Description.

Heian-kyō was built in what is now the central part of Kyoto city covering an area spanning the and of Yamashiro Province. The city boundaries formed a rectangle measuring 4.5 km from east to west and 5.2 km from north to south. The city layout followed Heijō-kyō (Japan's capital during the Nara period) with the Imperial palace, Daidairi, placed in the centre of the northern city limits and the Suzaku Avenue (Suzaku-ōji), the main thoroughfare extending from the palace down through the centre of the city, dividing it into the Right (Ukyō) and Left Capitals (Sakyō) (the eastern side being the Left and the western side being the Right from the emperor's viewpoint.) The design followed Sui and Tang dynasty Changan with the exception that Heian-kyō had no city walls. It is thought that the site for the city was selected according to the principles of based on Chinese Feng shui and relating to the Four Symbols of Chinese astrology.  The boundaries of Heian-kyō were smaller than those of modern Kyoto, with at the northern limit corresponding to present-day, between and, Kyūjō-ōji in the south corresponding to slightly to the south of the present-day JR Kyōto Station and Higashi-kyōgoku-ōji in the east corresponding to present-day Teramachi Street (Teramachi-dōri). The location of Nishi-kyōgoku-ōji at the western limit is estimated as a line running north to south from Hanazono Station on the JR San'in Main Line to Nishi-Kyōgoku Station on the Hankyu Kyoto Line.  The layout of Heian-kyō was plotted in accordance with the principles of geomancy as a square city. was the basic unit of measurement. 40 sq. jō made a. The city was further divided by major streets called and minor streets called. Four lines of chō running east to west (excepting the first 2 rows in the north) were together called a and four lines of chō running from north to south were called a The Cho which shared the same Jo and Bo were each given a number from 1 to 16. In this way addresses could be identified as follows: "Right Capital, Jō Five, Bō Two, Chō Fourteen".  The width of even the minor streets was 4 Jō and for the major streets over 8 Jō. Almost all of the streets in present-day Kyoto have become considerably narrower. Suzaku-ōji for example was 28 Jō wide. In addition a river ran alongside and.

History.

In 784 AD emperor Kammu constructed Nagaoka-kyō, moving the capital from Heijō-kyō. It is thought that he wished to build a new, Emperor Tenji faction capital far from Yamato Province which was the power base for the temples and aristocrats who supported the Emperor Tenmu faction. However, only 9 years later in January 793 AD, Emperor Kammu assembled his retainers and announced another relocation of the capital (for the reason see the entry on Nagaoka-kyō.) The location for the new capital was to be Kadono located between two rivers in the north of Yamashiro, ten kilometres to the northeast of Nagaoka-kyō. It is said that the Emperor Kammu had previously looked out on Kadono from the Shōgun Tsuka in Higashiyama Ward of Kyoto City, deciding then that it was a suitable location for the capital. Emperor Kammu's words are recorded in the "Nihon Kiryaku" as follows: "Kadono has beautiful mountains and rivers as well as good transport links by sea and land making it convenient for people to assemble there from all four corners of the country."  It is thought that the construction of Heian-kyō began from the palace, with the construction of the remainder of the city following afterwards. As a display of the emperor's authority the Daigokuden (main building of the palace) was constructed at the far north of the central thoroughfare, Suzaku-oji, making the building visible from anywhere in the city. Ports such as Yodonotsu and were set up along the river next to the city. These ports acted as a transit base for collecting in goods from all over the country and for forwarding them on to the city. The goods which arrived in Heian-kyō reached the people by way of one of the two large markets (the East market and the West market.) This arrangement provided a stable supply of food and goods which encouraged population growth. Measures were also taken to guard against the flooding which had plagued the residents of Nagaoka-kyō. Although there was no natural river in the centre of Heian-kyō, two artificial canals (the present day Horikawa and Nishi Horikawa) were dug whose water level could be adjusted, simultaneously securing a supply of water and guarding against flooding. It was also permitted to construct Buddhist temples in Heian-kyō, something which had been forbidden in Nagaoka-kyō. It was thought that the power of the East and West temples might protect the city from natural disaster and disease, and priests such as Kūkai were welcomed, being able men, well versed in Buddhist scripture and with no interest in political power. On 22 October 794 AD, Emperor Kammu arrived at the new city and on 8 November proclaimed, "I hereby name this city Heian-kyō." On 8 November, he changed the second kanji character of Yamashiro from ("back") to ("castle") because the capital looked like a naturally formed "mountain castle" surrounded by the Eastern (Higashiyama), Northern (Kitayama), and Western (Nishiyama) mountains.  A movement in favour of returning the capital to Heijō-kyō arose in 810 AD, during a standoff over the emperor's succession. However, Emperor Saga thought that keeping the capital in Heian-kyō would be best for the stability of the country and resisted this movement, naming Heian-kyō.  The land of the Right Capital overlapped the wetlands formed by the Katsura River and even by the 9th century little progress had been made in developing the area. By the 10th century when the Ritsuryō system was almost at an end, the district had become so dilapidated that it began to be used as farmland, something which had previously been forbidden within the city limits. With the exception of an area in the north of the Right Capital near to the palace, the residential areas which housed the aristocracy were all situated in the Left Capital, with the highest echelon of aristocrats such as the Fujiwara clan gathering in the northernmost part of the district. The poor of Heian-kyō began to set up home by the Kamo River, beyond the eastern limits of the city, and on the eastern banks of the river temples and country homes sprung up. So started a tendency for the city to extend out to the east. In 980 AD, at the southern tip of Suzaku-oji the Rajōmon (the grandest of the two city gates) collapsed never to be rebuilt. In this way the original borders of Heian-kyō extended out to the east, forming the streets of first medieval and then modern-day Kyoto.  With the advent of the Kanto centred Kamakura and Edo shogunate, Heian-kyō began to lose its significance as a seat of power. The greatest decline was during the Muromachi and Sengoku periods when almost half the city was burnt to the ground during the Ōnin war. After this Heian-kyō separated into upper (Kamigyō) and lower (Shimogyō) cities each becoming places of little note. However, the two were to be reunited into one city during the Azuchi–Momoyama period following the ascension of Oda Nobunaga. During the Meiji Revolution Edo was re-christened Tokyo (becoming the new capital of Japan). Although Heian-kyō lost its status as capital city, it became a backup capital while the emperor was away in Tokyo. Since that time the emperor has not returned to Kyoto. However, at the direction of the Emperor Meiji, the imperial residences have been preserved and the —a special throne whose location traditionally marked the seat of the emperor—remains at the palace in Kyoto.

Schematic diagram of Heian-kyō.

The green areas in the diagram are markets, temples and a garden. There were two large markets, West Market and East Market, facing the seventh street, Shichijō-ōji. Tō-ji and Sai-ji were Buddhist temples built on the southern edge of the capital. An imperial garden called Shinsenen was adjacent to the Daidairi.  Note that there were more paths cut short by residences straddling multiple blocks.  In English (major streets and palace only):

Gates.

The gates of the Daidairi are marked in Japanese Kanji in the above grid, below are the romanization of said gate names alongside the kanji:

Map.

Below is a 1696 map of Kyoto, known as Genroku 9 Kyoto Daizu () held by the International Research Center for Japanese Studies (Nichibunken).

Heian-kyō was one of several former names for the city now known as Kyoto. It was the official capital of Japan for over one thousand years, from 794 to 1868 with an interruption in 1180.

Heian-kyō (jap., wörtlich: „Kaiserliche Residenzstadt des Friedens und der Ruhe“) war der ursprüngliche Name für die heutige Stadt Kyōto, die von 794 bis 1868 Sitz des kaiserlichen Hofes und damit die Hauptstadt Japans war.


Preparation.

World production exceeds one-third of a million tonnes. Phosphorus trichloride is prepared industrially by the reaction of chlorine with a refluxing solution of white phosphorus in phosphorus trichloride, with continuous removal of PCl as it is formed (in order to avoid the formation of PCl).  Industrial production of phosphorus trichloride is controlled under the Chemical Weapons Convention, where it is listed in schedule 3. In the laboratory it may be more convenient to use the less toxic red phosphorus. It is sufficiently inexpensive that it would not be synthesized for laboratory use.

