Geography.

The Suomenlinna district of Helsinki lies southeast of downtown Helsinki and consists of eight islands. Five of the islands are connected by either bridges or a sandbar landbridge. "Länsi-Mustasaari" (sv: "Västersvartö") is bridged to "Pikku Mustasaari" (sv: "Lilla Östersvartö"), which is bridged to "Iso Mustasaari" (sv: "Stora Östersvartö"), which is bridged to "Susisaari" (sv: "Vargö"), which was connected to "Susiluoto" (sv: "Vargskär") by filling in the separating waterway during the Russian period. This island, which has the greatest concentration of fortifications was renamed "Gustavssvärd" (King Gustav's sword) (fi: "Kustaanmiekka") during the construction by Sweden. The three unconnected islands are "Särkkä" (sv: "Långören"), "Lonna" (sv:"Lonnan"), and "Pormestarinluodot" (sv: "Borgmästargrundet"). The total land area is 80 hectares (0.8 km2).  Instead of using the normal Finnish postal addressing scheme (consisting of a street name and a house number), the addresses at Suomenlinna consist of a letter code for the island and then a house number. For example, "C 83" is house #83 on Iso-Mustasaari (code C). The postal code for the Suomenlinna district is 00190.

History.

The Swedish era.

Background.

Early on in the Great Northern War, Russia took advantage of Swedish weakness in Ingria (sv: "Ingermanland") and captured the area near the Neva River as well as the Swedish forts, Nyen and Nöteborg, built to protect it. In 1703, Peter the Great founded his new capital, Saint Petersburg, in that easternmost corner of the Gulf of Finland. In the approach to it he built the fortified naval base of Kronstadt. Russia soon became a maritime power and a force to be reckoned with in the Baltic Sea. The situation posed a threat to Sweden, which until that time had been the dominant power in the Baltic. This was visibly demonstrated by the use of naval forces in the Russian capture of Viborg in 1710. The main Swedish naval base at Karlskrona was too far to the south to meet Sweden's new needs for its navy in the 18th century, which often resulted in Swedish ships reaching the coast of Finland only after Russian ships and troops had either started or completed their spring campaigns.  The lack of coastal defenses was keenly felt with Russian landings in Helsingfors in the spring of 1713 and the Swedish failure to blockade the Hanko Peninsula in 1714. A Russian naval campaign against the Swedish coast towards the end of the Great Northern War further outlined the need to develop Finnish coastal defenses. Immediately after the war ended the first plans were set in motion in Sweden to construct an archipelago fleet and a base of operations for it in Finland. However, nothing with regard to Sveaborg took place until the end of Russo-Swedish War of 1741–1743. Fortifications were left unfinished at Hamina and Lappeenranta while Hämeenlinna was being built into a supply base. Lack of funds, unwillingness to devote funds for defending Finland, and the belief (arising just before the war) that Russia would be pushed away from the Baltic Sea were the main causes for the lack of progress.  The following Russo-Swedish War of 1741–1743, which quickly turned from a Swedish attack into a Russian occupation of Finland, again underlined the importance of developing fortifications in Finland. Lack of base of operations for naval forces made it difficult for the Swedish navy to operate in the area. Other European states were also concerned about developments regarding Russia, especially France, with whom Sweden had concluded a military alliance. After lengthy debate, the Swedish parliament decided in 1747 to both fortify the Russian frontier and establish a naval base at Helsingfors as a counter to Kronstadt. Augustin Ehrensvärd (1710–1772), a young lieutenant colonel, was given the responsibility of designing the fortresses and directing construction operations.

Construction.

Sweden started building the fortresses in January 1748. Ehrensvärd's plan contained two fortifications: a sea fortress at Svartholm near the small town of Lovisa, and a larger sea fortress and naval base (Sveaborg) at Helsingfors. There were two main aspects to Ehrensvärd's design for Sveaborg: a series of independent fortifications across several linked islands and, at the very heart of the complex, a navy dockyard. In addition to the island fortress itself, seafacing fortifications on the mainland would ensure that an enemy could not acquire a beach-head from which to stage attacks on the sea fort. The plan was also to stock munitions for the whole Finnish contingent of the Swedish Army and Royal Swedish Navy there. Additional plans were made for fortifying the Hanko Peninsula, but these were postponed.  Construction started in early 1748 kept expanding, and by September there were around 2,500 men building the fortresses. Initially the soldiers were housed in the vaults of the fortifications, while the officers had specially built quarters integrated into the baroque cityscape composition of the overall plan. The most ambitious plan was left only half completed: a baroque square on Iso Mustasaari partly based on the model of Place Vendôme in Paris. As the construction work progressed, more residential buildings were built, many following the shape of the fortification lines. Ehrensvärd and some of the other officers were keen artists who made oil paintings presenting a view of life in the fortress during its construction, and giving the impression of a lively "fortress town" community. Due to repeated Russian threats in 1749 and 1750, more effort was placed on the island fortifications at the expense of those on the mainland, so that a safe base of operations could be secured for the Swedish naval units along the Finnish coast. Using the military garrisoned in Finland as the workforce, construction continued with over 6,000 workers in 1750. Fortifications at Gustavssvärd were completed in 1751 and the main fortifications on Vargö were ready in 1754. The fortress was fully operational though unfinished. These accomplishments did not reduce the pace of construction and in 1755 there were 7,000 workers constructing the fortifications outside of Helsingfors which at the time had around 2,000 residents. The substantial fortification work on the islands south of the town brought it a new and unexpected importance. Swedish participation to the Seven Years' War halted the construction efforts in 1757, which also marked the end of the rapid construction phase of Sveaborg.  This period in Swedish history was known as the Age of Liberty, during which the kingdom was under increased parliamentary control, divided into two political parties, the Hats and the Caps. Ehrensvärd had been supported by the Hats, so when the Caps rose to power in 1766 he was relieved of his post and replaced with ardent Caps supporter Christopher Falkengréen. However, after 1769 when the Hats regained power, Ehrensvärd was again placed in command of the Swedish archipelago fleet in Finland, officially the "arméens flotta" ("fleet of the army"), and returned to Sveaborg. But additional progress had not been made on the fortifications when Ehrensvärd died in 1772. Efforts to improve the fortress continued under Jacob Magnus Sprengtporten, but his tenure was cut short by disagreements with King Gustav III. Once again efforts slowed down as garrisons were reduced, and in 1776 Sveaborg's commander reported that he couldn't even man one-tenth of the artillery placed in the fort. Even at the start of the Russo-Swedish War in 1788 Sveaborg remained in an incomplete state.  Facilities for constructing ships for the Swedish archipelago fleet were built at Sveaborg in the 1760s. In 1764 the first three archipelago frigates were launched from there. In addition to the construction of the fortifications and ships, naval officer training was started by Ehrensvärd at his own expense at Sveaborg in 1770. It took until 1779 before a naval military school was formally founded there.

Service.

Sveaborg was formed and stocked according to the needs of the Swedish archipelago fleet and thus was unable to repair and refit the Swedish battlefleet after the battle of Hogland. Facilities were also found lacking at Sveaborg, especially in the areas intended for taking care of the sick and wounded. Russian control of the waters outside of Sveaborg practically blockaded the Swedish battlefleet to Sveaborg. By cutting the coastal sea route past Hangö, Russians prevented supplies from being shipped from Sweden to Sveaborg. The Swedish fleet finally managed to set sail for its base at Karlskrona on 20 November when the Baltic Sea had already frozen severely enough that ice had to be sawed open before some ships could move. The fleet could not overwinter at Sveaborg since it lacked the facilities and supplies for fitting the ships.  While the route to Sweden was open again in late 1788 and in early 1789, Russian ships cut the connection from Sveaborg to Sweden by forming a blockade at Porkkala cape. Sveaborg was the most important location for archipelago fleet's ship construction and fitting during the war. Even so, and despite efforts, several ships remained unfinished at Sveaborg until the end of the war. The importance of Sveaborg did not escape the Russians whose broad operational plan for 1790 included a siege of Sveaborg both from sea and land.  Following a pact between Alexander I and Napoleon, Russia launched a campaign against Sweden and occupied Finland in 1808. The Russians easily took Helsingfors in early 1808 and began bombarding the fortress. Its commander, Carl Olof Cronstedt, negotiated a cease-fire. When no Swedish reinforcements had arrived by May, Sveaborg, with almost 7,000 men, surrendered. The reasons for Cronstedt's actions remain somewhat unclear; but the hopeless situation, psychological warfare by the Russians, some (possibly) bribed advisors, fear for the lives of a large civilian population, lack of gunpowder, and their physical isolation are some likely causes for the surrender. By the Treaty of Fredrikshamn in 1809, Finland was ceded by Sweden and became an autonomous grand duchy within the Russian Empire. The Swedish period in Finnish history, which had lasted some seven centuries, came to an end.

Under Russian rule.

After taking over the fortress, the Russians started an extensive building program, mostly extra barracks, and extended the dockyard and reinforced the fortification lines. The long period of peace following the transfer of power was shattered by the Crimean War of 1853–56. The French–English–Ottoman alliance decided to engage Russia on two fronts and sent an Anglo-French fleet to the Baltic Sea. For two summers the fleet shelled the towns and fortifications along the Finnish coast. The bombardment of Sveaborg (also known then as "Viapori") by the forces of Richard Saunders Dundas and Charles Pénaud on 9–10 August 1855 lasted 47 hours and the fortress was badly damaged, but they were unable to knock out the Russian guns. After the bombardment, the Anglo-French fleet sent no troops ashore and instead set sail for Kronstadt.  After the Crimean War extensive restoration work was begun at Sveaborg. A new ring of earthworks with artillery emplacements was built at the western and southern edges of the islands.  The next stage in the arming of Sveaborg and the Gulf of Finland came in the build-up to World War I. The fortress and its surrounding islands became part of "Peter the Great's naval fortification" designed to safeguard the capital, Saint Petersburg.

