azadegan League after the club finished bottom of the league.

Relegation to Azadegan League.

Tractor spent seven seasons in the Azadegan League (Iran's second division) and were unable to climb to the Iran Pro League. Tractor qualified for the promotion play-off in the 2006–07 season but lost to Shirin Faraz 4–2. After the appointment of Faraz Kamalvand as the manager before the 2008–09 season, Tractor were promoted to the Iran Pro League for the first time in 8 years.

Return to Pro League.

In the 2011–12 season and under Amir Ghalenoei's management, Tractor finished as runners-up, securing a spot for the 2013 AFC Champions League. This was the first time Tractor had qualified for the competition, subsequently qualifying for the 2014 and 2015 editions as well. In July 2012, former S.L. Benfica and Sevilla FC coach, Toni was named as the club's manager. He led the club to a runners up finish in the Iran Pro League.

Champions League.

After a fall out between Oliveira and the club chairman, Oliveira was sacked and Majid Jalali was brought in for the 2013–14 season. After a poor run of results Jalali was fired and Toni returned, almost immediately leading Tractor to a Hazfi Cup Championship, and a place in the 2015 AFC Champions League. They also finished the season in the 6th place, after they defeated Esteghlal 3–1 in the last match at Azadi Stadium. Tractor were also unable to qualify for the knock-out stage of the AFC Champions League for the second consecutive year, after they finished 4th in their group in both the 2013 and 2014 editions. In 2015, Tractor again were eliminated in the group stage of the AFC Champions League for the third straight time.  On 15 May 2015, the final match of the season was played between Tractor and Naft Tehran. The match took place at Sahand Stadium in Tabriz. After communication issues at the stadium, Tractor staff mistakenly thought that Sepahan was losing to Saipa, which would mean Tractor would win the league with a draw. Tractor tied the game, believing that a 3–3 draw with Naft had won them the title. While they were celebrating with their fans on the field, they found out that the actual result of the parallel game was 2–0 for Sepahan and that Sepahan were league champions. Tractor finished as runners-up for the third time, with Amir Ghalenoi in 2012–13 and Toni in 2012–13 and 2014–15. Midway through the 2015–16 season Tractor head coach Toni was once again sacked and replaced by Amir Ghalenoi. On 24 February 2016 Tractor won their first match of the 2016 AFC Champions League in a 4–0 win against Emirati club Al Jazira. Tractor won the return leg 1–0 on 2 March 2016 in Abu Dhabi as well. After the first two games, Tractor surpassed the most points they ever gained in the AFC Champions League group stage. Tractor qualified for the knock-out stages of the Champions League for the first time in their history on 19 April 2016 after defeating Saudi club Al-Hilal 2–0. Tractor eventually lost in the Round of 16 to Emirati club Al Nasr.  In the 2016–17 season, Tractor defeated Zob Ahan in the semi final of the Hazfi Cup to reach the final against Naft Tehran. In January 2017 it was revealed that Tractor had been suspended from two transfer windows by FIFA due to outstanding debts to former players. This led to the club terminating the contract of Sajjad Shahbazzadeh whom they had signed days earlier.

Fans.

Official anthem.

There are a lot of popular marches for Tractor S.C. but 'Tiraxtur iftixarımız' ('Tractor is our pride'), created and implemented in 2012, was chosen as the official anthem. The table below shows the lyrics of the Tractor fans anthem:.

Violence and racist slogans.

In home games, Tractor fans often shout racial insults and calls to violence against the other ethnic groups in Iran, in particular Persians and Kurds. Some supporters also carry the Azerbaijani flag inside the stadium. In a match on November 1st 2019, in response to Turkey's recent military operation against the Syrian Kurds, the ethnic Azerbaijani Tractor fans chanted "Death to Kurds!" throughout the match and carried banners stating "Either Czechoslovakia or Yugoslavia!", in reference to the Yugoslav Wars.

Damage to opponent's stadiums.

In some away games, Tractor fans burned the stadium seats and damaged the walls of the stadium. In 2018, they inflicted heavy damage on the Azadi stadium. In 2017, They did damage to Yadegar-e Emam Stadium of Qom.

Crest.

From its foundation, the team used a red crest. On the exterior circle, the name of the club and the date of its foundation were written. The second crest was white until 2013, when the club changed the colour of the crest to black.

Kit.

They were previously sponsored by the Hamrah-e Aval (Mobile Telecommunication Company). In July 2018, the club signed a contract with Merooj, starting from 2017–18 Iran Pro League season.

Media.

The official matches of the club in Iran Pro League, Hazfi Cup and AFC Champions League are broadcast from Sahand TV (The club's city owned TV station), Varzesh and Shoma channels. Online viewing is also available on the official site of the club and three above TV channels sites. Important matches are also broadcast from IRIB TV3, Jame Jam and SAHAR TV.

Ownership.

The club is owned by the Tractor Manufacturing Company since its establishment in 1970. Since 2011, it has been owned by Kowsar Foundation (51%), with 30% of the club belonging to the East-Azerbaijan Province. In addition, the "Iranian Mehr Institute" is an affiliate of Kowsar Foundation and other stakeholders and custodians of the club. Kowsar Foundation is part of Sepah Pasdaran – with the club enabling its players to complete their military service. Since 2018, the club has been owned by Mohammad Reza Zonuzi, an Iranian businessman and shareholder.

Rivals.

Tractor has most rivalry with two big Iranian football clubs, Esteghlal and Persepolis.

Persepolis–Tractor rivalry.

Persepolis–Tractor rivalry started in 2009 when Tractor returned to first tier of Iranian football league after 8 years and their fans had passion about this event. Mustafa Denizli is one of the club's most popular coaches in this rivalry. In 2019, Tractor defeated Persepolis after more than five years when Denizli was the head coach.

Esteghlal–Tractor rivalry.

This rivalry started in 2009 and in the past years this rivalry was a bit overwhelmed by violence from both fans. On 10 May 2015, Tractor defeated Esteghlal with 4 goals. On 1 November 2019, they were beaten 4–2 by Esteghlal in Yadegar-e Emam Stadium.

Machine Sazi–Tractor rivalry.

Tractor has brotherly relationship with Machine Sazi (another football club from Tabriz). During the 1970s both Tractor and Machine Sazi met regularly in the Takht Jamshid Cup and both teams had some memorable successes in the fixture. Following the creation of the Azadegan League, Machine Sazi and Tractor met twice in the 1996–97 Azadegan League.  Machine Sazi's promotion to the Iran Pro League in 2016 saw fans eagerly anticipating the first league derbies in 7 years.

Players.

Current squad.

"For recent transfers, see List of Iranian football transfers summer 2019".

Stadium.

Tractor played their home matches from 1979 until 1996 in the 20,000 capacity Bagh Shomal Stadium (Takhti Stadium), 1976 AFC Asian Cup stadium. Sahand Stadium (Yadegar-e Emam Stadium) was replaced with Bagh-e Shomal Stadium after it was completed in January 1996. The stadium is the second biggest stadium in Iran with 66,833 seats. The stadium is also part of Tabriz Olympic Complex.  During Sahand Stadium's renovation in 2005 until 2006 years, Bakeri Stadium was the club's home ground in the Azadegan League matches. The stadium has 10,000 capacity.