Reactions.

The phosphorus in PCl is often considered to have the +3 oxidation state and the chlorine atoms are considered to be in the −1 oxidation state. Most of its reactivity is consistent with this description.

Oxidation.

PCl is a precursor to other phosphorus compounds, undergoing oxidation to phosphorus pentachloride (PCl), thiophosphoryl chloride (PSCl), or phosphorus oxychloride (POCl).

PCl as an electrophile.

Phosphorus trichloride is the precursor to organophosphorus compounds that contain one or more P(III) atoms, most notably phosphites and phosphonates. These compounds do not usually contain the chlorine atoms found in PCl.  PCl reacts vigorously with water to form phosphorous acid, HPO and HCl:  A large number of similar substitution reactions are known, the most important of which is the formation of phosphites by reaction with alcohols or phenols. For example, with phenol, triphenyl phosphite is formed:  where "Ph" stands for phenyl group, -CH. Alcohols such as ethanol react similarly in the presence of a base such as a tertiary amine:  In the absence of base, however, the reaction proceeds with the following stoichiometry to give diethylphosphite:  Secondary amines (RNH) form aminophosphines. For example, bis(diethylamino)chlorophosphine, (EtN)PCl, is obtained from diethylamine and PCl. Thiols (RSH) form P(SR). An industrially relevant reaction of PCl with amines is phosphonomethylation, which employs formaldehyde: Aminophosphonates are widely used as sequestring and antiscale agents in water treatment. The large volume herbicide glyphosate is also produced this way. The reaction of PCl with Grignard reagents and organolithium reagents is a useful method for the preparation of organic phosphines with the formula RP (sometimes called phosphanes) such as triphenylphosphine, PhP.  Under controlled conditions or especially with bulky organic groups, similar reactions afford less substituted derivatives such as chlorodiisopropylphosphine.

PCl as a nucleophile.

Phosphorus trichloride has a lone pair, and therefore can act as a Lewis base, e.g., forming a 1:1 adduct BrB-PCl. Metal complexes such as Ni(PCl) are known, again demonstrating the ligand properties of PCl.  This Lewis basicity is exploited in the Kinnear–Perren reaction to prepare alkylphosphonyl dichlorides (RP(O)Cl) and alkylphosphonate esters (RP(O)(OR')). Alkylation of phosphorus trichloride is effected in the presence of aluminium trichloride give the alkyltrichlorophosphonium salts, which are versatile intermediates: The RPCl product can then be decomposed with water to produce an alkylphosphonic dichloride RP(=O)Cl.

Uses.

PCl is important indirectly as a precursor to PCl, POCl and PSCl, which are used in many applications, including herbicides, insecticides, plasticisers, oil additives, and flame retardants.  For example, oxidation of PCl gives POCl, which is used for the manufacture of triphenyl phosphate and tricresyl phosphate, which find application as flame retardants and plasticisers for PVC. They are also used to make insecticides such as diazinon. Phosphonates include the herbicide glyphosate.  PCl is the precursor to triphenylphosphine for the Wittig reaction, and phosphite esters which may be used as industrial intermediates, or used in the Horner-Wadsworth-Emmons reaction, both important methods for making alkenes. It can be used to make trioctylphosphine oxide (TOPO), used as an extraction agent, although TOPO is usually made via the corresponding phosphine.  PCl is also used directly as a reagent in organic synthesis. It is used to convert primary and secondary alcohols into alkyl chlorides, or carboxylic acids into acyl chlorides, although thionyl chloride generally gives better yields than PCl.

History.

Phosphorus trichloride was first prepared in 1808 by the French chemists Joseph Louis Gay-Lussac and Louis Jacques Thénard by heating calomel (HgCl) with phosphorus. Later during the same year, the English chemist Humphry Davy produced phosphorus trichloride by burning phosphorus in chlorine gas.

Phosphorus trichloride is a chemical compound of phosphorus and chlorine, having the chemical formula PCl. It is a toxic and volatile liquid which reacts violently with water to release HCl gas. It has a trigonal pyramidal shape, owing to the lone pairs on the phosphorus. It is an important industrial chemical, being used for the manufacture of phosphites and other organophosphorus compounds for a wide variety of applications. It has a P NMR signal at around +220 ppm with reference to a phosphoric acid standard.

Phosphortrichlorid oder "Phosphor(III)-chlorid" ist eine farblose, giftige und stark ätzende Flüssigkeit von stechendem Geruch, die an feuchter Luft infolge von Hydrolyse raucht.


Overview.

The idea of an ethnolect relates to linguistic variation and to ethnic identity. According to Joshua Fishman, a sociologist of language, the processes of language standardization and nationalism in modern societies make links between language and ethnicity salient to users. Ethnicity can affect linguistic variation in ways that reflect a social dimension of language usage. The way in which ethnic groups interact with one another shapes their usage of language. Ethnolects are characterized by salient features that distinguish them as different from the standard variety of the language spoken by native speakers of the particular language. These features can either be related to the ethnolect’s lexical, syntactic, phonetic and/or prosodic features. Such linguistic difference may be important as social markers for a particular ethnic group.

Types of ethnolects.

Ethnolect varieties can be further subdivided into two types. One type is characteristic of a specific group, where a majority language currently used by speakers is influenced in terms of lexicon, grammar, phonology and prosody by a minority language associated with their ethnic group but is no longer in active use. Examples include Jewish American English, previous German Australian English and African American Vernacular English.  The other type, is called a multiethnolect, because several minority groups use it collectively to express their minority status and/or as a reaction to that status to upgrade it. In some cases, members of the dominant (ethnic) group, especially young people, share it with the ethnic minorities in a 'language crossing' situation to express a new kind of group identity. Examples include, Multicultural London English and Singapore English.

Purpose.

Establishing identities.

Using ethnolects allow speakers to define their social position, and helps them construct their identity. Subscribing to language features commonly associated with a particular ethnic group works to either affiliate or distance themselves from a particular ethnic group.  Establishing an ethnic identity through language is not necessarily singular. Studies have found speakers who have melded linguistic features of separate communities together in order to create a mixed ethnic identity. African Americans in rural western North Carolina have been found to adopt both local pronunciation and AAVE vocabulary in their speech. Second-generation Italian Canadians in Toronto have been recorded to participate in a vowel shift that resembles both Italian and Canadian pronunciations.

Facilitating communication.

Ethnolects can also serve a communicative purpose in the intergenerational context. Common in new migrant families of non-english language background, ethnolects can be used by the younger generation to communicate with their elders. This usage of ethnolects may be concurrent or in replacement of the community language.Speakers have been found to believe that the use the ethnolect eases communication with the older generations.  The use of ethnolect may also address bilingual communication in the home, where there is a discontinuity in the language that parents and their children use. Children whose first language are different may pick up terms from their parents’ ethnolect. The two varieties in this case can symbolize a speaker’s multiple identity.

Examples.

Listed below are a few examples of ethnolects, with several linguistic features they display highlighted. These distinguished linguistic features are present in areas such as phonetics, grammar, syntax and lexicon. They are usually brought about by influence of another language - the mother tongue of its speakers.

Chicano English (Mexican ethnolect).

Example 1  Chicano English, or Mexican-American English, refers to the ethnolect spoken primarily by Mexican Americans. Chicano English developed as a result of immigration into the United States in the 20th Century. Some features of Chicano English include:

African American Vernacular English (African-American ethnolect).

Example 2  African American Vernacular English (AAVE) is one of most researched and salient ethnic varieties of English. It generally refers to the ethnolect primarily spoken by working or middle-class African-Americans in more informal conversations. Some prevalent features of AAVE include:

Greek Australian English (Greek ethnolect).

Example 3  Greek Australian English refers to the English spoken by Greek immigrants in Australia. It is known and used by the Greek Australians during the last 170 years of settlement. Some salient features of Greek Australian English include:

Further manifestations.

Ethnolects are typically employed by speakers to either decrease or increase social distance with others. Listed below are more atypical manifestations of using ethnolects in order to achieve certain social purposes.

Crossing.