Finnish ownership.

Following the Russian Revolution in 1917, the fortress became a possession of an independent Finland. After the Finnish Civil War, a prison camp existed on the island. The fortress was officially renamed "Suomenlinna" (castle of Finland) as part of the wave of nationalism.  No longer very practical as a military base, Suomenlinna was turned over to civilian administration in 1973. An independent government department, the Governing Body of Suomenlinna, was formed to administer the unique complex. At the time there was some debate over its Finnish name, with some suggesting that the old name "Viapori" be restored, but the newer name was retained. The presence of the military on the islands has been drastically scaled down in recent decades. The Suomenlinna garrison houses the Naval Academy () of the Finnish Navy on "Pikku Mustasaari". Suomenlinna still flies the war flag, or the swallow-tailed state flag of Finland.

Present day.

Suomenlinna is now one of the most popular tourist attractions in Helsinki as well as a popular picnicking spot for the city's inhabitants. On a sunny summer day the islands, and in particular the ferries, can get quite crowded. In 2009, a record 713,000 people visited Suomenlinna, most between May and September. A number of museums exist on the island, as well as the last surviving Finnish submarine, "Vesikko". Suomenlinna has always been much more than just a part of Helsinki — it is a town within the town. There are about 900 permanent inhabitants on the islands, and 350 people work there year-round. This is one of the features that makes Suomenlinna unique: the fortress is not simply a museum but a living community.  There is a minimum-security penal labor colony () in Suomenlinna, whose inmates work on the maintenance and reconstruction of the fortifications. Only volunteer inmates who pledge non-use of controlled substances are accepted to the labour colony.  For the general public, Suomenlinna is served by ferries all year, and a service tunnel supplying heating, water and electricity was built in 1982. In the beginning of the 1990s, the tunnel was modified so that it can also be used for emergency transport.  Suomenlinna has been known as an location for avant-garde culture. In the mid-1980s, the Nordic Arts Centre was established on the island. Several buildings have been converted into artists' studios, which are let by the administration at reasonable rates. During the summer there is an art school for children. The performances of the Suomenlinna summer theater regularly draw full houses.  Between 2 and 6 September 2015, the Finnish postal service ran a test of the use of drones to deliver parcels between Helsinki and Suomenlinna. The parcels were limited to or less, and flights were under the control of a pilot.

In fiction.

George R. R. Martin wrote a short story about the surrender of Viapori, "The Fortress", when he was a college student. It was published in his 2007 volume of short stories, "Dreamsongs".

Suomenlinna (Finnish; until 1918 Viapori), or Sveaborg (Swedish), is an inhabited sea fortress built on eight islands about 4 km southeast of the city center of Helsinki, the capital of Finland. Suomenlinna is a UNESCO World Heritage site that is popular with tourists and locals, who enjoy it as a picturesque picnic site. Originally named "Sveaborg" (Castle of the Swedes), or "Viapori" as referred to by Finnish-speaking Finns, it was renamed in Finnish to "Suomenlinna" (Castle of Finland) in 1918 for patriotic and nationalistic reasons, though it is still known by its original name in Sweden and by Swedish-speaking Finns.

Suomenlinna (finn. für „Finnenburg“, schwed.: "Sveaborg", „Schwedenburg“, davon abgeleitet der ehemalige finnische Name "Viapori") ist eine im 18. Jahrhundert entstandene Festung, die auf mehreren miteinander verbundenen Inseln vor der finnischen Hauptstadt Helsinki liegt. Sie steht auf der Liste des UNESCO-Weltkulturerbes und ist mit 900.000 Besuchern pro Jahr eines der beliebtesten Ausflugsziele für Touristen wie Einheimische, die es auch das "Gibraltar des Nordens" nennen.


History of definitions.

The adoption of the concept of the "speech community" as a unit of linguistic analysis emerged in the 1960s.

John Gumperz.

John Gumperz described how dialectologists had taken issue with the dominant approach in historical linguistics that saw linguistic communities as homogeneous and localized entities in a way that allowed for drawing neat tree diagrams based on the principle of 'descent with modification' and shared innovations. Dialectologists rather realized that dialect traits spread through diffusion and that social factors were decisive in how this happened. They also realized that traits spread as waves from centers and that often several competing varieties would exist in some communities. This insight prompted Gumperz to problematize the notion of the linguistic community as the community that carries a single speech variant, and instead to seek a definition that could encompass heterogeneity. This could be done by focusing on the interactive aspect of language, because interaction in speech is the path along which diffused linguistic traits travel. Gumperz defined the community of speech:  Gumperz here identifies two important components of the speech community: members share both a set of linguistics forms and a set of social norms Gumperz also sought to set up a typological framework for describing how linguistic systems can be in use within a single speech community. He introduced the concept of linguistic range, the degree to which the linguistic systems of the community differ so that speech communities can be multilingual, diglossic, multidialectal (including sociolectal stratification), or homogeneous - depending on the degree of difference among the different language systems used in the community. Secondly the notion of compartmentalization described the degree to which the use of different varieties were either set off from each other as discrete systems in interaction (e.g. diglossia where varieties correspond to specific social contexts, or multilingualism where varieties correspond to discrete social groups within the community) or whether they are habitually mixed in interaction (e.g. code-switching, bilingualism, syncretic language).

Noam Chomsky.

Gumperz's formulation was however effectively overshadowed by Noam Chomsky's redefinition of the scope of linguistics as being :

William Labov.

Another influential conceptualization of the linguistic community was that of William Labov, which can be seen as a hybrid of the Chomskyan structural homogeneity and Gumperz' focus on shared norms informing variable practices. Labov wrote: Like that of Gumperz, Labov's formulation stressed that a speech community was defined more by shared norms than by shared linguistic forms. But like Chomsky, Labov also saw each of the formally distinguished linguistic varieties within a speech community as homogeneous, invariant and uniform. This model worked well for Labov's purpose which was to show that African American Vernacular English could not be seen as structurally degenerate form of English, but rather as a well defined linguistic code with its own particular structure.

Critique.

Probably because of their considerable explanatory power, Labov's and Chomsky's understandings of the speech community became widely influential in linguistics. But gradually a number of problems with those models became apparent.  Firstly, it became increasingly clear that the assumption of homogeneity inherent in Chomsky and Labov's models was untenable. The African American speech community which Labov had seen as defined by the shared norms of African American Vernacular English, was shown to be an illusion, as ideological disagreements about the status of AAVE among different groups of speakers attracted public attention.  Secondly, the concept of the speech community was large scale communities. By extending the concept, Gumperz's definition could no longer be evoked.  Thirdly, Chomsky and Labov's models made it clear that intrapersonal variation is common. It also refine the choice of linguistic variant is often a choice made to a specific speech context.  The force of these critiques with the concept of "speech communities" appeared because of the many contradictions. Some scholars recommended abandoning the concept altogether, instead conceptualizing it as "the product of the communicative activities engaged in by a given group of people." Others acknowledged the community's "ad hoc" status as "some kind of social group whose speech characteristics are of interest and can be described in a coherent manner".

Practice theory.

Practice theory, as developed by social thinkers such as Pierre Bourdieu, Anthony Giddens and Michel de Certeau, and the notion of the community of practice as developed by Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger has been applied to the study of the language community by linguists William Hanks and Penelope Eckert.  Eckert's aimed at an approach to sociolinguistic variation that didn't include any social variable (e.g. class, gender, locality). Instead she built a model that was able to locate variables that show significant issue to the group of individuals. For Eckert the crucial defining characteristics of the community is persistent through time to comprehend together.  Hanks' concept of the linguistic community is different from that of Eckert and Gumperz, it studies the ways in shared practice production of linguistic meaning. Hanks studies how linguistic practices are related to a variety that are produced through shared practices.

Language variation.

The notion of speech community is most generally used as a tool to define a unit of analysis within which to analyse language variation and change. Stylistic features differ among speech communities based on factors such as the group's ethnicity and social status, common interests and the level of formality expected within the group and by its larger society.  Common interests and the level of formality also result in stylistic differences among speech communities. In Western culture, for example, employees at a law office would likely use more formal language than a group of teenage skateboarders because most Westerners expect more formality and professionalism from practitioners of law than from an informal circle of adolescent friends. This special use of language by certain professions for particular activities is known in linguistics as register; in some analyses, the group of speakers of a register is known as a discourse community, while the phrase "speech community" is reserved for varieties of a language or dialect that speakers inherit by birth or adoption.

A speech community is a group of people who share a set of linguistic norms and expectations regarding the use of language. It is a concept mostly associated with sociolinguistics and anthropological linguistics.

Die Sprachgemeinschaft wird nicht einheitlich definiert. Dem Duden zufolge wird sie von der „Gesamtheit aller muttersprachlichen Sprecher einer Sprache“ gebildet. In der allgemeinen Linguistik wird eine Gruppe als Sprachgemeinschaft bezeichnet, die in sozialem Kontakt steht und eine bestimmte gemeinsame Sprache verwendet. Dabei kann unter Umständen auch schon innerhalb einer kleinen sozialen Gruppe eine individuelle Sprache (Soziolekt) gefunden, weiterentwickelt und gepflegt und dadurch eine Sprachgemeinschaft konstituiert werden. Ebenso können innerhalb eines gegebenenfalls auch nur kleinen Gebietes unterschiedliche Sprachgemeinschaften (beispielsweise Sprecher verschiedener Dialekte) koexistieren, deren gemeinsame Sprache die jeweilige Standardsprache oder eine gemeinsame Verkehrssprache ist.