Recent seasons.

The results of the club in last 10 years.

Seasons.

The table below chronicles the achievements of Tractor in various competitions.

Asian record.

Asian Club Championship / AFC Champions League.

Legend: GF = Goals For. GA = Goals Against. GD = Goal Difference.

Individual records.

Lists of the players with the most caps and top goalscorers for the club, as of 3 June 2019.Mohammad Ebrahimi is the club's all-time most capped player and top scorer with 31 goals in 180 games. This list includes goals from all competitive matches.

Tractor Sport Club (), commonly known as Tractor, formerly Tractor Sazi, is an Iranian football club based in Tabriz, East Azerbaijan, that competes in the Persian Gulf Pro League. The club was founded in 1970 by the Iran Tractor Manufacturing Company.

Der Tractor Sazi () ist ein iranischer Fußballverein aus Täbris. Der Verein wurde 1970 gegründet. Das Heimatstadion ist das Yadegar-e-Emam-Stadion. Tractor Sazi gilt als "die" Mannschaft der Region Aserbaidschan, entsprechend sind rund 90 % der Fans Aserbaidschaner.


History.

Indigenous heritage.

In February 2006 the Sydney Harbour Federation Trust commissioned the Australian Museum Business Services to carry out an Archaeological Survey of the Macquarie Lightstation. This was undertaken in conjunction with the La Perouse Aboriginal Land Council. The survey found no Aboriginal sites or objects on the surface and that the previous disturbance to the site made it highly unlikely that any Aboriginal material was pre-Greenway wall is likely to have come from an Aboriginal midden and appears to contain at least one possible artefact within it. It recommends that no further survey work is necessary or warranted. However, due to the shell midden material it recommends recording the wall as an Aboriginal site. It also recommended that any work to the east of the Francis Greenway wall that will result in the exposure of the sandstone platforms will require monitoring and detailed recording conducted by a qualified archaeologist.

European settlement.

The Macquarie Lightstation Precinct and surrounding lands were dedicated to navigational and communication activities from the very early years of the colony and remarkably continue to be associated with these uses today. As early as 1788, South Head was being used as a look-out point for boats entering and leaving the harbour. Prior to 1816 South Head was the site for a manned flagstaff, a fire beacon, a navigation column and a signal station. In 1790, Captain Arthur Phillip directed a party of seamen from the "Sirius" to erect a flagstaff "on a high bluff...at the entrance to the harbour..." in order to communicate the arrival of ships into the harbour back to the colony at Sydney Cove. The first signal from here was displayed in February of that year. It is believed that the present Signal Station is the site of the 1790 flagstaff. Later that year, Phillip also commanded that a column be erected near the flagstaff. It should be "... of a height sufficient to be seen from some distance at sea, and the stonemasons were sent down to quarry stone upon the spot for the building..." The column was erected on a raised base measuring and had its own base of. The signalling activities at South Head were now two-fold, communicating news about the arrival of ships to the colony at Sydney Cove via semaphore, and informing ships of the location of the entrance to Port Jackson. By the end of 1790 the site was known as the "Look-out Post" and there were huts and vegetable gardens adjacent to the flagstaff for the eleven men stationed there.  The column was destroyed in September 1792 by a major storm. It was reportedly re-erected using bricks from Bennelong's disused hut on Bennelong Point as there were not enough bricks available from the kilns in the Brickfields. This was followed, in 1793, by a tripod mounted iron basket which originally burned wood, and later coal. During this period, access to the site was via a walking track which was approximately in the same location as the present Old South Head Road. In 1803 surgeon John Harris offered to construct a road wide for A₤100. By 1811 the of road and eleven bridges of Old South Head Road was completed. It terminated at the Signal Station with a walking track leading down to Watsons Bay.

The first Macquarie Lighthouse (1816–1878).

Following the end of the Napoleonic war in 1815, many more convicts were sent to New South Wales, with over 1000 arriving in 1818. The impending arrival of ships transporting convicts and an increase in the volume of shipping led to the commencement of a series of building projects in Sydney. Governor Macquarie gave instructions that a lighthouse, the first in Australia, be constructed at the entrance to Port Jackson on South Head. Francis Greenway was appointed as architect and Captain John Gill as supervisor. Numerous people criticised the appropriateness of the site because of its distance miles from the actual opening into the harbour. Greenway suggested North Head as an appropriate location, but this was dismissed by Governor Macquarie as being too remote. The foundation stone was laid on 11 July 1816.  The lighthouse sat in an area compounded by four stone retaining walls with originally two corner lodges intended for the "keepers of the Signals". The construction of the tower was probably one of the most difficult constructions undertaken in the colony to date. The colony had a shortage of quality building materials and skilled labour which despite the skills of Greenway and Gill, proved to make the construction very difficult. In addition, Greenway and Gill often disagreed on best methods of construction leading to design and engineering compromises. The lighthouse tower was essentially completed by December 1817 when Macquarie wrote to Lord Bathurst, the British Secretary of State to inform him of the "Very Elegant and Strong Stone Tower and Light House" erected at South Head. At this time the lantern was yet to be completed as they were waiting for the arrival of the plate glass from England. Bathurst responded favourably to Macquarie despite the fact that work on the lighthouse had commenced without obtaining official approval from Britain On 16 December 1817, the Governor and Mrs Macquarie and a party of their friends went to inspect the tower. On the same day, before breakfast, Francis Greenway received his emancipation papers at the Lighthouse.  The lighthouse was operational permanently from 1818 and was under the supervision of the former quartermaster for the first Fleet and retired harbourmaster, Robert Watson. He had previously served as quartermaster on the "Sirius", worked at Norfolk Island and had been Harbour Master at Port Jackson.  Shortcomings in the construction of the tower became evident early on. The soft sandstone proved short-lived, and even as early as 1823 it started crumbling, and large steel bands were placed to keep the structure together. By 1822 it was deemed necessary to carry out emergency structural repairs as some stones had fallen from the arches during that year. This work included the reconstruction of the supporting arches, the repointing of stones, and the introduction of a large iron hoop to support the base of the tower. Further repairs were undertaken in 1830 and a verandah was added on the western face of the building. In 1836 new quarters were built in the south-west corner of the site for the Head Keeper. In 1866 further structural repairs were required to the lighthouse including the addition of more iron straps around the tower. The tower was now distinctly dilapidated and in 1873 it was agreed that the light cast by the Macquarie Tower was not sufficiently strong for its important location, and that new, more powerful lighting technology should be used. However, the lantern on the Macquarie Tower was too small to accommodate the new apparatus. By 1878 the NSW Government decided a new tower was needed. The construction of the new tower started in 1880, just away from the original structure. It was officially lit in 1883.  In 1857 the "Dunbar" was wrecked on South Head, and the "Catherine Adams" on North Head. These tragedies highlighted the need to more clearly define the entry to the harbour. The wreck of the "Dunbar" in particular showed the deficiencies of the Macquarie Light, as it appeared that The Gap may have been mistaken for the harbour entry. As a consequence the Hornby light was constructed at the extreme northerly end of South Head in 1858. In 1878, approval was given to replace the Greenway-built tower with a new tower.