Crossing refers to the use of a language, or aspects of it, by speakers who are not accepted by members of the group associated with the language. In reference to ethnolects, crossing refers to speakers using ethnolects that do not formally belong to them. Considering the inherent connection between ethnolect and ethnicity, crossing is highly contentious as it involves a movement across ethnic boundaries. Speakers are required to negotiate their identity to perform crossing. Beyond being a linguistic phenomenon, crossing has social implications, and community members are generally aware of the sanctions against crossing.

Hypercorrection.

Ethnolects may also be rejected by its speakers. This linguistic choice is apparent in ethnic hypercorrection. Ethnic hypercorrection is a subclass of linguistic hypercorrection, and refers to the over-application of certain linguistic markers common in the variety of another group. Speakers belonging to an ethnicity, often a minority group, hypercorrect to draw distance between themselves and their ethnic groups. Often, speakers hypercorrect due to the social prestige associated with the different language varieties. For example, second and third generation Italian and Jewish immigrants in New York were found to have stronger vowel sounds that are distinctive of the New York accent in their speech. (link 19) The vowels they spoke were opposite of what was expected from their Italian and Yiddish ethnicity.

Criticism of the "ethnolect" approach.

Some twenty-first century linguists object to broader application of the term "ethnolect" to describe linguistic differences that are believed to reflect ethnic group affiliation. According to these scholars, this may inaccurately posit ethnicity as the central explanation for linguistic difference, when in fact there may be other variables which are more influential to an individual's speech.  Some scholars also point out that the common use of "ethnolect" is used to compare the "ethnolects" of ethnic minorities with the "standard" speech of ethnic majorities, which is designated as the regional dialect instead of as a majority ethnolect. The ethnolinguistic repertoire approach is therefore proposed as a more effective model in linguistic research that could counteract the problems of the ethnolect approach as listed below.

Intra-group variation.

The way one speaks can vary widely within any ethnic group on a continuum of styles that could be mixed across variants. Some may employ a few or none of the features in an ethnolect while others may use many. Therefore, it is difficult to draw the line between speakers and non-speakers of an ethnolect. Although qualifications and modifiers are established in definitions to enhance the fluidity of the concept, it is still unable to fully resolve the problem as variation exists in complex and intricate patterns that are unlikely to be fully accounted for in brief definitions.

Intra-speaker variation.

Speakers of ethnolects tend to be aware of the differences in their speech compared to others to some extent. They may therefore temper their usage of salient features in their ethnolects when speaking to interlocutors who are not part of their ethnic group and may also be able to code-switch fluently between their ethnolectal variety and Standard English. Speakers who do that are considered to be "bidialectal". Yet, the selective use of elements from an ethnolect is not predictable, which then confounds the notion of code-switching.

Out-group use.

Some speakers who are not part of a particular ethnic group may also make use of elements of the group’s ethnolect, which can include behaviours like crossing or passing when people imitate an ethnic stereotype or assimilate to an ethnic group’s behaviour to be included. This can be observed in phenomena such as ‘crossing’ in multi-ethnic interactions. For example, elements of AAVE are used by people who have little association with African Americans because of the language's influence in hip-hop. Non-group members may also extensively employ features from an ethnic group’s repertoire in their speech if they spend much of their time with the group members.

Delineating the ethnic group.

It is difficult to define the ethnic group a person belongs to, especially in Western societies where ethnic groups are porous and fluid. Individuals often shift from one ethnic identity to another as they transition between life stages. Ethnic group membership is constructed not just on the basis of descent but also on the basis of symbolic practices, including language. Viewing ethnic identity as an inheritance that cannot be changed may pose problems. In addition, an increasing number of individuals consider themselves as part of two or more ethnic groups. It is thus difficult to define one’s ethnicity by their parentage or physical features. Ethnic identification also generally involves self-identification of a shared understanding and belonging with culture or language, as well as affirmation from existing members of the existing ethnic group. The factors that determine ethnic identity are ambiguous.

Delineating ‘ethnolect’.

The final problem lies in the conceptualisation of a given group’s language as a separate ethnic variety like AAVE and Chicano English, or merely as ethnic variation from an abstract norm such as the phonological variation among people of a shared ethnicity. In the ethnolect approach, distinctions are drawn to categorize certain languages spoken as ethnolects (i.e. ethnic varieties) while others are considered as a repertoire of linguistic features associated with the ethnic group that are employed in ethnic variation.

An ethnolect is generally defined as a language variety that mark speakers as members of ethnic groups who originally used another language or distinctive variety. According to another definition, an ethnolect is any speech variety (language, dialect, subdialect) associated with a specific ethnic group. It may be a distinguishing mark of social identity, both within the group and for outsiders. The term combines the concepts of an ethnic group and dialect.

Ethnolekt (von griech. "ethnos" „Volk“ und "legein" „sprechen“) ist ein Sammelbegriff für sprachliche Varianten bzw. Sprechstile, die von Sprechern einer ethnischen (eigentlich: sprachlichen) Minderheit in einem bestimmten Sprachraum verwendet und als für sie typisch eingestuft werden. Einen einheitlichen Ethnolekt, den alle Menschen mit derselben sprachlich-ethnischen Herkunft in einem Land sprechen, gibt es allerdings nicht: „Es gibt vielerlei Ethnolektales, es gibt aber keinen Ethnolekt“ (Jannis Androutsopoulos). Ein Ethnolekt ist eine Sonderform eines Soziolekts.


The village.

The centre of Fornalutx is the "Plaça d'Espanya", surrounded by cafés and a general store. Overlooking the square (on a higher level reached by steps) is the church, which has a large clock on its façade. Just down the street is the "Panaderia de Fornalutx" (the local bakery), and on the road leading out of the town several restaurants. The old tower at the east side of the village is also used as the "ajuntament" (town hall), and just a few houses away from it is the public washing house. The latter has an open loggia at its front with a long bath of water (channelled here in open stone culverts alongside the roads coming down from the hills) and a rail above it where locals leave their clothes to be washed or to wash themselves.  The architecture of the village is of stone and red roof tiles, with most buildings' windows also having green painted wooden shutters. The stone façades on the majority of these houses have been exposed in recent years by removing the original render to give the buildings a more rustic appearance than was originally the case. Built on different levels, many of the higher streets are pedestrianised and cobbled, with grassy paths leading off into the orchards and farms to the north. The dominant large plants in the area are orange trees, lemon trees and cacti. Thousands of house sparrows flit around the area and sheep graze in the surrounding orchards. Higher up, there are stunning olive groves with some trees more than a thousand years old.  Fornalutx has received prizes and recognition for tourism and conservation. In 1983 it was awarded the Mallorcan Tourism Board Silver Plaque for the defence and maintenance of the village. The same year the General Secretary for Tourism gave it the Second National Price for Towns embellished and maintained in Spain. In 1985 it received the Premi Alzina from the Grup Balear d'Ornitologia i Defensa de la Naturalesa.  The village is well supplied with public parking, there being three generous municipal car parks. Large vehicles are discouraged from passing through the centre by a weight limit and the need to negotiate a narrow bottleneck near the square. To help with this a turning place for lorries and coaches has been provided to the north.  There are a number of restaurants, bars, banks and shops.  A half hour a day free wireless internet access is provided by the town council in the main square.

Fornalutx () is a mountainous municipality and village on Majorca ("Mallorca"), one of the Balearic Islands, in Spain. The nearest town is Sóller, which can be reached by foot via a series of Footpaths and pathways and the hamlet of Binibassi. Surrounding mountains include the Alfabia Mountains and the Els Cornadors. Catalan is the most popular local language—however, all residents speak Castilian Spanish as well. Fornalutx covers an area of 19.5 km2 and as of 2008 had 469 inhabitants.

Fornalutx [] ist eine Gemeinde im Nordwesten der spanischen Baleareninsel Mallorca. Sie zählt Einwohner (Stand ). Der gleichnamige Hauptort hatte 2008 483 Einwohner. Im Jahr 2006 betrug der Ausländeranteil 22,5 % (161), der Anteil deutscher Einwohner 5,9 % (42). Fornalutx liegt nordöstlich von Sóller im Gebirgszug der Serra de Tramuntana. Der herausgeputzte Ort, der bereits zwei Schönheitspreise erhalten hat, ist ein beliebtes Ausflugsziel.


Medical uses.