Origin of the term.

The term "androcentrism" was introduced as an analytic concept by Charlotte Perkins Gilman in a scientific debate. Perkins Gilman described androcentric practices in society and the resulting problems they created in her investigation on "The Man-Made World; or, Our Androcentric Culture", published in 1911. Because of this androcentrism can be understood as a societal fixation on masculinity whereby all things originate. Under androcentrism, masculinity is normative and all things outside of masculinity are defined as "other". According to Perkins Gilman, masculine patterns of life and masculine mindsets claimed universality while female patterns were considered as deviance.

Education.

Some universities such as the University of Oxford consciously practiced a numerus clausus and restricted the number of female undergraduates they accepted.

Literature.

Research by Dr. David Anderson and Dr. Mykol Hamilton has documented the under-representation of female characters in 200 top-selling children's books from 2001 and a seven-year sample of Caldecott award-winning books. There were nearly twice as many male main characters as female main characters, and male characters appeared in illustrations 53 percent more than female characters. Most of the plot-lines centered on the male characters and their experiences of life.

The arts.

In 1985 a group of female artists from New York, the Guerrilla Girls, began to protest the under-representation of female artists. According to them, male artists and the male viewpoint continued to dominate the visual art world. In a 1989 poster (displayed on NYC buses) titled "Do women have to be naked to get into the Met. Museum?" They reported that less than 5% of the artists in the Modern Art sections of the Met Museum were women, but 85% of the nudes were female.  Over 20 years later, women were still under-represented in the art world. In 2007, Jerry Saltz (journalist from the New York Times) criticized the Museum of Modern Art for undervaluing work by female artists. Of the 400 works of art he counted in the Museum of Modern Art, only 14 were by women (3.5%). Saltz also found a significant under-representation of female artists in the six other art institutions he studied.

Generic male language.

In literature, the use of masculine language to refer to men, women, intersex, and non-binary may indicate a male or androcentic bias in society where men are seen as the 'norm', and women, intersex, and non-binary are seen as the 'other'. Philosophy scholar Jennifer Saul argued that the use of male generic language marginalizes women, intersex, and non-binary in society. In recent years, some writers have started to use more gender-inclusive language (for instance, using the pronouns they/them, and using gender-inclusive words like humankind, person, partner, spouse, businessperson, fire-fighter, chairperson and police-officer).  Many studies have shown that male generic language is not interpreted as truly 'gender-inclusive.' Psychological research has shown that, in comparison to unbiased terms such as "they" and "humankind," masculine terms lead to male-biased mental imagery in the mind of both the listener and the communicator.  Three studies by Mykol Hamilton show that there is not only a male → people bias but also a people → male bias. In other words, a masculine bias remains even when people are exposed to only gender neutral language (although the bias is lessened). In two of her studies, half of the participants (after exposure to gender neutral language) had male-biased imagery but the rest of the participants displayed no gender bias at all. In her third study, only males showed a masculine-bias (after exposure to gender neutral language) – females showed no gender bias. Hamilton asserted that this may be due to the fact that males have grown up being able to think more easily than females of "any person" as generic "he," since "he" applies to them. Further, of the two options for neutral language, neutral language that explicitly names women (e.g., "he or she") reduces androcentrism more effectively than neutral language that makes no mention of gender whatsoever (e.g., "human").  Feminist anthropologist Sally Slocum argues that there has been a longstanding male bias in anthropological thought as evidenced by terminology used when referring to society, culture and humankind. According to Slocum, "All too often the word'man' is used in such an ambiguous fashion that it is impossible to decide whether it refers to males or just the human species in general, including both males and females."

Generic male symbols.

On the Internet, many avatars are gender-neutral (such as an image of a smiley face). However, when an avatar is human and discernibly gendered, it usually appears to be a man.

Androcentrism (Ancient Greek, ἀνήρ, "man, male") is the practice, conscious or otherwise, of placing a masculine point of view at the center of one's world view, culture, and history, thereby culturally marginalizing femininity. The related adjective is "androcentric", while the practice of placing the feminine point of view at the center is "gynocentric".

Unter Androzentrismus wird eine Sichtweise verstanden, die Männer als Zentrum, Maßstab und Norm versteht. Androzentrismus kann also als eine gesellschaftliche Fixierung auf den Mann oder das „Männliche“ verstanden werden (vergleiche Männlichkeit). Ein androzentrisches Weltbild versteht den Mann als die Norm, die Frau als Abweichung von dieser Norm.


Life.

Shanghai.

Ballard's father was a chemist at a Manchester-based textile firm, the Calico Printers' Association, and became chairman and managing director of its subsidiary in Shanghai, the China Printing and Finishing Company. His mother was Edna, née Johnstone. Ballard was born and raised in the Shanghai International Settlement, an area under foreign control where people "lived an American style of life". He was sent to the Cathedral School, the Anglican Holy Trinity Church near the Bund, Shanghai. After the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Ballard's family were forced to evacuate their suburban home temporarily and rent a house in central Shanghai to avoid the shells fired by Chinese and Japanese forces.  After the Japanese attack on Hong Kong, the Japanese occupied the International Settlement in Shanghai. In early 1943, they began to intern Allied civilians, and Ballard was sent to the Lunghua Civilian Assembly Center with his parents and younger sister. He spent over two years, the remainder of World War II, in the internment camp. His family lived in a small area in G block, a two-storey residence for 40 families. He attended school in the camp, the teachers being camp inmates from a number of professions. As he explained later in his autobiography "Miracles of Life", these experiences formed the basis of "Empire of the Sun", although Ballard exercised considerable artistic licence in writing the book, such as the removal of his parents from the bulk of the story.  It has been supposed that Ballard's exposure to the atrocities of war at an impressionable age explains the apocalyptic and violent nature of much of his fiction. Martin Amis wrote that "Empire of the Sun" "gives shape to what shaped him." However, Ballard's own account of the experience was more nuanced: "I don't think you can go through the experience of war without one's perceptions of the world being forever changed. The reassuring stage set that everyday reality in the suburban west presents to us is torn down; you see the ragged scaffolding, and then you see the truth beyond that, and it can be a frightening experience." But also: "I have—I won't say "happy"—not unpleasant memories of the camp. [...] I remember a lot of the casual brutality and beatings-up that went on—but at the same time we children were playing a hundred and one games all the time!" Ballard later became an atheist.

Britain and Canada.

In late 1945, after the end of the war, his mother returned to Britain with Ballard and his sister on the SS "Arawa". They lived in the outskirts of Plymouth, and he attended The Leys School in Cambridge. He won an essay prize whilst at the school but did not contribute to the school magazine. After a couple of years his mother and sister returned to China, rejoining Ballard's father, leaving Ballard to live with his grandparents when not boarding at school. In 1949 he went on to study medicine at King's College, Cambridge, with the intention of becoming a psychiatrist.  At university, Ballard was writing avant-garde fiction heavily influenced by psychoanalysis and surrealist painters. At this time, he wanted to become a writer as well as pursue a medical career. In May 1951, when Ballard was in his second year at Cambridge, his short story "The Violent Noon", a Hemingwayesque pastiche written to please the contest's jury, won a crime story competition and was published in the student newspaper "Varsity".  Encouraged by the publication of his story and realising that clinical medicine would not leave him time to write, Ballard abandoned his medical studies, and in October 1951 he enrolled at Queen Mary College to read English Literature. However, he was asked to leave at the end of the year. Ballard then worked as a copywriter for an advertising agency and as an encyclopaedia salesman. He kept writing short fiction but found it impossible to get published.  In spring 1954 Ballard joined the Royal Air Force and was sent to the Royal Canadian Air Force flight-training base in Moose Jaw, Saskatchewan, Canada. There he discovered science fiction in American magazines. While in the RAF, he also wrote his first science fiction story, "Passport to Eternity", as a pastiche and summary of the American science fiction he had read. The story did not see publication until 1962.  Ballard left the RAF in 1955 after thirteen months and returned to England. In 1955 he married Helen Mary Matthews and settled in Chiswick, the first of their three children being born the following year. He made his science fiction debut in 1956 with two short stories, "Escapement" and "Prima Belladonna", published in the December 1956 issues of "New Worlds" and "Science Fantasy" respectively. The editor of "New Worlds", Edward J. Carnell, would remain an important supporter of Ballard's writing and would publish nearly all of his early stories.  From 1958 Ballard worked as assistant editor on the scientific journal "Chemistry and Industry". His interest in art led to his involvement in the emerging Pop Art movement, and in the late fifties he exhibited a number of collages that represented his ideas for a new kind of novel. Ballard's avant-garde inclinations did not sit comfortably in the science fiction mainstream of that time, which held attitudes he considered philistine. Briefly attending the 1957 Science Fiction Convention in London, Ballard left disillusioned and demoralised and did not write another story for a year. By the late 1960s, however, he had become an editor of the avant-garde "Ambit" magazine, which was more in keeping with his aesthetic ideals.

Full-time writing career.