The Barnet Lighthouse (1878–1937).

James Barnet was the architect responsible for the project and his design was clearly based on Greenway's original, a mark of the respect held for Greenway's work. Although the building is seen as a replica of Greenway's design, Barnet incorporated other changes in the appearance of the building, particularly in the proportions of the elements, and, notably, in the larger domes and ventilators over the side wings and the projecting gallery of bluestone at the top of the tower. The light commenced operation in 1883 and had a range of twenty five nautical miles. The technology used in this lighthouse (it was one of the first electrically powered lighthouses in the world) was such that a higher level of expertise in the maintenance was required and hence a larger number of staff. This led to the construction in 1881 of two semidetached cottages for the assistants to the Head Keeper. In 1885 new quarters were built for the Engineer and his assistant.  The crown and the lantern room were larger so a larger apparatus can be accommodated. Also added was a black gunmetal railing, which was to become one of Barnet's hallmarks. The original lens was a Chance Brothers, sixteen sided, dioptric, holophotal, Fresnel lens, with a characteristic of one eight-second white flash every minute (L Fl W. 60s), visible for. The original light source used on clear weather was a gas burner. On bad weather an electric arc lamp was used, electricity being supplied by a de Méritens generators driven by a Crossley coal gas engine. On especially bad weather a second generator was also operated, resulting in a 6,000,000 cd light, the world's most powerful at the time. One of the generators, the switchboard and one arc lamp still exist, owned by the Powerhouse Museum. The generator and the switchboard are on display at the lighthouse. The lantern of the old lighthouse was immediately removed, and the structure was demolished several years later. In 1912 the apparatus was converted to a vaporised kerosene mantle, to lower costs. In 1933 the light returned to use electricity, as the tower was connected to mains electricity. The current first order bivalve Fresnel lens was installed at that time. In 1976 the Macquarie Lighthouse was fully automated, the last lightstation staff left the site in 1989. The grounds were transferred to the management of the Sydney Harbour Federation Trust in 2001.  The Head Keeper's Quarters were modified in 1887 after complaints about the standard of accommodation. The western wing of this building was added in 1899. Despite having once been thought to be the "most efficient light in the world", by 1909 it was deemed to be obsolete, unable to cope with the heavy winter fogs. In 1912, following a call to standardise all lighthouses, the electric light at the Macquarie Lighthouse was replaced with a kerosene system. The new fuel was cheaper to run and required just two men to operate. On 1 July 1915 all the ocean lighthouses were transferred to the control of the Commonwealth Lighthouse Service. The two remaining cottages on the site include the head keeper's cottage built on the south side and the assistant lighthouse keepers' semi-detached cottages built in 1881 on the north side (converted into one cottage ). The former is now the oldest intact freestanding lightkeeper's quarters in Australia. Both these cottages are on 125-year Commonwealth leases to end between 2116 & 2119. A third cottage for the engineer and assistants built in 1885 was demolished in 1970 to make way for four townhouses still present on the site.

World War II to present (1939–2020).

The fortifications at South Head were upgraded during World War II. At the lightstation, this included the construction of an observation post east of the lighthouse and a nearby shaft and tunnel, the location of which has since been obscured. After the war there was a rapid development in other navigational systems, and the lighthouse became simply one of a number of aids which enabled the mariner to determine his exact position. The importance of manned lighthouses such as Macquarie also decreased with the advent of integrated air systems for surveillance, search and rescue.  By 1965 the existing garage to the east of the Head Keeper's Quarters had been constructed and in 1970 the 1885 Barnet-designed Engineer and Assistant's Quarters were demolished to make way for the existing row of four townhouses. These originally accommodated the Workshop Supervisor and the Mechanics (Maritime Aids). The road access on the southern side of the site was also constructed during this time. The station was fully automated in 1976 but the residences remained occupied by staff. In 1980 the Commonwealth Department of Construction carried out a series of works to return the Head Keeper's Quarters to its 1899 form in anticipation of it opening as a museum; however the decision to set up a museum was never taken. In 1989 all staff associated with the Commonwealth Department of Shipping and Transport left the site. The Commonwealth leased the Assistant Keepers' Quarters in 1991 and the Head Keeper's Quarters in 1994 as private residences, both for 125 years. The townhouses are now leased as residences on a short-term basis and the lighthouse is leased to Australian Maritime Safety Authority (AMSA). In 2004, the head keeper's cottage (on the south side) was offered for sale at a price of A$1.95 million.

Description.

Lighthouse.

The Lighthouse is a circular tower approximately in diameter with walls of sandstone blocks varying from thick. The tower is founded on spread sandstone footings approximately wide bearing on the rock. Two wings formerly containing generating equipment and a workshop are located on either side of the square base of the tower. These are constructed in solid sandstone blocks founded in the sandstone. Ground floor levels are concrete, over approximately one metre of graded packed rock. There are four levels of internal floors up to the lantern base level. Circular stairs and floor plate material are in cast iron while beams supporting the floors are rolled steel joists. The gallery level around the lantern is of Melbourne bluestone and the railing is made of gunmetal. Roof domes over the ancillary wings are timber structures clad with lead sheeting.

Head Keeper's Cottage (1818, 1830s).

Part of the cottage is/was the sandstone pavilion designed by Francis Greenway along with the adjacent original lighthouse, in 1818. This pavilion was later incorporated into the cottage, which was further extended in the 1830s.

Assistant Keeper's Quarters /Cottage (1881).

Large sandstone home, built in 1881 to a design by Colonial Architect James Barnet. Extensively restored and renovated by Clive Lucas, Stapleton & Partners. Extensive grounds. Built in 1881.

Stone Retaining Walls and other buildings.

Other structures on the site include stone retaining wall and stone walls to former quarters.

Heritage listing.