Nandrolone esters are used clinically, although increasingly rarely, for people in catabolic states with major burns, cancer, and AIDS, and an ophthalmological formulation was available to support cornea healing.  The positive effects of nandrolone esters include muscle growth, appetite stimulation and increased red blood cell production, and bone density. Clinical studies have shown them to be effective in treating anemia, osteoporosis, and breast cancer.  Nandrolone sulfate has been used in an eye drop formulation as an ophthalmic medication.

Non-medical uses.

Nandrolone esters are used for physique- and performance-enhancing purposes by competitive athletes, bodybuilders, and powerlifters.

Side effects.

Side effects of nandrolone esters include masculinization among others. In women, nandrolone and nandrolone esters have been reported to produce increased libido, acne, facial and body hair growth, voice changes, and clitoral enlargement. However, the masculinizing effects of nandrolone and its esters are reported to be slighter than those of testosterone. Nandrolone has also been found to produce penile growth in prepubertal boys. Amenorrhea and menorrhagia have been reported as side effects of nandrolone cypionate.  Nandrolone theoretically may produce erectile dysfunction as a side effect, although there is no clinical evidence to support this notion at present. Side effects of high doses of nandrolone may include cardiovascular toxicity as well as hypogonadism and infertility. Nandrolone may not produce scalp hair loss, although this is also theoretical.

Pharmacology.

Pharmacodynamics.

Nandrolone is an agonist of the AR, the biological target of androgens like testosterone and. Unlike testosterone and certain other AAS, nandrolone is not potentiated in androgenic tissues like the scalp, skin, and prostate, hence deleterious effects in these tissues are lessened. This is because nandrolone is metabolized by 5α-reductase to the much weaker AR ligand 5α-dihydronandrolone (DHN), which has both reduced affinity for the androgen receptor (AR) relative to nandrolone "in vitro" and weaker AR agonistic potency "in vivo". The lack of alkylation on the 17α-carbon drastically reduces the hepatotoxic potential of nandrolone. Estrogen effects resulting from reaction with aromatase are also reduced due to lessened enzyme interaction, but effects such as gynecomastia and reduced libido may still occur at sufficiently high doses.  In addition to its AR agonistic activity, unlike many other AAS, nandrolone is also a potent progestogen. It binds to the progesterone receptor with approximately 22% of the affinity of progesterone. The progestogenic activity of nandrolone serves to augment its antigonadotropic effects, as antigonadotropic action is a known property of progestogens.

Anabolic and androgenic activity.

Nandrolone has a very high ratio of anabolic to androgenic activity. In fact, nandrolone-like AAS like nandrolone itself and trenbolone are said to have among the highest ratio of anabolic to androgenic effect of all AAS. This is attributed to the fact that whereas testosterone is potentiated via conversion into dihydrotestosterone (DHT) in androgenic tissues, the opposite is true with nandrolone and similar AAS (i.e., other 19-nortestosterone derivatives). As such, nandrolone-like AAS, namely nandrolone esters, are the most frequently used AAS in clinical settings in which anabolic effects are desired; for instance, in the treatment of AIDS-associated cachexia, severe burns, and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease. However, AAS with a very high ratio of anabolic to androgenic action like nandrolone still have significant androgenic effects and can produce symptoms of masculinization like hirsutism and voice deepening in women and children with extended use.

Pharmacokinetics.

The oral activity of nandrolone has been studied. With oral administration of nandrolone in rodents, it had about one-tenth of the potency of subcutaneous injection of nandrolone.  Nandrolone has very low affinity for human serum sex hormone-binding globulin (SHBG), about 5% of that of testosterone and 1% of that of DHT. It is metabolized by the enzyme 5α-reductase, among others. Nandrolone is less susceptible to metabolism by 5α-reductase and 17β-hydroxysteroid dehydrogenase than testosterone. This results in it being transformed less in so-called "androgenic" tissues like the skin, hair follicles, and prostate gland and in the kidneys, respectively. Metabolites of nandrolone include 5α-dihydronandrolone, 19-norandrosterone, and 19-noretiocholanolone, and these metabolites may be detected in urine.  Single intramuscular injections of 100 mg nandrolone phenylpropionate or nandrolone decanoate have been found to produce an anabolic effect for 10 to 14 days and 20 to 25 days, respectively. Conversely, unesterified nandrolone has been used by intramuscular injection once daily.

Chemistry.

Nandrolone, also known as 19-nortestosterone (19-NT) or as estrenolone, as well as estra-4-en-17β-ol-3-one or 19-norandrost-4-en-17β-ol-3-one, is a naturally occurring estrane (19-norandrostane) steroid and a derivative of testosterone (androst-4-en-17β-ol-3-one). It is specifically the C19 demethylated (nor) analogue of testosterone. Nandrolone is an endogenous intermediate in the production of estradiol from testosterone via aromatase in mammals including humans and is present in the body naturally in trace amounts. It can be detected during pregnancy in women. Nandrolone esters have an ester such as decanoate or phenylpropionate attached at the C17β position.

Derivatives.

Esters.

A variety of esters of nandrolone have been marketed and used medically. The most commonly used esters are nandrolone decanoate and to a lesser extent nandrolone phenylpropionate. Examples of other nandrolone esters that have been marketed and used medically include nandrolone cyclohexylpropionate, nandrolone cypionate, nandrolone hexyloxyphenylpropionate, nandrolone laurate, nandrolone sulfate, and nandrolone undecanoate.

Anabolic steroids.

Nandrolone is the parent compound of a large group of AAS. Notable examples include the non-17α-alkylated trenbolone and the 17α-alkylated ethylestrenol (ethylnandrol) and metribolone (R-1881), as well as the 17α-alkylated designer steroids norboletone and tetrahydrogestrinone (THG). The following is list of derivatives of nandrolone that have been developed as AAS:

Progestins.

Nandrolone, together with ethisterone (17α-ethynyltestosterone), is also the parent compound of a large group of progestins, the norethisterone (17α-ethynyl-19-nortestosterone) derivatives. This family is subdivided into two groups: the estranes and the gonanes. The estranes include norethisterone (norethindrone), norethisterone acetate, norethisterone enanthate, lynestrenol, etynodiol diacetate, and noretynodrel, while the gonanes include norgestrel, levonorgestrel, desogestrel, etonogestrel, gestodene, norgestimate, dienogest (actually a 17α-cyanomethyl-19-nortestosterone derivative), and norelgestromin.

Synthesis.

The elaboration of a method for the reduction of aromatic rings to the corresponding dihydrobenzenes under controlled conditions by A. J. Birch opened a convenient route to compounds related to the putative 19-norprogesterone.  This reaction, now known as the Birch reduction, is typified by the treatment of the monomethyl ether of estradiol (1) with a solution of lithium metal in liquid ammonia in the presence of alcohol as a proton source. Initial reaction constituents of 1,4-dimetalation of the most electron deficient positions of the aromatic ring–in the case of an estrogen, the 1 and 4-positions. Rxn of the intermediate with the proton source leads to a dihydrobenzene; a special virtue of this sequence in steroids is the fact that the double bind at 2 is in effect becomes an enol ether moiety. Treatment of this product (2) with weak acid, oxalic acid for e.g., leads to the hydrolysis of the enol ether, producing β,γ-unconjugated ketone 3. Hydrolysis under more strenuous conditions (mineral acids) results in migration/conjugation of the olefin to yield nandrolone (4).

Detection in body fluids.