In 1960 Ballard moved with his family to the middle-class London suburb of Shepperton in Surrey, where he lived for the rest of his life and which would later give rise to his moniker as the "Seer of Shepperton". Finding that commuting to work did not leave him time to write, Ballard decided he had to make a break and become a full-time writer. He wrote his first novel, "The Wind from Nowhere", over a two-week holiday simply to gain a foothold as a professional writer, not intending it as a "serious novel"; in books published later, it is omitted from the list of his works. When it was successfully published in January 1962, he resigned from his job at "Chemistry and Industry", and from then on supported himself and his family as a writer.  Later that year his second novel, "The Drowned World", was published, establishing Ballard as a notable figure in the fledgling New Wave movement of science fiction. Collections of his stories started getting published, and he began a period of great literary productivity, while pushing to expand the scope of acceptable material for science fiction with such stories as "The Terminal Beach".  In 1964 Ballard's wife Mary died suddenly of pneumonia, leaving him to raise their three children—James, Fay and Bea Ballard—by himself. Ballard never remarried; however, a few years later his friend and fellow author Michael Moorcock introduced him to Claire Walsh, who became his partner for the rest of his life (he died at her London residence), and is often referred to in his writings as "Claire Churchill". Walsh, who worked in publishing during the 1960s and 70s, was a sounding board for many of his story ideas, and introduced him to the expat community in the south of France which formed the basis of several novels.  After the profound shock of his wife's death, Ballard began in 1965 to write the stories that became "The Atrocity Exhibition", while continuing to produce stories within the science fiction genre. In 1967 Algis Budrys listed Ballard, Brian W. Aldiss, Roger Zelazny, and Samuel R. Delany as "an earthshaking new kind of" writers, and leaders of the New Wave. "The Atrocity Exhibition" (1969) proved controversial—it was the subject of an obscenity trial, and in the United States, publisher Doubleday destroyed almost the entire print run before it was distributed—but it gained Ballard recognition as a literary writer. It remains one of his iconic works, and was filmed in 2001.  A chapter of "The Atrocity Exhibition" is titled "Crash!", and in 1970 Ballard organised an exhibition of crashed cars at the New Arts Laboratory, simply called "Crashed Cars". The crashed vehicles were displayed without commentary, inspiring vitriolic responses and vandalism. In both the story and the art exhibition, Ballard dealt with the sexual potential of car crashes, a preoccupation he also explored in a short film in which he appeared with Gabrielle Drake in 1971. His fascination with the topic culminated in the novel "Crash" in 1973. The main character of "Crash" is called James Ballard and lives in Shepperton, though other biographical details do not match the writer, and curiosity about the relationship between the character and his author increased when Ballard suffered a serious automobile accident shortly after completing the novel.  Regardless of real-life basis, "Crash", like "The Atrocity Exhibition", was also controversial upon publication. In 1996, the film adaptation by David Cronenberg was met by a tabloid uproar in the UK, with the "Daily Mail" campaigning actively for it to be banned. In the years following the initial publication of "Crash", Ballard produced two further novels: 1974's "Concrete Island", about a man who becomes stranded in the waste area of a high-speed motorway, and "High-Rise", about a modern luxury high rise apartment building's descent into tribal warfare.  Although Ballard published several novels and short story collections throughout the seventies and eighties, his breakthrough into the mainstream came only with "Empire of the Sun" in 1984, based on his years in Shanghai and the Lunghua internment camp. It became a best-seller, was shortlisted for the Booker Prize and awarded the Guardian Fiction Prize and James Tait Black Memorial Prize for fiction. It made Ballard known to a wider audience, although the books that followed failed to achieve the same degree of success. "Empire of the Sun" was filmed by Steven Spielberg in 1987, starring a young Christian Bale as Jim (Ballard). Ballard himself appears briefly in the film, and he has described the experience of seeing his childhood memories reenacted and reinterpreted as bizarre.  Ballard continued to write until the end of his life, and also contributed occasional journalism and criticism to the British press. Of his later novels, "Super-Cannes" (2000) was particularly well received, winning the regional Commonwealth Writers' Prize. These later novels often marked a move away from science fiction, instead engaging with elements of a traditional crime novel. Ballard was offered a CBE in 2003, but refused, calling it "a Ruritanian charade that helps to prop up our top-heavy monarchy". In June 2006, he was diagnosed with terminal prostate cancer, which metastasised to his spine and ribs. The last of his books published in his lifetime was the autobiography "Miracles of Life", written after his diagnosis. His final published short story, "The Dying Fall", appeared in the 1996 issue 106 of "Interzone", a British sci-fi magazine. It was reproduced in "The Guardian" on 25 April 2009.

Posthumous publication.

In October 2008, before his death, Ballard's literary agent Margaret Hanbury brought an outline for a book by Ballard with the working title "Conversations with My Physician: The Meaning, if Any, of Life" to the Frankfurt Book Fair. The physician in question is oncologist Professor Jonathan Waxman of Imperial College, London, who was treating Ballard for prostate cancer. While it was to be in part a book about cancer, and Ballard's struggle with it, it reportedly was to move on to broader themes. In April 2009 "The Guardian" reported that HarperCollins announced that Ballard's "Conversations with My Physician" could not be finished and plans to publish it were abandoned. In 2013, a 17-page untitled typescript listed as "Vermilion Sands short story in draft" in the British Library catalogue and edited into an 8,000-word text by Bernard Sigaud appeared in a short-lived French reissue of the collection () under the title "Le labyrinthe Hardoon" as the first story of the cycle, tentatively dated "late 1955/early 1956" by Sigaud and others.

Archive.

In June 2010 the British Library acquired Ballard's personal archives under the British government's acceptance in lieu scheme for death duties. The archive contains eighteen holograph manuscripts for Ballard's novels, including the 840-page manuscript for "Empire of the Sun", plus correspondence, notebooks, and photographs from throughout his life. In addition, two typewritten manuscripts for The Unlimited Dream Company are held at the Harry Ransom Center at the University of Texas at Austin.

Dystopian fiction.

With the exception of his autobiographical novels, Ballard most commonly wrote in the post-apocalyptic dystopia genre.  His most celebrated novel in this regard is "Crash", in which cars symbolise the mechanisation of the world and man's capacity to destroy himself with the technology he creates. The characters (the protagonist, called Ballard, included) become increasingly obsessed with the violent psychosexuality of car crashes in general, and celebrity car crashes in particular. Ballard's disturbing novel was turned into a controversial—and likewise disturbing—cerebral film by David Cronenberg.  Particularly revered among Ballard's admirers is his short story collection "Vermilion Sands" (1971), set in an eponymous desert resort town inhabited by forgotten starlets, insane heirs, very eccentric artists, and the merchants and bizarre servants who provide for them. Each story features peculiarly exotic technology such as cloud-carving sculptors performing for a party of eccentric onlookers, poetry-composing computers, orchids with operatic voices and egos to match, phototropic self-painting canvases, etc. In keeping with Ballard's central themes, most notably technologically-mediated masochism, these tawdry and weird technologies service the dark and hidden desires and schemes of the human castaways who occupy Vermilion Sands, typically with psychologically grotesque and physically fatal results. In his introduction to "Vermilion Sands", Ballard cites this as his favourite collection.  In a similar vein, his collection "Memories of the Space Age" explores many varieties of individual and collective psychological fallout from—and initial deep archetypal motivations for—the American space exploration boom of the 1960s and 1970s.  Commentators such as Will Self have described much of his fiction as being concerned with 'idealised gated communities; the affluent, and the ennui of affluence [where] the virtualised world is concretised in the shape of these gated developments.' He added in these fictional settings 'there is no real pleasure to be gained; sex is commodified and devoid of feeling and there is no relationship with the natural world. These communities then implode into some form of violence.' Budrys, however, mocked his fiction as "call[ing] for people who don't think... to be the protagonist of a J. G. Ballard novel, or anything more than a very minor character therein, you must have cut yourself off from the entire body of scientific education".  In addition to his novels, Ballard made extensive use of the short story form. Many of his earliest published works in the 1950s and 1960s were short stories, including influential works like "Chronopolis." In an essay on Ballard, Will Wiles notes how his short stories 'have a lingering fascination with the domestic interior, with furnishing and appliances,' adding, 'it's a landscape that he distorts until it shrieks with anxiety'. He concludes that 'what Ballard saw, and what he expressed in his novels, was nothing less than the effect that the technological world, including our built environment, was having upon our minds and bodies.'  Ballard coined the term inverted Crusoeism. Whereas the original Robinson Crusoe became a castaway against his own will, Ballard's protagonists often choose to maroon themselves; hence inverted Crusoeism (e.g., Concrete Island). The concept provides a reason as to why people would deliberately maroon themselves on a remote island; in Ballard’s work, becoming a castaway is as much a healing and empowering process as an entrapping one, enabling people to discover a more meaningful and vital existence.

Television.

On 13 December 1965, BBC Two screened an adaptation of the short story "Thirteen to Centaurus" directed by Peter Potter. The one-hour drama formed part of the first season of "Out of the Unknown" and starred Donald Houston as Dr. Francis and James Hunter as Abel Granger. In 2003, Ballard's short story "The Enormous Space" (first published in the science fiction magazine "Interzone" in 1989, subsequently printed in the collection of Ballard's short stories "War Fever") was adapted into an hour-long television film for the BBC entitled "Home" by Richard Curson Smith, who also directed it. The plot follows a middle-class man who chooses to abandon the outside world and restrict himself to his house, becoming a hermit.

Influence.