As at 4 September 2008, the Macquarie Lighthouse site is of State significance as the location of the longest continuously operating site of a navigational beacon in Australia since 1794 and the site of the first lighthouse to be built in Australia in 1818. The Macquarie Lighthouse is an important Australian historic landmark containing the rare remains of the early Palladian-inspired design by Francis Greenway and Governor Lachlan Macquarie, a rare replica of the original Greenway lighthouse, the oldest lighthouse keeper's quarters in Australia, and a substantial example of a mid-Victorian period NSW lightstation designed by James Barnet. Macquarie Lighthouse Site was listed on the New South Wales State Heritage Register on 2 April 1999 having satisfied the following criteria.  The place is important in demonstrating the course, or pattern, of cultural or natural history in New South Wales.  The Macquarie Lightstation is of national significance for its association with the development of lighthouses in the nineteenth century being the first purpose-built lightstation in Australia and now Australia's longest serving lightstation. The lightstation is one of a group of buildings on South Head that includes the Signal Station, its quarters and flagstaff, and the Hornby Lighthouse and its quarters which collectively are able to demonstrate the historical importance of early coastal signals and navigation aids to the colony in its early years and throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.  The place has a strong or special association with a person, or group of persons, of importance of cultural or natural history of New South Wales's history.  The Macquarie Lightstation is of national significance for its rare association with a series of important historical figures. It has important historical associations with Colonial Architect Francis Greenway (1777–1837); Governor Lachlan Macquarie (1761–1824); Government Architect James Barnet (1827–1904); and the Chance Brothers and Co. Lighthouse Engineers and Constructors of Birmingham (suppliers of lanterns, optics, pedestals and light sources for the Barnet Lighthouse).  The place is important in demonstrating aesthetic characteristics and/or a high degree of creative or technical achievement in New South Wales.  The Macquarie Lightstation exhibits outstanding landmark and landscape qualities. The site is a landmark and has long been an identifying symbol Sydney. At the time it was built, the original lighthouse was clearly visible the approach by sea, the Governor's Domain, and many places around the harbour. The picturesque and romantic qualities of the lighthouse in its coastal setting have been recorded in many early paintings, sketches and later photographs, all of which has contributed to its landmark qualities. Barnet's decision to replicate the aesthetic of the Greenway tower in the 1880s suggests an early social and aesthetic approval of Greenway's design and the landmark qualities that were already valued. The lightstation contributes a significant romanticised landscape to Sydney Harbour as a whole, with a distinctive landscape aesthetic: the institutional neatness and stoic associations contrasted with the rugged scale of the clifftop, windblown landscape bounded on two sides by windy coastal reserves.  The place has a strong or special association with a particular community or cultural group in New South Wales for social, cultural or spiritual reasons.  The Macquarie Lightstation is highly valued by the local Woollahra community, the larger population of Sydney and has national significance for its cultural associations with the early European colonisation of Australia. The lighthouse symbol appears on the coat of arms of the Woollahra Municipal Council indicating its significance as a local landmark. It is also on Macquarie University's coat of arms assuming the symbolic meanings of guiding light or teaching beacon. The high value accorded the Macquarie Lightstation is also demonstrated by its numerous listings in all heritage registers indicating wide agreement that the site is of exceptional national significance. Public tours of the lighthouse have been conducted regularly and there is an identified need to increase public access to and interpretation of the site.  The Macquarie Lightstation is of Aboriginal cultural significance. Despite having no site-specific archaeological potential, the shell midden material used in the production of mortar for the Greenway compound wall has significance as objects in themselves. Their presence on the site enhances the Aboriginal heritage of the diverse archaeological resource of the South Head area as a whole.  The place has potential to yield information that will contribute to an understanding of the cultural or natural history of New South Wales.  The Macquarie Lightstation contains archaeological remains of exceptional significance, relating to the original Greenway precinct and possibly earlier due to its connection to the 1790 "lookout" site. The sites of the former roads, corner lodges and stone walling have exceptional potential to reveal information about their detailed design. The lightstation also constitutes an early, little – disturbed early colonial site relating to Greenway, Macquarie and the early development of Sydney. As such, it is extremely rare and of national significance. It has the potential to reveal much information about the early development of the colony and about early nineteenth century aesthetic concepts as understood by Macquarie and Greenway. Due to the unique time span of the occupation of the place, it also has the rare archaeological potential to provide information about the nature of its former buildings and design layout as a whole as well as its occupational and technological history as a NSW lightstation.  The place possesses uncommon, rare or endangered aspects of the cultural or natural history of New South Wales.  The Macquarie Lightstation precinct, even though little physical evidence survives, is of rare architectural significance. Its original architectural configuration can be understood from the evidence on site, below ground and the early descriptions and images. The Palladian composition, the walled compound, and the corner lodges with chinoiserie detail in the roofs, all conform to the then popular taste.  The physical evidence on the site and the historic visual connections to and from the lightstation provide important evidence about the building program during Governor Macquarie's Administration. The Lightstation demonstrates the three typical objectives of the Macquarie's: 1. Building for Function; 2. Building for aesthetic and 'civilising'; 3. Building for establishing symbols of British Empire on the far side of the world.  The place is important in demonstrating the principal characteristics of a class of cultural or natural places/environments in New South Wales.  The Macquarie Lightstation is one of approximately thirteen major surviving NSW coastal lightstations able to demonstrate evidence of changing lighthouse technology and the lifestyle and social organisation of a working lightstation. The Head Keeper's Quarters is the earliest, most intact freestanding lightkeeper's residence in Australia. The site is also a good example of Barnet's work and despite the pre-existing architecture and layout; Barnet's influence is clearly evident in the design of the interior of the lighthouse and the Assistant Keepers' Quarters.

The Macquarie Lighthouse, also known as South Head Upper Light, was the first, and is the longest serving, lighthouse site in Australia. It is located on Dunbar Head, on the Old South Head Road, Vaucluse in the Municipality of Woollahra local government area of New South Wales, Australia. The lighthouse is situated approximately south of South Head near the entrance to Sydney Harbour. There has been a navigational aid in this vicinity since 1791 and a lighthouse near the present site since 1818. The current heritage-listed lighthouse was completed in 1883. The lighthouse and associated buildings were designed by James Barnet and built from 1881 to 1883.

Das 26 Meter hohe Macquarie Lighthouse war der erste und ist der am längsten arbeitende Leuchtturm Australiens. Er befindet sich am Dunbar Head bei Vaucluse, einer Vorstadt von Sydney am Eingang des Sydney Harbour. An dieser Stelle gab es seit 1791 erste Navigationshilfen für Schiffe und seit 1818 einen steinernen Leuchtturm. Der heutige Leuchtturm wurde 1883 fertiggestellt.


History.

Reputation is a social construct based on the opinion other people hold about a person or thing. Before the internet was developed, consumers wanting to learn about a company had few options. They had access to resources such as the Yellow Pages, but mostly relied on word-of-mouth. A company's reputation depended on personal experience. A company grew and expanded based on the market's perception of the brand. Public relations was developed to manage the image and build the reputation of a company or individual. The concept was initially created to broaden public relations outside of media relations. Academic studies have identified it as a driving force behind Fortune 500 corporate public relations since the beginning of the 21st century.  Originally, public relations included printed media, events and networking campaigns. In 1998, Google was founded. The popularity of the internet introduced new marketing and branding opportunities. Where once journalists were the main source of media content, blogs, review sites and social media gave a voice to consumers regardless of qualification. Public relations became part of online reputation management (ORM). ORM includes traditional reputation strategies of public relations but also focuses on building a long-term reputation strategy that is consistent across all web-based channels and platforms. ORM includes search engine reputation management which is designed to counter negative search results and elevate positive content.  Some businesses have adopted unethical means to falsely improve their reputations. In 2007, a study by the University of California Berkeley found that some sellers on eBay were undertaking reputation management by selling products at a discount in exchange for positive feedback to game the system.

Online reputation management.