Nandrolone use is directly detectable in hair or indirectly detectable in urine by testing for the presence of 19-norandrosterone, a metabolite. The International Olympic Committee has set a limit of 2.0 μg/L of 19-norandrosterone in urine as the upper limit, beyond which an athlete is suspected of doping. In the largest nandrolone study performed on 621 athletes at the 1998 Nagano Olympic Games, no athlete tested over 0.4 μg/L. 19-Norandrosterone was identified as a trace contaminant in commercial preparations of androstenedione, which until 2004 was available without a prescription as a dietary supplement in the U.S.  A number of nandrolone cases in athletics occurred in 1999, which included high-profile athletes such as Merlene Ottey, Dieter Baumann and Linford Christie. However, the following year the detection method for nandrolone at the time was proved to be faulty. Mark Richardson, a British Olympic relay runner who tested positive for the substance, gave a significant amount of urine samples in a controlled environment and delivered a positive test for the drug, demonstrating that false positives could occur, which led to an overhaul of his competitive ban.  Heavy consumption of the essential amino acid lysine (as indicated in the treatment of cold sores) has allegedly shown false positives in some and was cited by American shotputter C. J. Hunter as the reason for his positive test, though in 2004 he admitted to a federal grand jury that he had injected nandrolone. A possible cause of incorrect urine test results is the presence of metabolites from other AAS, though modern urinalysis can usually determine the exact AAS used by analyzing the ratio of the two remaining nandrolone metabolites. As a result of the numerous overturned verdicts, the testing procedure was reviewed by UK Sport. On October 5, 2007, three-time Olympic gold medalist for track and field Marion Jones admitted to use of the drug, and was sentenced to six months in jail for lying to a federal grand jury in 2000.  Mass spectrometry is also used to detect small samples of nandrolone in urine samples, as it has a unique molar mass.

History.

Nandrolone was first synthesized in 1950. It was first introduced, as nandrolone phenylpropionate, in 1959, and then as nandrolone decanoate in 1962, followed by additional esters.

Society and culture.

Generic names.

"Nandrolone" is the generic name of the drug and its,,, and. The formal generic names of nandrolone esters include "nandrolone cyclohexylpropionate" (), "nandrolone cyclotate" (), "nandrolone decanoate" (,,, ), "nandrolone laurate" (), "nandrolone phenpropionate" (), and "nandrolone phenylpropionate" (, ).

Doping in sports.

Nandrolone was probably among the first AAS to be used as a doping agent in sports in the 1960s. It has been banned at the Olympics since 1974. There are many known cases of doping in sports with nandrolone esters by professional athletes.

Research.

Nandrolone esters have been studied in several indications. They were intensively studied for osteoporosis, and increased calcium uptake and decreased bone loss, but caused virilization in about half of the women who took them and were mostly abandoned for this use when better drugs like the bisphosphonates became available. They have also been studied in clinical trials for chronic kidney failure, aplastic anemia, and as male contraceptives.

Nandrolone, also known as 19-nortestosterone, is an androgen and anabolic steroid (AAS) which is used in the form of esters such as nandrolone decanoate (brand name Deca-Durabolin) and nandrolone phenylpropionate (brand name Durabolin). Nandrolone esters are used in the treatment of anemias, cachexia (wasting syndrome), osteoporosis, breast cancer, and for other indications. They are not used by mouth and instead are given by injection into muscle or fat. Side effects of nandrolone esters include symptoms of masculinization like acne, increased hair growth, voice changes, and increased sexual desire. They are synthetic androgens and anabolic steroids and hence are agonists of the androgen receptor (AR), the biological target of androgens like testosterone and dihydrotestosterone (DHT). Nandrolone esters have strong anabolic effects and weak androgenic effects, which give them a mild side effect profile and make them especially suitable for use in women and children. They are long-lasting prodrugs of nandrolone in the body. Nandrolone esters were first described and introduced for medical use in the late 1950s. They are among the most widely used AAS worldwide. In addition to their medical use, nandrolone esters are used to improve physique and performance, and are said to be the most widely used AAS for such purposes. The drugs are controlled substances in many countries and so non-medical use is generally illicit.

Nandrolon, auch 19-Nortestosteron, ist ein anaboles Steroid. Es beeinflusst wie Testosteron die Entwicklung der männlichen Geschlechtsorgane und den Eiweißaufbau in der Muskulatur. Beim durchschnittlichen Mann ist das Verhältnis im Körper von Testosteron zu Nandrolon 50:1. Da Nandrolon eine wesentlich höhere Aktivität als Testosteron aufweist und das Verhältnis zwischen virilisierender Wirkung und anaboler Wirkung zugunsten des Stoffwechseleffekts verschoben ist, ist es als Dopingmittel von größerem Interesse. Trenbolon ist ein Abkömmling des Nandrolon.


History of the pilgrimage to Rome.

In the Middle Ages, Via Francigena was the major pilgrimage route to Rome from the north. The route was first documented as the "Lombard Way", and was first called the "Iter Francorum" (the "Frankish Route") in the "Itinerarium sancti Willibaldi" of 725, a record of the travels of Willibald, bishop of Eichstätt in Bavaria. It was ""Via Francigena-Francisca"" in Italy and Burgundy, the ""Chemin des Anglois"" in the Frankish Kingdom (after the evangelisation of England in 607) and also the ""Chemin Romieux"", the road to Rome.  The name "Via Francigena" is first mentioned in the "Actum Clusio", a parchment of 876 in the Abbey of San Salvatore at Monte Amiata (Tuscany).  At the end of the 10th century Sigeric the Serious, the Archbishop of Canterbury, used the Via Francigena to and from Rome in order to receive his "pallium"; he recorded his route and his stops on the return journey, but nothing in the document suggests that the route was then new.  Later itineraries to Rome include the Leiðarvísir og borgarskipan of the Icelandic traveller Nikolás Bergsson (in 1154) and the one from Philip Augustus of France (in 1191). Two somewhat differing maps of the route appear in manuscripts of Matthew Paris, "Historia Anglorum", from the 13th century.  The Welshman Rhodri Mawr in AD 880 and his grandson Howell the Good in 945 are both known to have visited Rome towards the end of their lives, but it is not known whether they went by land or by the dangerous and pirate-infested sea route via Gibraltar. Reports of journeys before Sigeric can only be apocryphal. We may be quite certain that the Benedictine William of St-Thierry used the roads towards Rome on several occasions at the end of the 11th century. The return journey by sea was likely to be easier, thanks to the prevailing south-westerly winds, but tacking down to the Mediterranean would have made a very long journey indeed. A statement that a historical figure "died in Rome" may have been a historical falsity, but a metaphorical truth.  The Via Francigena was not a single road, like a Roman road, paved with stone blocks and provided at intervals with a change of horses for official travellers. Rather, it comprised several possible routes that changed over the centuries as trade and pilgrimage waxed and waned. Depending on the time of year, the political situation, and the relative popularity of the shrines of the saints situated along the route, travellers may have used any of three or four crossings of the Alps and the Apennines. The Lombards financed the maintenance and security of the section of road through their territories as a trading route to the north from Rome, avoiding enemy-held cities such as Florence. Another important point is that unlike Roman roads, the Via Francigena did not connect cities, but relied more on abbeys.

Sigeric's itinerary.

Circa 990 AD, Archbishop Sigeric journeyed from Canterbury to Rome and then back again but only documented his itinerary on the return journey. Sigeric's return journey consisted of 80 stages averaging about a day, for a total of some.  Most modern-day pilgrims would wish to follow Sigeric's documented route in the reverse order, i.e. from Canterbury "to" Rome, and so would journey from Canterbury to the English coast before crossing the Channel to "Sumeran" (now called Sombres) landing at the point where the seaside village of Wissant now lies. From there the modern-day pilgrim must travel to the places Sigeric knew as "Gisne", "Teranburh", "Bruaei", "Atherats", before continuing on to Reims, Châlons-sur-Marne, Bar-sur-Aube, Langres, Champlitte, Besançon, Pontarlier, Lausanne and Saint-Maurice. From Saint-Maurice they must traverse the Great St. Bernard Pass to Aosta and from Aosta they must pass through Ivrea, Vercelli, Pavia, Fidenza, Pontremoli, Filattiera, Aulla, Luni, Lucca, San Gimignano, Poggibonsi, Siena, San Quirico d'Orcia, Bolsena, Viterbo and Sutri before finally reaching the city of Rome.

The final stretch towards the Apulian ports.

From Rome the path followed for a long stretch the Via Appia or the parallel Via Latina up to Benevento. From that town Via Traiana was taken up the Campanian Apennines and Daunian Mountains, where "Crepacore castle" stood, a fortress held by the Knights of Jerusalem in order to guarantee the safety of pilgrims along the mountain stretch. The road therefore reached Troia, in the high plain of Tavoliere delle Puglie (where Via Francigena is attested since 1024), and then continued towards Bari, Brindisi and Otranto, the main ports of embarkation for the Holy Land.