Ballard is cited as an important forebear of the cyberpunk movement by Bruce Sterling in his introduction to the seminal "Mirrorshades" anthology. Ballard's parody of American politics, the pamphlet "Why I Want to Fuck Ronald Reagan", which was subsequently included as a chapter in his experimental novel "The Atrocity Exhibition", was photocopied and distributed by pranksters at the 1980 Republican National Convention. In the early 1970s, Bill Butler, a bookseller in Brighton, was prosecuted under UK obscenity laws for selling the pamphlet.  In his 2002 book, the philosopher John Gray acknowledges Ballard as a major influence on his ideas. Ballard described the book as a "clear-eyed assessment of human nature and our almost unlimited gift for self-delusion."  According to literary theorist Brian McHale, "The Atrocity Exhibition" is a "postmodernist text based on science fiction topoi."  Lee Killough directly cites Ballard's seminal "Vermilion Sands" short stories as the inspiration for her collection "Aventine", also a backwater resort for celebrities and eccentrics where bizarre or frivolous novelty technology facilitates the expression of dark intents and drives. Terry Dowling's milieu of "Twilight Beach" is also influenced by the stories of "Vermilion Sands" and other Ballard works.  In "Simulacra and Simulation", Jean Baudrillard hailed "Crash" as the "first great novel of the universe of simulation."  Ballard also had an interest in the relationship between various media. In the early 1970s, he was one of the trustees of the Institute for Research in Art and Technology.

In popular music.

Ballard has had a notable influence on popular music, where his work has been used as a basis for lyrical imagery, particularly amongst British post-punk and industrial groups. Examples include albums such as "Metamatic" by John Foxx, various songs by Joy Division (most famously "Atrocity Exhibition" from "Closer" and "Interzone" from "Unknown Pleasures), "High Rise" by Hawkwind, "Miss the Girl" by The Creatures (based on "Crash"), "Down in the Park" by Gary Numan, "Chrome Injury" by The Church, "Drowned World" by Madonna, "Warm Leatherette" by The Normal and "Atrocity Exhibition" by Danny Brown. Songwriters Trevor Horn and Bruce Woolley credit Ballard's story "The Sound-Sweep" with inspiring The Buggles' hit "Video Killed the Radio Star", and the Buggles' second album included a song entitled "Vermillion Sands." The 1978 post-punk band Comsat Angels took their name from one of Ballard's short stories. An early instrumental track by British electronic music group The Human League "4JG" bears Ballard's initials as a homage to the author (intended as a response to "2HB" by Roxy Music).  Manic Street Preachers include a sample from an interview with Ballard in their song "Mausoleum". Additionally, the Manic Street Preachers song, "A Billion Balconies Facing the Sun", is taken from a line in the JG Ballard novel, Cocaine Nights. Klaxons named their debut album "Myths of the Near Future" after one of Ballard's short story collections. The Sound of Animals Fighting took the name of the song "The Heraldic Beak of the Manufacturer's Medallion" from "Crash". The song "Terminal Beach" by the American band Yacht is a tribute to his short story collection that goes by the same name.

James Graham Ballard (15 November 193019 April 2009) was an English novelist, short story writer, and essayist who first became associated with the New Wave of science fiction for his post-apocalyptic novels such as "The Drowned World" (1962). In the late 1960s, he produced a variety of experimental short stories (or "condensed novels"), such as those collected in the controversial "The Atrocity Exhibition" (1970). In the mid 1970s, Ballard published several novels, among them the highly controversial "Crash" (1973), a story about symphorophilia and car crash fetishism, and "High-Rise" (1975), a depiction of a luxury apartment building's descent into violent chaos.

James Graham Ballard (bekannt unter dem Schriftstellernamen J. G. Ballard; * 15. November 1930 in Shanghai; † 19. April 2009 in Shepperton) war ein britischer Schriftsteller. Sein Werk zeichnet sich durch eine große Bandbreite in der Auswahl der Genres Science-Fiction, zeitgenössischer Roman und experimentelle Literatur aus.


Anatomy.

The buttocks are formed by the masses of the gluteal muscles or "glutes" (the gluteus maximus muscle and the gluteus medius muscle) superimposed by a layer of fat. The superior aspect of the buttock ends at the iliac crest, and the lower aspect is outlined by the horizontal gluteal crease. The gluteus maximus has two insertion points: superior portion of the linea aspera of the femur, and the superior portion of the iliotibial tractus. The masses of the gluteus maximus muscle are separated by an intermediate intergluteal cleft or "crack" in which the anus is situated.  The buttocks allow primates to sit upright without needing to rest their weight on their feet as four-legged animals do. Females of certain species of baboon have red buttocks that blush to attract males. In the case of humans, females tend to have proportionally wider and thicker buttocks due to higher subcutaneous fat and proportionally wider hips. In humans they also have a role in propelling the body in a forward motion and aiding bowel movement.  Some baboons and all gibbons, though otherwise fur-covered, have characteristic naked callosities on their buttocks. While human children generally have smooth buttocks, mature males and females have varying degrees of hair growth, as on other parts of their body. Females may have hair growth in the gluteal cleft (including around the anus), sometimes extending laterally onto the lower aspect of the cheeks. Males may have hair growth over some or all of the buttocks.

Society and culture.

Connotations.

The English word of Greek origin "callipygian" indicates someone who has beautiful buttocks. Depending on the context, exposure of the buttocks in non-intimate situations can cause feelings of embarrassment or humiliation, and embarrassment or amusement in an onlooker (see pantsing). Willfully exposing one's own bare buttocks as a protest, a provocation, or just for fun is called mooning.  In many punitive traditions, the buttocks are a common target for corporal punishment, which can be meted out with no risk of long-term physical harm compared with the dangers of applying it to other parts of the body, such as the hands, which could easily be damaged. Within the Victorian school system in England, the buttocks have been described as "the place provided by nature" for this purpose. A modern-day example can be seen in some Southeast Asian countries, such as Singapore. Caning in Singapore is widely used as a form of judicial corporal punishment, with male convicts being sentenced to a caning on their bare buttocks.  In Western and some other cultures, many comedians, writers and others rely on the buttocks as a source of amusement, camaraderie and fun. There are numerous colloquial terms for the buttocks.  In American English, phrases use the buttocks or synonyms (especially "butt" and "ass") as a synecdoche or pars pro toto for a whole person, often with a negative connotation. For example, terminating an employee may be described as "firing his ass". One might say "move your ass" or "haul ass" as an exhortation to greater haste or urgency. Expressed as a function of punishment, defeat or assault becomes "kicking one's ass". Such phrases also may suggest a person's characteristics, e.g. difficult people are termed "hard asses". In America an annoying person or any source of frustration may be termed "a pain in the ass" (a synonym for "a pain in the neck"). People deemed excessively puritanical or proper may be termed "tight asses" (in Australia and New Zealand, "tight arse" refers to someone who is excessively miserly).  Certain physical dispositions of the buttocks—particularly size—are sometimes identified, controversially, as a racial characteristic (see race). A famous example was the case of Saartjie Baartman, the so-called "Hottentot Venus".

Synonyms.

The Latin name for the buttocks is "nates" (English pronunciation, classical pronunciation "nătes" ) which is plural; the singular, "natis" (buttock), is rarely used. There are many colloquial terms to refer to them, including:

Fashion.

The 1880s were well known for the fashion trend among women called the bustle, which made even the smallest buttocks appear huge. The popularity of this fashion is shown in the famous Georges Seurat painting "A Sunday Afternoon on the Island of La Grande Jatte" in the two women to the far left and right. Like long underwear with the ubiquitous "butt flap" (used to allow baring only the bottom with a simple gesture, as for hygiene), this clothing style was acknowledged in popular media such as cartoons and comics for generations afterward.  More recently, the cleavage of the buttocks is sometimes exposed by some women, deliberately or accidentally, as fashion dictated trousers be worn lower, as with hip-hugger pants.  An example of another attitude in an otherwise hardly exhibitionist culture is the Japanese fundoshi.

The buttocks (singular: buttock) are two rounded portions of the exterior anatomy of most mammals, located on the posterior of the pelvic region. In humans, the buttocks are located between the lower back and the perineum. They are composed of a layer of exterior skin and underlying subcutaneous fat superimposed on a left and right gluteus maximus and gluteus medius muscles. The two gluteus maximus muscles are the largest muscles in the human body. They are responsible for achieving the upright posture when the body is bent at the waist; maintaining the body in the upright posture by keeping the hip joints extended; and propelling the body forward via further leg (hip) extension when walking or running. In the seated position, the buttocks bear the weight of the upper body and take that weight off the feet.

Das Gesäß (anatomisch "Nates, Clunes, Regio glutea, Regio glutealis", Glutealregion) ist ein nur bei Menschen und ansatzweise bei Primaten ausgeprägter Körperteil am unteren Rumpfende. In der topographischen Anatomie wird das Gebiet des Gesäßes als Regio glutaea (Gesäßregion) bezeichnet. Bei Tieren nennt man diese Region auch Kruppe, beim Menschen auch Sterz.


Basic properties.

For, the group A is the commutator subgroup of the symmetric group S with index 2 and has therefore "n"! / 2 elements. It is the kernel of the signature group homomorphism explained under symmetric group.  The group A is abelian if and only if and simple if and only if or. A is the smallest non-abelian simple group, having order 60, and the smallest non-solvable group.  The group A has a Klein four-group V as a proper normal subgroup, namely the identity and the double transpositions and maps to, from the sequence. In Galois theory, this map, or rather the corresponding map, corresponds to associating the Lagrange resolvent cubic to a quartic, which allows the quartic polynomial to be solved by radicals, as established by Lodovico Ferrari.

Conjugacy classes.

As in the symmetric group, any two elements of A that are conjugate by an element of A must have the same cycle shape. The converse is not necessarily true, however. If the cycle shape consists only of cycles of odd length with no two cycles the same length, where cycles of length one are included in the cycle type, then there are exactly two conjugacy classes for this cycle shape.  Examples:

Generators and relations.

A is generated by 3-cycles, since 3-cycles can be obtained by combining pairs of transpositions. This generating set is often used to prove that A is simple for.

Automorphism group.