Reputation management (sometimes referred to as "rep management" or "ORM") is the practice of attempting to shape public perception of a person or organization by influencing information about that entity, primarily online. What necessitates this shaping of perceptions being the role of consumers in any organisation and the cognisance of how much if ignored these perceptions may harm a company's performance at any time of the year, a risk no entrepreneur or company executive can afford.  Specifically, reputation management involves the monitoring of the reputation of an individual or a brand on the internet, addressing content which is potentially damaging to it, and using customer feedback to try to solve problems before they damage the individual's or brand's reputation. A major part of reputation management involves suppressing negative search results, while highlighting positive ones. For businesses, reputation management usually involves an attempt to bridge the gap between how a company perceives itself and how others view it.

Benefits.

A fast-growing discipline and corporate necessity, reputation management is widely acknowledged as a valuable intangible asset which can be one of the most important sources of competitive edge in a fiercely competitive market, and with firms constantly under increased scrutiny from the business community, regulators, and corporate governance watchdogs good reputation management practices continue to help firms cope with this scrutiny.  Other benefits of sound reputation management practices is how much they reinforce and aid a corporation's branding objectives which on their own along the way play a paramount role in helping a company meet its marketing and business communication objectives, a key driver towards how much any company can go towards increasing profits and its market share. Good reputation management practices are also important in helping any entity manage staff confidence as a control tool on public perceptions which if undermined and ignored can be costly, which in the long run may cripple employee confidence, a risk no employer would dare explore as staff morale is one of the most important drivers of company performance.

Reputation management campaigns in popular media.

In 2011, controversy around the Taco Bell restaurant chain arose when public accusations were made that their "seasoned beef" product was only made up of only 35% real beef. A class action lawsuit was filed by the law firm Beasley Allen against Taco Bell. The suit was voluntarily withdrawn with Beasley Allen citing that "From the inception of this case, we stated that if Taco Bell would make certain changes regarding disclosure and marketing of its'seasoned beef' product, the case could be dismissed." Taco Bell responded to the case being withdrawn by launching a reputation management campaign titled "Would it kill you to say you're sorry?" that ran advertisements in various news outlets in print and online, which attempted to draw attention to the voluntary withdrawal of the case.

Examples.

Companies often attempt to manage their reputations on websites that many people visit, such as eBay, Wikipedia, and Google. Some of the tactics used by reputation management firms include:

Ethics.

The practice of reputation management raises many ethical questions. It is widely disagreed upon where the line for disclosure, astroturfing, and censorship should be drawn. Firms have been known to hire staff to pose as bloggers on third-party sites without disclosing they were paid, and some have been criticized for asking websites to remove negative posts. The exposure of unethical reputation management can itself be risky to the reputation of a firm that attempts it.  Some firms practice ethical forms of reputation management. Google considers there to be nothing inherently wrong with reputation management, and even introduced a toolset in 2011 for users to monitor their online identity and request the removal of unwanted content. Many firms are selective about clients they accept. For example, they may avoid individuals who committed violent crimes who are looking to push information about their crimes lower on search results.  In 2010 a study showed that Naymz, one of the first Web 2.0 services to provide utilities for Online Reputation Management (ORM), had developed a method to assess the online reputation of its members (RepScore) that was rather easy to deceive. The study found that the highest level of online reputation was easily achieved by engaging a small social group of nine persons who connect with each other and provide reciprocal positive feedbacks and endorsements. As of December 2017, Naymz was shut down.  In 2015, the online retailer Amazon.com sued 1,114 people who were paid to publish fake five-star reviews for products. These reviews were created using a website for Macrotasking, Fiverr.com. Several other companies offer fake Yelp and Facebook reviews, and one journalist amassed five-star reviews for a business that doesn't exist, from social media accounts that have also given overwhelmingly positive reviews to "a chiropractor in Arizona, a hair salon in London, a limo company in North Carolina, a realtor in Texas, and a locksmith in Florida, among other far-flung businesses".  In 2016, the "Washington Post" detailed 25 court cases, at least 15 of which had false addresses for the defendant. The court cases had similar language and the defendant agreed to the injunction by the plaintiff, which allowed the reputation management company to issue takedown notices to Google, Yelp, Leagle, Ripoff Report, various news sites, and other websites.

Reputation management refers to the influencing and controlling of an individual's or group's reputation. Originally a public relations term, the growth of the internet and social media, along with reputation management companies, have made search results a core part of an individual's or group's reputation. Online reputation management, sometimes abbreviated as ORM, focuses on the management of product and service search website results. Ethical grey areas include mug shot removal sites, astroturfing customer review sites, censoring negative complaints, and using search engine optimization tactics to influence results.

Unter Online-Reputationsmanagement oder auch Online Reputation Management (Akronym ORM) wird die Überwachung und Beeinflussung des Rufs einer Person, einer Organisation oder eines Produkts in digitalen Medien verstanden. Unter digitalen Medien werden dabei digitale Publikationen und User-Generated-Content verstanden.


Design and construction.

The airport is designed for 13 million passengers per year and will receive 12 fingerdocks. The lead construction company is China International Fund, which was founded in Hong Kong in 2003. The Chinese built a construction village named, meaning "Chinese village", with accommodation for worker and material depots, east of Luanda in Viana. Since the end of the civil war in 2002, economic growth in Angola has accelerated.  The passenger terminal occupies 160 000 square metres, while the cargo terminal is 6 200 square metres with an annual capacity of 35,000 tonnes of cargo. Two runways are to be built. The northern runway is 4,200 meters long, while the southern runway is 3,800 meters long, both measuring 60 meters in width. Construction was suspended at the end of 2007, due to financial revaluation by the Angolan government. The construction costs, which are financed entirely by China, were estimated at US$3,8 billion (2015). Complementary infrastructure, such as shops, hangars, restaurants, offices and a nearby hotel are not included.  The total area of the airport is planned for at least 50 square-kilometers.  The project includes the construction of a rail link to the capital, to the province of Luanda and possibly to the neighboring province of Malanje. A road connection to Luanda requires that the existing road from Luanda to Malange is greatly expanded. The road is subject to frequent traffic jams.  The project is staffed almost exclusively by Chinese workers, which caused protests by the local population. This led to occasional riots, eventually calmed by police and military.

Angola International Airport ("Aeroporto Internacional de Angola" in Portuguese) is a major airport under construction near the Angolan capital of Luanda. The site was selected in 2004. It is located 40 kilometers southeast of the city center in the Bom Jesus commune. It will be an alternative to existing Quatro de Fevereiro International Airport. Chinese companies and the Brazilian company Odebrecht are constructing the airport. The first phase was completed in 2012. The originally scheduled 2015/2016 opening was delayed until 2022.

Angola International Airport (portugiesisch: "Aeroporto Internacional de Angola") ist der zukünftige Name des seit dem Jahr 2004 im Bau befindlichen Großflughafens der angolanischen Hauptstadt Luanda. Er befindet sich 40 km von Luanda entfernt, auf dem Gebiet der Gemeinde Bom Jesus in der Provinz Bengo. Die bisherigen Baukosten, welche komplett von der Volksrepublik China vorfinanziert werden, betrugen offiziell US$ 6,4 Milliarden (Stand 2018). Nach festgestellten Konstruktionsfehlern und Qualitätsmängeln wurde die Eröffnung auf voraussichtlich 2022 verschoben.