Today.

Today some pilgrims still follow in Sigeric's ancient footsteps and travel on foot, on horseback or by bicycle on the "Via Francigena", although there are far fewer pilgrims on this route than on the Way of St. James pilgrims' route to Santiago de Compostela in Spain. Roughly 1,200 pilgrims were estimated to have walked the VF in 2012. One reason for this is a lack of infrastructure and suitable support facilities. Affordable pilgrims' accommodation and other facilities can be hard to come by for those traveling along the route. In 2011, James Saward-Anderson and Maxwell Hannah ran the entire route for Water Aid. They completed the route unassisted in 58 days.

Accommodation.

Due to the scarcity of dedicated pilgrims' accommodation along the Via Francigena, pilgrims often camp out rather than staying in hotels or "pensions", both options which would turn out expensive when used for weeks on end. However increasingly in Italy, some monasteries and religious houses offer dedicated pilgrim's accommodation. These are called "spedali" and — like the "refugios" found on the Way of St. James in France and Spain — they offer cheap and simple dormitory-style accommodation. "Spedali" accept pilgrims who bear a valid "credenziale" (pilgrim's passport), usually for one night only. Some places offer meals as well.

The state and path of the route.

Only a few decades ago, interest in the Via Francigena was limited to scholars. This began to change in recent years when many who, after travelling the Way of St. James in Spain, wanted to make the pilgrimage to Rome on foot as well. In Italy, this gave birth to a network of lovers of the Via Francigena, who with paint and brush, began to mark its trails and paths. These people were joined by religious and local government agencies who also tried to recover the original route. Where possible today's route follows the ancient one but sometimes it deviates from the historical path in favour of paths and roads with low traffic. The potential for the tourist trade in Italy has been recognised but this has also led some to take advantage - some have worked to divert the path so that it passes around this bar or that restaurant!  In England, the VF passes only through a small part of the county of Kent, from Canterbury to the ferries at Dover.  In France, the VF (given the Grande Randonnée designation 'GR145') goes through the "régions Hauts-de-France, Grand-Est and Bourgogne-Franche-Comté before reaching the Swiss border.  In Switzerland the VF (with the route designation '70') goes through the cantons of Vaud and Valais.  In Italy the VF goes through the "Regione" of Valle d'Aosta, Piedmont, Lombardy, Emilia-Romagna, Tuscany, and finally about halfway through Lazio to Rome.  Walkers could choose to walk along the EuroVelo EV5 cycling route which bears the name the 'Via Francigena'. However, this EuroVelo route varies substantially from Sigeric's route and the one given by the Via Francigena Association.  In 1994 the Via Francigena was designated a Cultural Route, and in 2004 a Major Cultural Route.  In November 2009 the Italian government launched a project to recover the Italian leg of it. The object of the plan is to recover the entire route (disjointed parts of which are already signposted) ""not only in spiritual and religious terms but also in terms of the environment, architecture, culture, history, wine and cuisine and sport."" The initiative was promoted by the Region of Tuscany, which hosts of the Via, and which presented a plan detailing the low environmental impact infrastructures to be created. The plan will be shared with other local authorities located along the route as an encouragement to carry out similar recovery work. Tuscany has also announced cooperation with the "Opera Romana Pellegrinaggi" (ORP), the Vatican’s organisation for encouraging pilgrimages.  The final stretch, from Rome to the Apulian ports of embarcation for Jerusalem, has been renamed "Via Francigena nel Sud" (in Italian "Via Francigena in the South (Italy)") or else "Vie Francigene del Sud" ("The Francigena Ways to the South").

The Via Francigena () is the common name of an ancient road and pilgrim route running from France to Rome and Apulia, where there were the ports of embarkation for the Holy Land, though it is usually considered to have its starting point on the other side of the English Channel, in the cathedral city of Canterbury. As such, the route passes through England, France, Switzerland and Italy. The route was known in Italy as the ""Via Francigena"" ("the road that comes from France") or the ""Via Romea Francigena"" ("the road to Rome that comes from France"). In medieval times it was an important road and pilgrimage route for those wishing to visit the Holy See and the tombs of the apostles Peter and Paul.

Als Via Francigena, auch Frankenstraße oder Frankenweg, werden im weiteren Sinne die alten Fernstraßen bezeichnet, die Pilger auf ihrem Weg vom Frankenreich oder von England aus über das Gebiet des Frankenreichs nach Rom zur Grabstätte der Apostel Petrus und Paulus nutzten. Oft findet sich dafür auch – auf das Ziel bezogen – die Bezeichnung Via Romea.


Satellites.

EROS A.

EROS A was launched on the Russian Start-1 launcher on December 5, 2000, from the Svobodny Launch Complex in eastern Siberia, to a Low Earth orbit (LEO) altitude of 480 km. The satellite provides commercial images with an optical resolution of 1.8 meters. The satellite orbits earth in a sun synchronous orbit, so that its imaged target is always in daylight. It always crosses the equator at 9:45am local time.  Its dimensions: height: 2.3 m, diameter: 1.2 m, head: 0.7 m. It weighed 250 kg at launch. It was built based on the military reconnaissance satellite Ofeq 3, which was previously built, also by IAI and El-Op, for Israeli government use.  The EROS-A satellite reentered on 7 July 2016.  Another EROS-A satellite was planned but was eventually cancelled.

EROS B.

ImageSat initially planned to launch a similar satellite every 6 years after EROS A.  EROS B was finally launched on April 25, 2006 aboard a Russian Start-1 rocket from the Svobodny Launch Complex in eastern Siberia. The satellite offers an optical resolution of 70 cm (about two feet), and as of launch date plans were to use it to monitor Iran's developing nuclear program for potential threats to Israeli security.  Originally, a constellation of 4 EROS-B satellites was planned, but the number of satellites was in the end reduced to just one.

Plans.

In January 2011, it was stated that work would begin "in the near term" on a new EROS C satellite.  ImageSat announced plans to launch a total of three more satellites in later dates, in order to provide full coverage of the entire planet surface with six functional satellites.  The launch of EROS C, originally planned for 2008, has been postponed several times to 2019.

Earth Resources Observation Satellite (EROS) is a series of Israeli commercial Earth observation satellites, designed and manufactured by Israel Aircraft Industries (IAI), with optical payload supplied by El-Op. The satellites are owned and operated by ImageSat International (ISI), another Israeli company, with some 35 full-time employees (of IntelSat's total of 50). EROS A was launched on December 5, 2000 and EROS B on April 25, 2006.

Die Satelliten der Serie EROS ("Earth Resources Observation Systems") sind kommerzielle Erdbeobachtungssatelliten, basierend auf dem Satellitenbus der israelischen Satellitenserie Ofeq und werden von Israel Aircraft Industries (IAI) hergestellt. Diese Satelliten-Serie wird von der israelisch-US-amerikanischen Firma ImageSat International betrieben.


Overview.