For, except for, the automorphism group of A is the symmetric group S, with inner automorphism group A and outer automorphism group Z; the outer automorphism comes from conjugation by an odd permutation.  For and 2, the automorphism group is trivial. For the automorphism group is Z, with trivial inner automorphism group and outer automorphism group Z.  The outer automorphism group of A is the Klein four-group, and is related to the outer automorphism of S. The extra outer automorphism in A swaps the 3-cycles (like (123)) with elements of shape 3 (like (123)(456)).

Exceptional isomorphisms.

There are some exceptional isomorphisms between some of the small alternating groups and small groups of Lie type, particularly projective special linear groups. These are:  More obviously, A is isomorphic to the cyclic group Z, and A, A, and A are isomorphic to the trivial group (which is also for any "q").

Example A as a subgroup of 3-space rotations.

formula_1 is the group of isometries of a dodecahedron in 3 space, so there is a representation formula_2  In this picture the vertices of the polyhedra represent the elements of the group, with the center of the sphere representing the identity element. Each vertex represents a rotation about the axis pointing from the center to that vertex, by an angle equal to the distance from the origin, in radians. Vertices in the same polyhedron are in the same conjugacy class. Since the conjugacy class equation for formula_1 is 1+12+12+15+20=60, we obtain four distinct (nontrivial) polyhedra.  The vertices of each polyhedron are in bijective correspondence with the elements of its conjugacy class, with the exception of the conjugacy class of (2,2)-cycles, which is represented by an icosidodecahedron on the outer surface, with its antipodal vertices identified with each other. The reason for this redundancy is that the corresponding rotations are by formula_4 radians, and so can be represented by a vector of length formula_4 in either of two directions. Thus the class of (2,2)-cycles contains 15 elements, while the icosidodecahedron has 30 vertices.  The two conjugacy classes of twelve 5-cycles in formula_1 are represented by two icosahedra, of radii formula_7 and formula_8, respectively. The nontrivial outer automorphism in formula_9 interchanges these two classes and the corresponding icosahedra.

Subgroups.

A is the smallest group demonstrating that the converse of Lagrange's theorem is not true in general: given a finite group "G" and a divisor "d" of, there does not necessarily exist a subgroup of "G" with order "d": the group, of order 12, has no subgroup of order 6. A subgroup of three elements (generated by a cyclic rotation of three objects) with any distinct nontrivial element generates the whole group.  For all, A has no nontrivial (that is, proper) normal subgroups. Thus, A is a simple group for all. A is the smallest non-solvable group.

Group homology.

The group homology of the alternating groups exhibits stabilization, as in stable homotopy theory: for sufficiently large "n", it is constant. However, there are some low-dimensional exceptional homology. Note that the homology of the symmetric group exhibits similar stabilization, but without the low-dimensional exceptions (additional homology elements).

H: Abelianization.

The first homology group coincides with abelianization, and (since formula_10 is perfect, except for the cited exceptions) is thus:  This is easily seen directly, as follows. formula_10 is generated by 3-cycles – so the only non-trivial abelianization maps are formula_18 since order 3 elements must map to order 3 elements – and for formula_16 all 3-cycles are conjugate, so they must map to the same element in the abelianization, since conjugation is trivial in abelian groups. Thus a 3-cycle like (123) must map to the same element as its inverse (321), but thus must map to the identity, as it must then have order dividing 2 and 3, so the abelianization is trivial.  For formula_20, formula_10 is trivial, and thus has trivial abelianization. For formula_22 and formula_23 one can compute the abelianization directly, noting that the 3-cycles form two conjugacy classes (rather than all being conjugate) and there are non-trivial maps formula_24 (in fact an isomorphism) and formula_25

H: Schur multipliers.

The Schur multipliers of the alternating groups A (in the case where "n" is at least 5) are the cyclic groups of order 2, except in the case where "n" is either 6 or 7, in which case there is also a triple cover. In these cases, then, the Schur multiplier is (the cyclic group) of order 6. These were first computed in.

In mathematics, an alternating group is the group of even permutations of a finite set. The alternating group on a set of "n" elements is called the alternating group of degree "n", or the alternating group on "n" letters and denoted by A or Alt("n").

Die alternierende Gruppe vom Grad formula_1 besteht aus allen geraden Permutationen einer formula_1-elementigen Menge. Die Verknüpfung der Gruppe ist die Verkettung (Hintereinanderausführung) der Permutationen. Meist wird einfach von der alternierenden Gruppe formula_3 gesprochen.


Language and culture.

The various dialects of Western Apache (called by them "Ndee biyati' / Nnee biyati"') are a form of Apachean, a branch of the Southern Athabaskan language family. The Navajo speak a related Apachean language, but the peoples separated several hundred years ago and are considered culturally distinct. Other indigenous peoples who speak Athabaskan are located in Alaska and Canada.  The anthropologist Grenville Goodwin classified the Western Apache into five groups based on Apachean dialect and culture:  Since Goodwin, other researchers have disputed his conclusion of five linguistic groups, but have agreed on three main Apachean dialects with several subgroupings:  Some 20,000 Western Apache still speak their native language, and efforts have been made to preserve it. Bilingual teachers are often employed in the lower elementary grades to expedite that goal, but the tendency toward children learning to speak only English, mingled with occasional Spanish, remains dominant.  In relation to culture, tribal schools offer classes in native handicrafts, such as basket weaving, making bows, arrows, spears, shields; cradles for infants, native regalia from buckskin for the young women, and the making of silver jewelry (often by the men) at the elementary and secondary level.

Western Apache bands and tribes.

White Mountain Apache.

The White Mountain Apache or "Dził Łigai Si'án N'dee" "People of the White Mountains" (), are currently centered in Fort Apache Indian Reservation. It is the most eastern band of the Western Apache group. The White Mountain Apaches are a federally recognized tribe. Their traditional area ranged from the White Mountains near Snowflake, Arizona and the Little Colorado River in the north over the Gila Mountains south to the Pinaleno Mountains near Safford (Ichʼįʼ Nahiłtį́į́)), lived and planted along the East Fork and North Fork of the White River, Turkey Creek, Black River and the Gila River.

Cibecue Apache.

(Spanish derivation of the autonym of the Apache living in the Cibecue Creek Valley and Salt River Canyon known to them as "Dishchiiʼ Bikoh", "Dishchii'bikoh" or "Dè-stcì-bìkò"' - ′Horizontally Red Canyon′, therefore the Apache living there were called "Dè-stcì-bìkò'Ndé' ", "Dishchiid'ń" - ′Horizonally Red Canyon People′ - sometimes shortened to ‘People of the Red Canyon’ or ‘Red Canyon People’, possibly of Navajo/Zuni ancestry, ranged north of the Salt River to well above the Mogollon Rim between Cherry Creek in the west to Cedar Creek in the east - sometimes they were found even further west on Tonto Creek, in the Sierra Ancha and the Mazatzal Mountains considered to be Southern Tonto Apache land), today all part of the federally recognized tribe of the White Mountain Apache of the Fort Apache Reservation

San Carlos Apache of the San Carlos Reservation.

("Tsékʼáádn" - “Metate People”, lived on both sides of the San Pedro River and in the foothills of the Santa Catalina Mountains near Tucson), a federally recognized tribe composed of the San Carlos Apache proper and several groups of the Cibecue Apache (excluding the "Tca-tci-dn" (“red rock strata people”) clan of the Carrizo band), some Tonto Apache, Lipan as well Chiricahua Apache peoples.

Other bands and groups.

Often groups of "Wi:pukba (Wipukepa)" and "Guwevkabaya (Kwevkepaya)" of the Yavapai lived together with the Tonto Apache (as well as bands of the San Carlos Apache) in bilingual "rancherias", and could not be distinguished by outsiders (Spaniards, Americans, or Mexicans) except on the basis of their first language. The Yavapai and Apache together were often referred to as "Tonto" or "Tonto Apaches". Therefore, it is not always easy to find out whether it is now exclusively dealing with Yavapai or Apache, or those mixed bands. The "Wi:pukba (Wipukepa)" and "Guwevkabaya (Kwevkepaya)" were therefore, because of their ancestral and cultural proximity to the Tonto and San Carlos Apaches, often incorrectly called "Yavapai Apaches" or "Yuma Apaches". The "Ɖo:lkabaya (Tolkepaya)", the southwestern group of Yavapai, and the Hualapai (also belonging to the Upland Yuma Peoples) were also referred as "Yuma Apaches" or "Mohave Apaches".

The Western Apache live primarily in east central Arizona, in the United States. Most live within reservations. The Fort Apache Indian Reservation, San Carlos Apache Indian Reservation, Yavapai-Apache Nation, Tonto Apache, and the Fort McDowell Yavapai Nation are home to the majority of Western Apache and are the bases of their federally recognized tribes. In addition, there are numerous bands. The Western Apache bands call themselves Ndee (Indé) (“The People”); because of dialectical differences the Pinaleño/Pinal and Arivaipa/Aravaipa bands of the San Carlos Apache pronounce the word Innee or Nnēē:.

Die Westlichen Apachen sind die westlichste und größte Stammesgruppe der Apachen im östlichen Zentral-Arizona im Südwesten der Vereinigten Staaten, deren vier regionale Gruppen – die White Mountain Apache ("Dzil Łigai Si'án Ndee" – Volk der White Mountains), Cibecue Apache ("Dishchíí Bikoh" – Volk des roten Canyon), die San Carlos Apache ("Tsékʼáádn" – Metate-Volk) und die Tonto Apache oder Dilzhę́’é/Dilzhe'e Apache (Volk mit hohen, hellen Stimmen) – auch kulturell zu den Westlichen Apache gezählt werden.