Origin of the names that refer to "La Franja".

The use of a term to refer to the eastern area of Aragon bordering Catalonia as based on linguistic criteria is recent. It was in 1929 —when he christened these as "Marques de Ponent", "Western Marches"— that Catalan geographer Pau Vila used for the first time a term designating jointly the Aragonese area where Catalan is spoken.  This term was maintained in the second half of the 20th century by Catalan linguists such as Joan Giraldo, along with other terms such as "Marques d'Aragó" (in Spanish, "Marcas de Aragón", "Marches of Aragon"), "Catalunya aragonesa" (in Spanish, "Cataluña aragonesa", "Aragonese Catalonia") or "la ratlla d'Aragó" (in Spanish, "la raya de Aragón", "the Aragonese Strip").  Whichever term is used, they all refer to the eastern Catalan-speaking area of Aragon, which borders western Catalonia. These terms all originated in Catalonia but later became popular in La Franja itself. They are therefore Catalonia-centered and hence the "Ponent" ("Western") reference in the term "La Franja del Ponent", because these areas lie to the west of Catalonia.  The term "Franja de Ponent" itself first appeared in the second half of the 1970s, during the Spanish transition to democracy:  At the Second International Congress of the Catalan Language ("Segon Congrés Internacional de la Llengua Catalana") held in 1985, the normative authority on the Catalan language, known as "Institut d'Estudis Catalans", adopted "Franja d'Aragó" ("Aragonese Strip") as the denomination for the Catalan-speaking territories of Aragon for academic and linguistic purposes, while the denomination "Franja de Ponent" ("Western Strip") is used mainly in the political arena by some associations, groups and political parties associated with pancatalanism.  Later on, alternative denominations such as "Aragón Oriental" (in Catalan, "Aragó Oriental"), "Franja Oriental" or "Franja de Levante" (in Catalan, "Franja de Llevant"), all meaning roughly Eastern Aragon or Eastern Strip were created in Aragon.

Diverse meanings.

While the term was created to designate a linguistic area, there are other issues in question:

Ecclesiastical sense.

Many parishes of what is now called "la Franja" had been historically part of the Diocese of Lleida, along with other, non-Catalan-speaking Aragonese towns. In 1995, Catholic church authorities, through the Papal Nuncio to Spain, informed the president of the Spanish Episcopal Conference –Archbishop of Saragossa, Elías Yanes– of the decision of the Holy See to align the diocesan boundaries with the political and historical ones.  This meant that 111 parishes and a population of 68,089 were transferred from the Diocese of Lleida to the enlarged Diocese of Barbastro, whose name was then changed to Diocese of Barbastro-Monzón As for the reasons of the transfer, some Catalan ecclesiastical ranks considered that it was a result of the opposition of these Aragonese parishes to a short-lived debate on the convenience of creating a distinct Catalan Episcopal Conference, which would have been detached from the Spanish one. Other sources claim that the diocese of Barbastro—birthplace of the founder of Opus Dei, Josepmaria Escrivà de Balaguer—was losing population and needed to acquire neighbouring parishes from another diocese to be able to continue to exist.  The transfer of the parishes, specifically the ownership of the medieval artistic objects or sacred art comprised, originated an intricate series of lawsuits involving both dioceses (Barbastro-Monzón and Lleida), both autonomous governments (Aragón and Catalonia) and both legal systems canon and administrative law.  It was finally decided by the ecclesiastic canon judges in 2005 that the 113 works of art belong to the Barbastro-Monzón diocese. The Lleida diocese released a statement accepting this decision but, at the same time, announced that then the administrative process would be opened, later on, it stated that talks should be opened to reach an agreement, in the end effectively protracting the end of the dispute. In the meantime, the works of art remain located in the Diocese Museum of Lleida. The lawsuit is known as the "conflicto del patrimonio eclesiástico de la Franja" (the conflict of the ecclesiastical heritage of the Franja) or "del Aragón Oriental" (of Eastern Aragon), and though it began as a local debate, it has become a national press story, especially due to the confrontation between the political forces of Aragon and Catalonia.  On July 1, 2008 an agreement between the two dioceses was announced, again stating that the art pieces would return to the Barbastro-Monzón diocese. However, the situation remained stalled due to the continued refusal of the Catalan administration to issue an exit permit, something which eventually led to the Aragonese region president to open a criminal procedure in February 2009, thus effectively giving up on the resolved yet stalled civil procedure. Then the Vatican itself urged the return of the pieces to Aragon, to no avail.

Linguistic sense.

The Catalan language is spoken by a significant proportion of the population of La Franja (47.1% of the population uses it as their usual language according to a survey by the Aragonese Institute of Statistics in 2013; percentage that rises to 73.6%-90% according to two surveys carried out with a smaller territorial scope also in 2013 by the Generalitat of Catalonia) This despite the fact that it is not an official language and has a very limited presence in education (where it is only available as an elective) and in administration and or public acts, resulting in severe deficiencies in writing skills of this language.

Territorial basis.

The exact territorial limits of the "Franja de Aragón" differ depending on the source, since there are some municipalities of Ribagorza where there are doubts over whether or not to include them as Catalan-speaking or as Aragonese-speaking. The proportion of speakers of the two languages varies over time and with immigration according to the municipality, something which leads to different sources drawing slightly different linguistic borders.

According to the draft of the Aragonese Language Law.

During the fourth session of the "Cortes de Aragón" (the parliament of Aragon) (1995–1999) under the PP-PAR coalition government the Special Commission Report on the Language Policy of Aragon was published. The report would be the basis for the Draft of the Language Law of Aragon published the following session (1999–2003) under the PSOE-PAR coalition, where for the first time from the "Cortes de Aragón" would detail those municipalities which formed part of a Catalan-speaking community, with the aim of recognising co-officiality and encouraging the use of Catalan in public life and especially in education.  The law was never approved due to protests and petitions in Aragon opposed to the co-officiality of Catalan, promoted mainly by the "Federación de Asociaciones Culturales del Aragón Oriental" (FACAO), a conservative organisation which maintained that the local 'linguistic modalities' were languages and not dialects of Catalan, and there was lack of consensus on the issue among the Aragonese political parties. There are other civic associations staunchly rejecting the Catalan affiliation of the language  According to the "list of municipalities which could be considered to be areas of predominant use of its own language or linguistic modality or areas of predominant use of normalised Catalan" in the "Second annex of the Second Final Disposition of the Avant-project of the Language Law", La Franja would be composed of:

According to the Institut d'Estudis Catalans.

From the point of view of the Institut d'Estudis Catalans the territory is smaller, due to the fact that the municipality of Torre la Ribera is not considered Catalan-speaking, and the municipalities of Azanuy-Alins, Isábena, Lascuarre and San Esteban de Litera are classified as transitional dialects. The Catalan-speaking lands are thus reduced to a total of 57 municipalities with an area of 4,137.2 km2 with a population of 45,984.

According to the Gran Enciclopedia Aragonesa.