According to the Royal Institute Dictionary 1999, "loi" (ลอย) means 'to float', while "krathong" (กระทง) has various meanings, one of which is 'a small container made of leaves which can be floated on water during the "Loi Krathong" festival'. Moreover, according to the National Academy of Thailand, the word "krathong" (กระทง) is derived from Khmer word kantong (កន្ទោង) thus having similar pronunciation with the same meaning.  A "krathong" is traditionally a small floating container fashioned of leaves which is made to hold a small portion of goods like a traditional Thai dish (such as "hor mok") or dessert. The traditional krathong used for floating at the festival are made from a slice of a banana tree trunk or a spider lily plant. Modern krathongs are more often made of bread or Styrofoam. A bread krathong will disintegrate after a few days and can be eaten by fish. Banana stalk krathongs are also biodegradable, but Styrofoam krathongs are increasingly banned, as they pollute rivers and oceans. A krathong is decorated with elaborately-folded banana leaves, three incense sticks, and a candle. A small coin is sometimes included as an offering to the river spirits.  On the night of the full moon, Thais launch their krathong on a river, canal, or a pond, making a wish as they do so. The floats are thought to have been introduced to Chiang Mai in 1947 and have since been incorporated into Thai culture.  Government offices, corporations, and other organizations launch large decorated krathongs. There are competitions for the best of these large krathongs. Beauty contests often accompany the festivities and fireworks also have become common.  Loi Krathong is often claimed to have begun in the Sukhothai Kingdom by a court lady named Nopphamat. However, it is now known that the Nopphamat tale comes from a poem written in the early-Bangkok period. According to King Rama IV, writing in 1863, it was a Brahmanical (Hindu) festival that was adapted by Thai Buddhists in Thailand to honour the Buddha, Prince Siddhartha Gautama. The candle venerates the Buddha with light, while the krathong's floating away symbolises letting go of all one's hatred, anger, and defilements. People sometimes cut their fingernails or hair and place the clippings on the krathong as a symbol of letting go of past transgressions and negative thoughts. Many Thais use the krathong to thank the Goddess of Water, the Hindu Goddess Ganga, Phra Mae Khongkha ().  The beauty contests that accompany the festival are known as "Nopphamat Queen Contests". According to legend, Nang Nopphamat (; alternatively spelled as "Noppamas" or "Nopamas") was a consort of the 13th century Sukhothai king Sri Indraditya (who is also known as Phra Ruang) and she reputedly was the first to float a decorated raft. However, this tale may have been invented in the early-19th century. There is no evidence that a Nang Nopphamat ever existed. Instead, it is a fact that a woman of this name was the leading character of a novel released at the end of the reign of King Rama III, around 1850 CE. Her character was written as guidance for all women who wished to become civil servants.  Kelantan in Malaysia celebrates Loi Krathong similarly, especially in the Tumpat area. The ministry in charge of tourism in Malaysia recognises it as an attraction for tourists.

"Yi Peng".

Loi Krathong coincides with the Lanna (northern Thai) festival known as "Yi Peng" (). "Yi" means 'two' and "peng" means a 'full moon day'. "Yi Peng" refers to the full moon day in the second month according to the Lanna lunar calendar (the twelfth month of the Thai lunar calendar). The festival is meant as a time to make merit (; ).  Swarms of sky lanterns (; ), literally: 'floating lanterns', are launched into the air. Khom loi are made from a thin fabric, such as rice paper, stretched over a bamboo or wire frame, to which a candle or fuel cell is attached. When the fuel cell is lit, the resulting hot air is trapped inside the lantern and creates enough lift for the khom loi to float into the sky.  According to the "Bangkok Post", the association of lanterns with the November festivities is a relatively recent phenomenon, dating back to the first decade of the 21st century, when introduced by local tourism authorities.  Because they are a hazard to passing aircraft and "...can cause damage to important places in the areas such as the Grand Palace [sic], temples and governmental offices..." khom loi are increasingly subject to governmental restrictions. In Chiang Mai, authorities cancelled 78 flights in and out of Chiang Mai Airport on 3–4 November 2017. Another 79 flights were rescheduled. Despite those measures, the remains of more than 100 lanterns were later found on airport premises. In Bangkok, the public are prohibited from using fireworks and sky lanterns entirely. Violators may face three years imprisonment and/or a fine of 60,000 baht. One hundred-ninety piers on the Chao Phraya River will be open to the public to float their krathongs. In 2018, up to 158 flights were cancelled or rescheduled at three airports, and in Bangkok 88 piers were closed.  During the festival, some people also decorate their houses, gardens, and temples with "khom fai" (), intricately shaped paper lanterns which take on different forms. "Khom thue" () are lanterns which are carried around hanging from a stick, "khom khwaen" () are the hanging lanterns, and "khom pariwat" (), which are placed at temples and which revolve due to the heat of the candle inside. The most elaborate "Yi Peng" celebrations can be seen in Chiang Mai, the ancient capital of the former Lanna kingdom, where now both "Loi Krathong" and "Yi Peng" are celebrated at the same time resulting in lights floating on the waters, lights hanging from trees/buildings or standing on walls, and lights floating in the sky. The tradition of "Yi Peng" was also adopted by certain parts of Laos during the 16th century.

The aftermath.

In 2016, the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA) cleaned six tonnes of rubbish from the city's waterways on the day after Loi Krathong. The city governor said that 6,61,935 floats were collected from waterways across Bangkok. Of these, 617,901 (93.7 percent) were made of decomposible natural materials, while 44,034 were non-biodegradable Styrofoam floats. There were 1,63,679 fewer krathong collected than in 2015. The city mobilized 210 workers and 45 boats to collect floats from the Chao Phraya River and canals.  In Nakhon Ratchasima, 50 workers collected krathong from the moat in the town centre near the Thao Suranaree Monument. In Buriram, more than 200 workers and volunteers in Mueang District cleared at least 20,000 krathong from the town's moat. There, Styrofoam krathong will be banned in 2017. In Lampang, more than 100 students and teachers from the Institute of Physical Education helped municipal workers clean up the Wang River in Mueang District.  In 2018, after the festivities, Bangkok city workers cleared 841,327 krathongs, up from 3.6 percent in 2017, from the Chao Phraya River, local canals, and 30 public parks; 5.3 percent of them were made from styrofoam.

Loi Krathong (, ) is a Siamese festival celebrated annually throughout the Kingdom of Thailand and in nearby countries with significant southwestern Tai cultures (Laos, Shan, Mon, Tanintharyi, Kelantan, Kedah and Xishuangbanna). The name could be translated as "to float a basket," and comes from the tradition of making "krathong" or buoyant, decorated baskets, which are then floated on a river. Many Thais use the krathong to thank the Goddess of Water, the Hindu Goddess Ganga (river in Northern India), Phra Mae Khongkha ().

Loi Krathong (auch: Loy Krathong, Thai ) ist das Lichterfest, das in Thailand landesweit am Tag des Vollmonds im zwölften Monat des traditionellen thailändischen Lunisolarkalenders gefeiert wird. Es fällt üblicherweise in den November.


General.

Madrid first became the capital in the 16th century, a period in which Spain experienced its Golden Age. The kingdom underwent enormous economic growth by virtue of its colonies in South America. The Habsburgs commissioned a variety of buildings and infrastructure projects, in order to represent their power and wealth through their shaping of public space. El Madrid de los Austrias subsequently took the name of its builders, the Spanish Habsburgs, who are known as "the Austrians" in Spanish. Its typical architectural style ranges from the late Renaissance through the early Baroque.  The most notable Habsburg construction and the essential part of El Madrid de los Austrias is the Plaza Mayor, in the middle of which stands a statue of its builder, King Philip III. Laid out in 1619, the Plaza Mayor is a large, rectangular plaza with arcades and nine entrances. It is maintained in a colorful dark red and orange; these colors having been chosen in a citywide poll. The Plaza Mayor was the scene of bullfights, executions, and coronations.

Reign of Phillip II.

Before becoming the capital, in 1535, the Madrid area was 72 hectares, increasing to 134 in 1565, only four years after the establishment of the Court in the town. At the end of the reign of Philip II, the town occupied 282 hectares and had about 7590 homes, three times more than in 1563 (2,250), shortly after the appointment of Madrid as capital.  The intense housing activity of this period was not sufficient to meet the demand for housing by courtiers and servants of the Crown. This induced the king to issue the edict known as Regalía de Aposento, through which property owners of more than one floor were forced to give one to a family of the court.  This decree encouraged the development of what became known as "casas a la malicia", a kind of home in which the owners, attempting to avoid compliance with the decree, used different solutions (a single storey, excessive compartmentalization of the interior or concealment of the upper floor from view from the roads...).

Palacio de Santa Cruz.

The Palacio de Santa Cruz, located on the Plaza de Santa Cruz, was built between 1629 and 1643. Characteristic of Habsburg architecture is the red facade with white-framed windows and it resembles the style of the Plaza Mayor. The structure has two prominent corner towers with pointed roofs, and originally accommodated a prison, the "Cárcel de la Corte". Here the condemned would be held before being taken to the adjacent Plaza Mayor for execution. One famous prisoner was the bandit Luis Candelas, a sort of Spanish Robin Hood, who was executed in November 1837.  Despite the Spanish Civil War and the subsequent reconstruction, the palace has lost little of its original form. Briefly hosting the "Ministro de Ultramar" (Overseas Ministry), since 1931 it has been the seat of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Plaza de la Villa.