History.

The first RS/6000 models used the Micro Channel bus, later models used PCI. Some later models conformed to the PReP and CHRP standard platforms, which were co-developed with Apple and Motorola, with Open Firmware. The plan was to enable the RS/6000 to run multiple operating systems such as Windows NT, NetWare, OS/2, Solaris, Taligent, AIX and Mac OS but in the end only IBM's UNIX variant AIX was used and supported on RS/6000. Linux is widely used on CHRP based RS/6000s, but support was added after the RS/6000 name was changed to eServer pSeries in 2000.  The RS/6000 family also included the POWERserver servers, POWERstation workstations and Scalable POWERparallel supercomputer. While most machines were desktops, desksides, or rack-mounted, there was a laptop model too, the Model 860. Famous computers are RS/6000s include the P2SC-based Deep Blue supercomputer that beat world champion Garry Kasparov at chess in 1997, and the POWER3-based ASCI White which was the fastest supercomputer in the world during 20002002.

Models.

Some models were marketed under the RS/6000 POWERstation and POWERserver names.

Type 7007.

The Model N40 was a PowerPC-based notebook developed and manufactured by Tadpole Technology for IBM. It was released on 25 March 1994, priced at US$12,000. The internal batteries could power the system for 45 minutes only and an external battery pack that lasted for 4 hours was available for this reason.

Type 7008.

These workstations were marketed under the PowerStation name.

Type 7010.

This type was for Xstations, IBM's line of X terminal.

Type 7012.

The 380, 390, and 39H servers correspond to the 3AT, 3BT, and 3CT workstations.

Service processor.

Many RS/6000 and subsequent pSeries machines came with a service processor, which booted itself when power was applied and continuously ran its own firmware, independent of the operating system. The service processor could call a phone number (via a modem) in case of serious failure with the machine. Early advertisements and documentation called the service processor "System Guard", (or SystemGuard) although this name was apparently dropped later on, roughly around the same time that the simplified RS/6000 name was adopted for the computer line itself.  Late in the RS/6000 cycle, the service processor was "converged" with the one used on the AS/400 machines.

External links.

IBM Archives: A Brief History of RISC, the IBM RS/6000 and the IBM eServer pSeries

The RISC System/6000 (RS/6000), is a family of RISC-based UNIX servers, workstations and supercomputers made by IBM in the 1990s. The RS/6000 family replaced the IBM RT PC computer platform in February 1990 and was the first computer line to see the use of IBM's POWER and PowerPC based microprocessors. In October 2000, the RS/6000 brand was retired for POWER-based servers and replaced by the eServer pSeries. Workstations continued under the RS/6000 brand until 2002, when new POWER-based workstations were released under the IntelliStation POWER brand.

Die IBM RS/6000 war eine 1990 eingeführte Reihe von Unix-Workstations und Servern, die durch das IBM System p abgelöst wurde. Die Rechner wurden mit dem IBM-Unixderivat AIX ausgeliefert. RS/6000 stand dabei für RISC System/6000. In der RS/6000-Reihe waren Rechner vom kleinen Desktop-Computer bis zum Mehrwege-Computercluster verfügbar.


History.

Although the idea is older, the term "media circus" began to appear around the mid-1970s. An early example is from the 1976 book by author Lynn Haney, in which she writes about a romance in which the athlete Chris Evert was involved: "Their courtship, after all, had been a "'media circus.'"" A few years later "The Washington Post" had a similar courtship example in which it reported, "Princess Grace herself is still traumatized by the memory of her own "media-circus" wedding to Prince Rainier in 1956." The term has become increasingly popular with time since the 1970s. Reasons for being critical of the media are varied; at the core of most criticism is that there may be a significant opportunity cost when other more important news issues get less public attention as a result of coverage of the hyped issue.  Media circuses make up the central plot device in the 1951 movie "Ace in the Hole" about a self-interested reporter who, covering a mine disaster, allows a man to die trapped underground. It cynically examines the relationship between the media and the news they report. The movie was subsequently re-issued as "The Big Carnival", with "carnival" referring to what we now call a "circus". The movie was based on real-life Floyd Collins who in 1925 was trapped in a Kentucky cave drawing so much media attention that it became the third largest media event between the two World Wars (the other two being Lindbergh's solo flight and the Lindbergh kidnapping).

Examples.

Events described as a media circus include:

Media circus is a colloquial metaphor, or idiom, describing a news event for which the level of media coverage—measured by such factors as the number of reporters at the scene and the amount of material broadcast or published—is perceived to be excessive or out of proportion to the event being covered. Coverage that is sensationalistic can add to the perception the event is the subject of a media circus. The term is meant to critique the coverage of the event by comparing it to the spectacle and pageantry of a circus. Usage of the term in this sense became common in the 1970s. It can also be called a media feeding frenzy or just media frenzy, especially when they cover the media coverage.

Unter einem Medienhype (engl. "hype" – von "hyperbol" ‚Hyperbel‘ – für „besonders spektakuläre, mitreißende Werbung“, die Begeisterung auslöst) werden meist kurzlebige, in den Massenmedien aufgebauschte oder übertriebene Nachrichten verstanden, die gezielt von Interessenträgern zur Werbung für bestimmte Ideen, Personen oder Produkte lanciert wurden.


Taxonomic distribution.

Dun is believed to be the ancestral or wild type color of horses. Many equines appearing in prehistoric cave paintings such as in Chauvet Cave are dun, and several closely related species in the genus "Equus" show dun characteristics. These include the Przewalski's horse, onager, kiang, African wild ass, an extinct subspecies of plains zebra, the quagga, and an extinct subspecies of horse, the tarpan. Zebras can also be considered a variant of dun where the dilution is so extreme it turns the hair nearly white, and the primitive markings (like the striped leg barring) extend across the entire body.  Neither the "non-dun1" nor the "non-dun2" mutations were found in any other equids.

Color traits.

The dun gene has a dilution effect, lightening the body coat, but has less of an effect on the primitive markings and on the point coloration of the mane, tail, ears, and legs.  Dun visibly affects all the three base colors, bay (bay, classic, or zebra dun), black (mouse dun or grullo), and Chestnut (red dun). It is more difficult to recognize when combined with other dilution genes or if affected by gray. Shades include:  Another characteristic of the dun gene are primitive markings. Dun traits include the following:  Other variations result from the interplay of additional genes: A single copy of the cream gene on a black base coat does not significantly lighten black hair, though it may have a subtle effect, and thus a single copy generally has no visible effect on a grullo, either. Conversely, double copies of the cream gene create very light-colored horses (cremello, perlino, and smoky cream). Thus, if a horse with two cream dilution alleles also carries the dun gene, it also will be cream-colored, with primitive markings not visible to any significant degree.  Dorsal striping alone does not guarantee the horse carries the dun gene. There two types of non-dun, called "non-dun1" and "non-dun2". Non-dun1 horses have no dun color dilution, but may keep primitive markings, while non-dun2 horses have neither the dun color dilution nor primitive markings. Non-dun1 heterozygous with non-dun2 may not produce primitive markings, or may be the mechanism that produces faint dorsal striping, or countershading.  The Fjord horse breed, which is predominantly dun, uses unique Norwegian-based terminology to distinguish between the different shades of dun horses. "Brown dun," or "brunnblakk" is a zebra dun, "rødblakk" is a red dun, "grå" - literally "gray" - is a grullo, buckskin duns are called "ulsblakk" or white dun, and a dunalino (dun + palomino) is called a "yellow dun" or "gulblakk." A cremello, perlino or smoky cream is called "white" or "kvit."

Dun mimics.

Historically, before modern genetic studies distinguished between alleles, diluted colors were sometimes lumped together and simply called "dun".  The dun gene, when on a "bay dun" horse, can closely resemble buckskin, in that both colors feature a light-colored coat with a dark mane and tail. In particular, buckskins with non-dun 1 primitive markings can easily be confused with dun. Genetically, a bay dun is a bay horse with the dun gene. A buckskin is bay horse with the addition of the cream gene, causing the coat color to be diluted from red to gold, usually without primitive markings. Visually, a bay dun is a tan-gold color, somewhat darker and less vivid than the more cream or gold buckskin, and duns always possess primitive markings. Today, pedigree analysis, DNA testing, studying possible offspring, and the vividness of primitive markings are used to determine whether a horse is a dun.  A red dun may also be confused with a perlino, which is genetically a bay horse with two copies of the cream gene, which creates a horse with a cream-colored body but a reddish mane and tail. However, perlinos usually are significantly lighter than a red dun and have blue eyes.  Grullos are sometimes confused with roans or grays. However, unlike blue roan, dun has no intermingled black and white hairs, and unlike a true gray, which also intermingles light and dark hairs, the color does not change to a lighter shade as the horse ages. With a dun, the hair color itself is one solid shade and remains so for life.  To further confuse matters, it is possible for a horse to carry both dun and cream dilution genes; such horses with golden buckskin coloring and a complete set of primitive markings are referred to as a "buckskin dun" or a "dunskin". On such horses, the light-shaded primitive markings are most noticeable during the summer months, when the winter hair sheds. A palomino that also carries dun, showing primitive dorsal striping or leg bars indicative of a red dun may be called a “dunalino.”  Countershading of nd1may be harder to differentiate between a dorsal stripe on light-colored horses such as red duns.

Genetics.