The situation is reversed according to the Gran Enciclopedia Aragonesa (GEA) with the Franja having an area of 5,370 km2 and with a population of 70,000. It should be mentioned that the GEA does not recognise the denomination "Franja" but discusses its situation under "Catalan in Aragon", nor does it specify in how many or which municipalities Catalan is definitively spoken nor the date of the census on which its figures are based.

According to the "Gran Geografia Comarcal" of the GREC.

The "Gran Geografia Comarcal" of the Grup Enciclopèdia Catalana (GREC) classes the territorial area of the Franja de Aragon as larger than that defined by the Commission report although not as large as the GEA definition. All the municipalities which it adds to those of the Avant-project and of Ribagorza and therefore belong to the Province of Huesca. It adds a total of 8 municipalities and 3 population nuclei; Güell, Laguarres y Torres del Obispo, which form part of two municipalities; Graus in the case of the first and the third, and Capella the case of the second. The table to the right details the population nuclei and official area and population figures.

Toponymy.

There is no unitary policy on official toponymy in the Franja, leading to great variations between the local "comarcalización" laws as compared to those proposed by the IEC. The following table details the translation of the toponymy in Spanish to the official version in the local vernacular and that proposed by the IEC. At the bottom are the municipalities which the GREC includes in its definition of the Franja and the proposed names which it offers opposed to the official names:

Political sense.

The Political significance of La Franja goes hand in hand with the Catalan nationalist political movement, which considers this part of Aragon (and even all other Catalan-speaking territories) to be part of the Catalan nation, because of its language.  This new interpretation as part of the political connotation ascribed to the Catalan Countries emerged throughout the 20th Century—and especially after the 1960s—encouraged in the main part by the Valencian Joan Fuster. Pan-Catalanism demands the creation of a nation-state for the Catalan Countries in which the cultural unity is based on the Catalan linguistic community.  In the Franja itself, there has never been a political movement promoting union with Catalonia or separation from Aragon. On the other hand, Catalan political parties do not participate in municipal or regional elections in the area.

Socioeconomic sense.

The socioeconomic meaning of the Franja relates to the economic region surrounding the Catalan city of Lleida, which encompasses Catalan-speaking Huescan and Zaragozan municipalities and excludes those in the region of Teruel and includes Spanish-speaking municipalities such as Alcolea de Cinca, Binéfar, Monzón, etc... The area of influence of Lleida is especially reflected in editions of the local Lleida press for example La Mañana-Franja de Ponent and also of Aragon as shown by the digital publication Franja Digital.

La Franja (; "The Strip"; ) is the area of Catalan-speaking territories of eastern Aragon bordering Catalonia, in Spain. It literally means ""the strip"" and can also more properly be called (Aragonese Strip), (Western Strip) or (Eastern Strip of Aragon) in Catalan (in, "Eastern Strip of Aragon"; or simply /, "Eastern Strip", or, "Aragonese Strip"; in, "Aragonese Strip").

Der Begriff'(Spanisch) bzw.'(Katalanisch), auch ','oder "", bezeichnet das an Katalonien angrenzende, überwiegend katalanischsprachige Gebiet im Osten der Autonomen Gemeinschaft Aragonien in Spanien.


Plot.

Vicky Austin's noisy, loving, mostly-happy family is disrupted when the family's honorary uncle dies in a plane crash. His co-pilot was also killed, leaving behind a ten-year-old daughter, Maggy, who has no one to care for her. The Austins take Maggy in, and she proves to be a spoiled, troubled only child who had very little family life. Maggy encourages Vicky's sister Suzy to misbehave, which makes everyone's life more difficult. "Meet the Austins" is largely episodic; each chapter covers a specific incident such as Vicky's bicycle accident or a family vacation. Throughout the book Vicky comments on the changes her family experiences during this time, and the reader sees her growing self-awareness. Although Vicky will later appear in three novels that have fantasy and/or science fiction themes, there are no such elements in "Meet the Austins".

Characters.

Rounding out the family are Vicky's father, Dr. Wallace "Wally" Austin, a doctor in general practice; her mother Victoria Eaton Austin, a retired singer; an uncle, Douglas Austin, a painter who occasionally visits; Aunt Elena, actually a close family friend who is the Austins' connection with the orphaned Maggy; and Grandfather Eaton, a retired minister who lives in a converted stable on fictional Seven Bay Island.

Series notes.

Although "Meet the Austins", as the name implies, is the family's first appearance in terms of publication date, a short, later book, "The Twenty-Four Days Before Christmas" (1964), takes place five years earlier. Another short Christmas story about the Austins, "", takes place about a year before "Meet the Austins". "A Full House" was first published as a short story in two of L'Engle's collections, and then issued as a picture book in 1999. "Meet the Austins" is followed, in terms of internal chronology as well as publication date, by the full-length novels "The Moon by Night" (1963), "The Young Unicorns" (1968), "A Ring of Endless Light" (1980) and "Troubling a Star" (1994). Suzy Austin appears as a married adult in "A Severed Wasp (1982).

Publication details.

The 1960 first edition of "Meet the Austins" was published only after many rejections, reportedly because it begins with a death. The original publication left out a chapter about the children's "Anti-Muffin" club, which advocated diversity and portrayed the Austin children as having a close friend who was poor and Hispanic. ("Muffins" are a metaphor for conformity and snobbery.) This missing chapter was published separately in 1980 as "The Anti-Muffins". In 1997, the hardcover publisher of L'Engle's novels from 1962 on, Farrar, Straus & Giroux, issued a new edition of "Meet the Austins" that for the first time incorporated the chapter. Paperback editions prior to 1997 did not include this additional material. However, the next book in the series, "The Moon by Night", includes a scene in which Vicky tells Zachary Gray about the Anti-Muffin club, in very nearly the same text that introduces it in the originally-omitted chapter. The 1997 Square Fish paperback edition includes "The Anti-Muffins" as Chapter Five of the book.

Meet the Austins is the title of a 1960 novel by Madeleine L'Engle, the first of her books about the Austin family. It introduces the characters Vicky Austin and her three siblings, and Maggy Hamilton, an orphan.

Meet the Austins (1960) ist das erste Kinderbuch der US-amerikanischen Autorin Madeleine L’Engle und der erste Band einer Kinderbuchserie, dem in den folgenden Jahren sechs weitere Bücher folgten. Auf Deutsch erschien es 1963 im Berliner Erika Klopp Verlag unter dem Titel Wir Austins, aus dem Amerikanischen übersetzt von Lena Stepath.


Architecture.

The entire complex that makes up the Tejo Power Station constitutes an old thermoelectric plant that supplied power to Lisbon and its surrounding area. The building is unique amidst Lisbon's architectural setting, and is one of the most beautiful examples of Portuguese industrial architecture from the first half of the 20th century.  Tejo Power Station was built between 1908 and 1951, thereby undergoing several stages of expansion throughout this period. Its structure follows the western type of architecture of iron covered with brick, which shapes and decorates the facades in artistic styles that range from arte-nouveau, in its older sections (low-pressure building), to classicism in the more contemporary parts (high-pressure building). With the station's expansion, additional adjoining terrain and buildings were acquired over the years, becoming the great industrial complex it is today, with various cultural functions, always with the Tagus River, its namesake, in the backdrop.  Due to its state of conservation, the Museum underwent restoration work between 2001 and 2005 to consolidate its structure, renew its facades and interior machinery and, with a new museum project, transform it into what it is today.  In October 2015 EDP announced that London-based architectural practice AL A formed by Amanda Levete is designing a Kunsthalle sitting alongside the existing museum, to host a wide-ranging programme of exhibitions under the leadership of Pedro Gadahno. The new building was set to open in 2016 as MAAT - Museu de Arte, Arquitetura e Tecnologia.

Virtual Visit.

It all begins at the "Praça do Carvão" (Coal Square), the reception space, also a venue for exhibits and events; it was here in this location that, arriving from the Tagus River, tons of coal was unloaded to supply the boilers. In this same square, visitors can observe the sieve, the silos and the bucket elevators that mixed and carried the coal to the building's upper section and the High-Pressure boilers.  Entry into the industrial complex is made through the "Sala de Exposições" (Exhibition Room), the building that used to house the Low-Pressure boilers; currently, it is a free space where temporary exhibits take place and where one can still see the steam expansion ducts and coal silos from the long gone boilers.  From here one accesses the "Sala das Caldeiras" (Boiler Room), the building containing the old High-Pressure boilers; the large and impressive four boilers jump into view, each 30-metres high and with its respective control panels, air and fuel circuits, ventilators etc. Having been musealised, boiler number 15 stands out, thereby enabling visitors to enter it and discover its structure and internal components (conveyor belt, Bailey walls, naphtha burners, water heating tubes, etc.). Aside from the boilers, this large space also tells the story of the construction of the Tejo Power Station and gives a first approach to the difficult working conditions endured by its workers. The "Sala dos Cinzeiros" (Ash Room) is located on the bottom floor, the area where ash from the burned and raw coal was collected. Particular emphasis is given to the hard working conditions in this space, due to the intense heat and breathing in of ash from the coal burning. But the museum content does not end here, and examples of forging, carpentry and transport, as well as the origins and types of coal, are also presented.  Continuing on the visit, one reaches the "Sala do Experimentar" (Experimentation Room), which is divided into three sections: one dedicated to energy sources (both renewable and fossils), another to the scientists who over history contributed to breakthroughs in electric power production, and a third “learning by playing” area where there are several types of educational modules and games dealing with power. This is a space for fun and learning, showed at the end of a guided tour so that all may use their energy and acquired knowledge.  After experimentation, the "Sala da Água" (Water Room) is next. In this and the following space, the "Sala das Máquinas" (Machinery Room), the museum's discourse is once again the same as in the boiler room, with multicoloured tubes running between the machines and along the walls and ceiling. Each colour corresponds to a type of fluid that circulated in the tube: dry steam, wet steam, water etc. Back to the Water Room, visitors can observe the water treatment process that enables the water to later be used in the boilers. The machines that are seen here are electropumps, blowers, filters or distillers from the 1940s.  Immediately following this room lies the "Sala dos Condensadores" (Condenser Room), the space that displays the condensers for steam refrigeration, as well as the pumps that drained water from the Tagus River, the cold source essential to the Thermoelectric Plant’s operation. In the room's upper section where the circuit breakers from the station's generator groups are displayed, there is a permanent exhibit called Faces of the Tejo Power Station, an homage to the Power Station's workers through photographs and audiovisuals that show their activity and working conditions. On the floor above the condensers, the "Sala dos Geradores" (Generator Room) is found, where two of the Station's five sets of turbo alternators are exhibited. One of them was musealised, opening its structure to show the internal components and allow visitors a better perception of how electric power was generated.  Finally, on an upper level, there is the "Sala de Comando" (Control Room); the place where the generators were controlled from, as was the substation and the respective power distribution through the electric network powered by the station. Today, this space is converted into yet another experimentation area where the museum guides explain the history of electric power production through practical, everyday examples, such as battery lemons, or how renewable energy works, or by simplifying the production process of the station itself with a gas tank and a pressure cooker, all of this from an educational perspective adjusted to the audience in question.

Collection.

Tejo Power Station (Electricity Museum's) wealth is not limited only to the museum's visible aspects, but also includes its collection. The priority has been to recover elements that are worth exhibiting, through their restoration and conservation, as well as the acquisition, preservation and inventory of new pieces from other facilities from all over the country, or from private donors.  At the moment, the Museum houses a large quantity of movable effects on exhibit, such as boilers, turbo alternators and condensers from the 1930-1950's, as well as collector's items, such as pieces and equipment dating from the end of the 19th century until modern times. To highlight, the collection of household appliances, electric machines, pieces and molds of public and private lighting in wood and iron, laboratory equipment, valves, models etc.

Documentation Centre.

The purpose of Tejo Power Station Documentation Centre is to establish itself in a centre that specialises in the study and knowledge of energy, electricity in particular. It contains approximately 60 000 volumes of documentation in several formats (documents, blueprints, books, videos, etc.) which cover the period dating from 1848 to the present day. More than 90 000 photographs and approximately 15 000 books, most of them specialising in electricity (in all its aspects: technical, constructive, economic, historic or social), as well as monographs on industrial heritage and archaeology, museology, themes surrounding general culture, encyclopedias and periodic publications.  The centre also has a policy regarding the identification and incorporation of documentation, which can be consulted on the internet or at the centre itself, as well as the publication of monographs on the history of electricity in Portugal.

Activities.

Throughout the year, many activities are carried out at the Electricity Museum, both inside and outside, such as temporary exhibits, concerts, conferences, etc. Thus, the Coal Square serves not only to welcome visitors to the Museum, but sometimes transforms into an open-sky venue where a variety of captivating events are held.

Tejo Power Station (the old Electricity Museum, in Portuguese Museu da Electricidade) is a cultural centre that presents the evolution of energy with a Museum of Science and Industrial Archaeology concept, where themed and experimental exhibits live side by side with a great variety of cultural events. Located in the Belém area on terrain Lisbon usurped from the Tagus river ("Tejo" in Portuguese) at the end of the 19th century, in one of the city's areas with the greatest concentration of historical monuments where one can find, among others, the Jerónimos Monastery, the Belém Cultural Centre, the Tower of Belém, the Padrão dos Descobrimentos, the Portuguese Presidential Palace and Museum, the Coach Museum or the Cordoaria Nacional (national rope factory). A building classified as a Public Interest Project, the Electricity Museum unfolds along the perimeter of the old thermoelectric plant – the Tejo Power Station, which illuminated the city of Lisbon for more than four decades.

Das Museu da Electricidade (deutsch: Elektrizitätsmuseum), ein wesentliches Beispiel portugiesischer Industriebauten in Lissabon, versteht sich als Kulturzentrum und Museum der Wissenschaft für jedermann. In seinen Ausstellungsräumen sind Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft der Energie dargestellt, während neben thematischen und experimentellen Ausstellungen verschiedenartigste kulturelle und kommerzielle Veranstaltungen stattfinden. Das Museum behauptet sich so als fester Bestandteil des kulturellen Geschehens der Stadt.