There are three known alleles of the dun gene: "dun" ("D"), "non-dun1" ("d1"), and "non-dun2" ("d2"). Dun is dominant, so the phenotype of a horse with either one or two copies of the gene is dun. In effect, two non-dun parents cannot produce a dun foal. Horses that are non-dun1 "d1/d1" or "d1/d2" may have some asymmetry in pigment distribution, producing primitive markings, but to a lesser degree than dun horses. Homozygous "non-dun1/non-dun1" horses typically have clearer primitive markings than heterozygous "d1/d2" horses. The primitive markings from non-dun1 are more visible on a bay or chestnut horse; they blend in on a black. A horse with two copies of "non-dun2" lacks primitive markings.  Dun has a stronger effect than other dilution genes in that it acts on any coat color. In contrast, the silver dapple gene acts only on black-based coats, and the cream gene is an incomplete dominant which must be homozygous to be fully expressed, and when heterozygous is only visible on bay and chestnut coats, and then to a lesser degree.  The dun dilution effect is caused by pigment only being placed in a part of each hair. Specifically, hairs from diluted areas only have pigment along one side of them, while hairs from darker parts such as the dorsal stripe have pigment all the way around.  Genetic analysis and DNA sequencing results published in 2015 link dun color to the T-box 3 (TBX3) transcription factor. When functional, it creates dun coloring, including the primitive markings, and when recessive, a horse is not dun. In humans and lab mice, TBX3 is critical to development. Abnormalities are linked to a collection of developmental defects called ulnar–mammary syndrome, and the null allele (being unable to produce any TBX3 at all) is thought to be embryonic lethal. In non-dun horses, the TBX3 protein is still functional, and is still produced in most cells, but not expressed in the hair cortex. Where the coat is diluted, the color is not uniform throughout each hair, but rather is more intense on the outward-facing side of the hair shaft and lighter underneath. In the darker areas, where the primitive markings occur, the hair shaft is of uniform color. One of the researchers involved in the study said it could be called a "microscopic spotting pattern". This phenomenon is new to science and has not been observed in rodents, primates, or carnivores.  The location of TBX3 expression may also determine the striping pattern of zebras.

Non-dun alleles.

There are two forms of non-dun color, non-dun1 and non-dun2, caused by different mutations. Non-dun1 horses have some primitive markings, while non-dun2 horses do not.  Prior to domestication of the horse, dun, non-dun1, and the leopard complex are thought to have been the wild type modifiers of the base colors bay and black for wild horses. It is thought that the non-dun2 genetic mutation (as well as the development of chestnut base color) occurred after domestication. Ancient DNA from a horse that lived about 43,000 years ago, long before horses were domesticated, carried both dun and non-dun1 genes. The non-dun mutations appear to "disrupt the function of a transcriptional enhancer regulating TBX3 expression in a specific subset of hair bulb keratinocytes during hair growth." The region deleted in "non-dun2" is predicted to include binding sites for the transcription factors ALX4 and MSX2, which are both known to be involved in hair follicle development. "TBX3" was significantly downregulated in non-dun horses compared to dun horses, while the neighboring gene, "TBX5", was expressed in about the same amount. In dun horses, the pattern of "TBX3" expression mirrored the pattern of pigment deposition in the hair, that is, TBX3 was found wherever the pigment was not. TBX3 was not found in the hair cortex keratinocytes from non-dun horses, nor in those from the dorsal stripe of dun horses. However, all of the horses had a thin outer layer of the hair where "TBX3" was expressed. Two markers of mature melanocytes, KIT and MITF, were found only in the pigmented areas of the hair. This indicates that the hair follicles of dun and non-dun horses have different distributions of pigment producing cells. "KITLG" encodes KIT ligand, a molecule required for melanocyte migration and survival in the skin and hair follicle. Keratinocytes expressing "KITLG" were found all the way around the hair in non-dun horses, but only on the pigmented side in dun horses. The region where "KITLG" was not expressed was similar to, but not exactly the same as, the region where "TBX3" was expressed. TBX3 is not thought to directly affect "KITLG" expression.  Both "non-dun1" and "non-dun2" are found in a region of equine chromosome 8 whose only gene is "TBX3". "Non-dun1" has a guanine where "dun" has an adenine at chromosome 8 base pair 18,226,905, which appears to be sufficient to cause non-dun1 coloration. In addition, "non-dun1" has another single nucleotide polymorphism compared to the version of "dun" that is most common in domestic horses, where a guanine in "dun" is replaced with thymine in "non-dun1" at chr. 8: 18,227,267. However, that SNP was also found in some dun Estonian native horses, so is not necessary for dun. "Non-dun2" has a 1,609 bp deletion and another very near 8 bp deletion. Comparison with "TBX3" in other species showed that the "non-dun2" deletion is a more derived allele. Nucleotide diversity across the flanking regions of chromosome 8 for the various alleles indicates that the "non-dun2" mutation most likely occurred on a chromosome that already had "non-dun1".

The dun gene is a dilution gene that affects both red and black pigments in the coat color of a horse. The dun gene lightens most of the body while leaving the mane, tail, legs, and primitive markings the shade of the undiluted base coat color. A dun horse always has a dark dorsal stripe down the middle of its back, usually has a darker face and legs, and may have transverse striping across the shoulders or horizontal striping on the back of the forelegs. Body color depends on the underlying coat color genetics. A classic "bay dun" is a gray-gold or tan, characterized by a body color ranging from sandy yellow to reddish brown. Duns with a chestnut base may appear a light tan shade, and those with black base coloration are a steel gray. Manes, tails, primitive markings, and other dark areas are usually the shade of the undiluted base coat color. The dun gene may interact with all other coat color alleles.

Ein Falbe ist ein Pferd mit hellem Körper, dunklem Langhaar (Mähne, Schweif) und dunklen Wildfarbigkeitsabzeichen (Aalstrich, eventuell auch Schulterkreuz und Zebrierung). Die Farbe wird durch das Wildtyp-Allel auf dem Dun-Locus hervorgerufen. Im weiteren Sinne wird das Wort auch für alle Pferde mit grauem oder sandfarbenem Fell und dunklerem Langhaar verwendet. Dieses Erscheinungsbild kann durch unterschiedliche Gene hervorgerufen werden.


Design and development.

The Fokker company of the Netherlands started to develop the airliner in November 1992 with an aim to replace its aging Fokker F28 airliner, with a more modern and fuel efficient aircraft. The Fokker 70's first flight occurred on 4 April 1993, at the company's base at Woensdrecht in southern Netherlands, and had a duration of three hours. Following its first flight, the Fokker 70 was flown to Granada and Spain, where many hours were logged in order to obtain the certification at the end of 1994. The first production aircraft first flew in July 1994. Certification was granted on 14 October 1994, while the first delivery of a Fokker 70 to a customer, Ford Motor Company (in an "Executive Jet" configuration), occurred later in the same month. The launch customer of this aircraft by an airline, announced at the Paris Air Show in June 1993, was the now-defunct Indonesian airline, Sempati Airand Pelita Air. Sempati was the first airline to receive a Fokker 70 in March 1995. The first European airline to order the Fokker 70 was British Midland International in November 1993 with a long-term lease of five Fokker 70. The first US customer was Mesa Airlines who ordered two aircraft in December 1993.  The development of the Fokker 70 was based on the requirements of some airlines, for which the Fokker 50 or ATR 42 were too small and the Boeing 737 or MD-80 too large. The development consisted in cutting various sections of the fuselage of the Fokker 100, removing of the plane's total length but keeping the wings and tail. With these specifications, total capacity is 80 passengers, 70 in the U.S., due more to meet "scope clause" requirements than any Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) certification.  The Fokker 70 is powered by two Rolls-Royce Tay 620 turbofans placed at the back of the fuselage, with 61.6 kN (13,849 lb) of thrust. The weight varies from when empty to at maximum takeoff weight (MTOW). An airbrake on the 70's tail section – similar to that found on the BAe 146 – allows it to conform with the 5.5° glide slope at London City Airport. Its avionics suite is similar to the Fokker 100.  Most Fokker 70 aircraft were delivered for service in Europe, but in 1995 two aircraft were delivered to Mesa Airlines subsidiary Desert Sun Airlines and were operated as America West Express flights as part of an effort to try to introduce the Fokker 70 to the United States; the purchase agreement allowed the operator to return the aircraft within 12 to 18 months. Although the earlier Fokker 100 did moderately well in the United States with orders from American Airlines and USAir (which subsequently merged with American Airlines), only two aircraft of the Fokker 70 variant were delivered for service in the United States. Fokker's March 1996 bankruptcy ended any hopes of further production for the U.S. market; the two America West Express aircraft operated by a subsidiary of Mesa Airlines became an expensive subfleet and were sent to Europe in 1997, ending the very short tenure of Fokker 70 operation in the United States.  The last Fokker 70 was delivered in April 1997, when the production line closed following Fokker's bankruptcy the previous year. Over the 70's short production life, 47 were built. Although official production of the Fokker 70 is completed, Rekkof ("Fokker" spelt backwards) has, since 1999, tried to negotiate the re-opening of both the Fokker 100 and Fokker 70 lines.

Current operators.

As of April 2020, 39 aircraft remain in service with 9 airlines and 2 governments:

The Fokker 70 is a narrow-body, twin-engined, medium-range, turbofan regional airliner produced by Fokker as a smaller version of the Fokker 100. Both the F70 and F100 were preceded by the first jet airliner manufactured by Fokker, the Fokker F28 Fellowship. Since its first flight in 1993, 47 aircraft, plus one prototype, have been manufactured and 23 are still in active service with airlines around the world.

Das Regionalverkehrsflugzeug Fokker 70 ist der Nachfolger der Fokker F28 für bis zu 80 Passagiere des ehemaligen niederländischen Flugzeugherstellers Fokker Flugzeugwerke. Er wurde nach der Fokker 100 als kleineres Schwestermodell produziert.