Several important buildings are also located in the Plaza de la Villa, one of the oldest plazas in Madrid. The oldest building is the Torre de los Lujanes, built in the Gothic style in the 15th century. Strictly speaking the Torre does not belong to the Habsburg period, though it is situated in the "Madrid de los Austrias". Another building, the Casa de Cisneros, was built in 1537. Alongside it is the Ayuntamiento, the old town hall. It was built by the architect Juan Gómez de Mora, designer of the Plaza Mayor, and it is architecturally similar with a relatively austere red-orange facade and mansard roof, and steep-roofed corner towers.  Other important buildings include:

El Madrid de los Austrias (English: "The Madrid of the Austrians" or "the Habsburgs") is a name used for the old centre of Madrid, built during the reign of the Habsburg Dynasty (1516–1700), known in Spain as "Casa de Austria". The area is located south of the Calle Mayor, in between the Metro stations "Sol" and "Ópera".

El Madrid de los Austrias (span. "Das Madrid der Österreicher oder Habsburger") ist eine Bezeichnung für das alte Zentrum von Madrid. Das Stadtviertel liegt südlich der Calle Mayor, zwischen den Metro-Stationen "Sol" und "Opera". Madrid wurde erst im 16. Jahrhundert zur Hauptstadt ausgebaut. Spanien erlebte zu jener Zeit seine glanzvollste Periode, das so genannte Siglo de Oro. Durch die Kolonien in Südamerika erlebte das Königreich ein enormes Wirtschaftswachstum. Die Habsburger gaben mehrere Bauwerke und Infrastrukturprojekte in Auftrag, die diese Macht und den Reichtum im öffentlichen Bereich repräsentieren sollten. Die vertretenen Architekturstile reichen von der Spätrenaissance bis zum Frühbarock.


Early life.

Denby-Ashe was born in North West London on 9 August 1978, the daughter of Polish immigrants; her father's original name was Miroslaw Pszkit. Before her parents married, they decided to adopt a more British-sounding surname, so they each chose a surname they liked from the telephone directory and hyphenated them. Denby-Ashe is fluent in English, Polish, and French, learning the latter from her grandmother, who was raised in France until World War II broke out. She began studying ballet at the age of two and tap at a later stage; from the ages of 10 to 16, she attended several drama schools, including the Corona Academy.

Career.

Daniela first gained film experience on the children's video "Nursery Rhymes 2" from Pickwick Video. She appeared in many television commercials as a child actor which then led on to children's drama such as Kevin & Co, as well as the Channel 4 sitcom "Desmond's". Daniela also appeared briefly alongside Jennifer Saunders and Julia Sawalha in season 3 episode 6 of "Absolutely Fabulous". Her big break came in 1995 when she landed the role of Sarah Hills in the BBC soap opera "EastEnders". She played this character until 1999.  The following year she got the role of Janey Harper in the BBC sitcom "My Family". Daniela took a break from "My Family" for the fourth series in 2003, but returned to the role in 2004. The eleventh and final series first aired on BBC One from June 2011.  In 2005 she took the lead role of Margaret Hale in the BBC TV drama adaptation of Elizabeth Gaskell's "North & South", and in 2006 played Mary in the science fiction TV series "Torchwood" episode "Greeks Bearing Gifts". Her other television roles include "Office Gossip", "Rescue Me", "Is Harry on the Boat?", and "The Afternoon Play". From 2003 she appeared in the Radio 4 comedy "Ring Around the Bath".  In 2007, she starred as Robert Maxwell's secretary in "Maxwell", a BBC drama about his life.  In December 2008 she appeared in BBC Four's supernatural drama series "Crooked House", and in October 2010 she starred in an episode of the ITV detective drama "Midsomer Murders". In April 2009 she appeared in the fourth series of the BBC drama "Waterloo Road" as deceitful supply teacher, Jem Allen. In April 2012, she returned to the drama as a new regular character, Lorraine Donegan. The character, a former pupil taught by current headteacher Michael Byrne (Alec Newman), played an important role in a storyline that has seen the current school move from its location in Rochdale to a new site in Greenock, Scotland at the end of the seventh series. The character appeared regularly throughout the eighth series, however the character left the school toward the end of the series due to a disagreement with Michael, leading to her handing the school over to LEA control.  She appeared in "Mum" in 2019.

Daniela Jolanta Denby-Ashe (born 9 August 1978) is an English actress. She is best known for playing Sarah Hills on the soap opera "EastEnders", Margaret Hale on the period drama "North and South", and Janey Harper on the BBC sitcom "My Family". She also played Lorraine Donnegan on the drama series "Waterloo Road".

Daniela Denby-Ashe (* 9. August 1978 in London) ist eine britische Schauspielerin. Denby-Ashe ist polnischer Abstammung, ihr Vater kam im Alter von 12 Jahren aus Polen nach Großbritannien, ihre Mutter wuchs in Frankreich als Tochter polnischer Immigranten auf. Sie begann im Alter von 10 Jahren mit der Schauspielerei. Ihr Durchbruch kam mit der Rolle der "Sarah Hills" in der Fernsehserie "EastEnders". Seither spielte sie Rollen in mehreren Sitcoms und Fernsehfilmen.


History.

DELE were created by the Spanish Ministry of Education in 1989. The University of Salamanca, having issued its own certifications in Spanish until 1991, agreed with the Ministry of Education of Spain to undertake the development, production and grading of the examinations leading eventually to the DELE Diplomas.  Since 2002, the Instituto Cervantes has been responsible for the entire examination; it also acts as a Central Examinations Board and issues the Diplomas. The Instituto Cervantes has been delegating the tasks of setting up the examinations, designing test papers and grading to the University of Salamanca since then.

Test.

Originally, the DELE existed in only three levels, but later on developed into six levels, each corresponding to a certain level described by the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages. The content and duration of the tests vary.

Examination centres.

The DELE examinations are carried out in a network of Cervantes Centres and in a wide network of DELE examination centres. There are currently more than 800 centres in over 100 countries. For example, universities, teaching centres of Spanish, academies, embassies and consulates could also serve as examination centres.  Any language institution in the world, having satisfied the requirements set by Instituto Cervantes, can apply to become an examination centre. One of the advantages of being an examination centre, as claimed by the Instituto Cervantes, is that it could diversify the courses available by offering courses to prepare for these examinations and its status as an examination centre could draw a greater number of students.  The examination centres should be responsible for all the organisational preparations of DELE exams, though a centre need not provide the DELE exam at all levels. Examination centres also give academic advice to candidates concerning the level of examinations a candidate should take and how they should prepare for the exam. When possible, they may offer courses to prepare for the examinations at each level. The examination centres are also responsible for helping to promote the DELE examination.  The examination centres must undertake to treat the documentation and the instructions received from the Instituto Cervantes in a confidential way and not to make undue use thereof.

Examiners.

The following people may become DELE examiners:  Examiners are trained through specific courses, which are offered in three formats, namely, online, face-to-face, and blended, in order to be familiar with DELE exams and all their duties. All examiners must avoid possible conflicts of interest with candidates. When the candidates are their students, family members or friends, they must communicate with their corresponding superiors.

Fees.

Registration fees for DELE vary. It depends on the level of the test as well as the country where the examination is taken.

Results.

The Instituto Cervantes publishes the results approximately three months after the examination, upon the approval of grades by the University of Salamanca. Participants need to pass all parts of the exam in order to pass the entire test. The average passing rate including all levels was 61% in 2012; but the passing rate decreased significantly with the increased difficulty from A1, where the passing rate was higher than 75%, to C2 level, where more than half of the participants failed the test. The results are permanently valid. The C2 exam is considered by some to be the most difficult official Spanish language exam available.

Preparation.

In order to prepare for the examination, sample examination papers and audio material can be obtained at the official website of DELE.  Teachers preparing students for the examination can also find teachers' guides and other teaching materials and resources on the DELE website.

Recognition.

DELE is internationally recognised among public and private educational institutions and authorities as well as in the business world and chambers of commerce. In many countries, DELE has been adopted by educational authorities and schools as a complement to their own systems of assessment, such that it is used as an entry requirement for non-native Spanish speakers. They are useful to facilitate promotion at work and access to education, both in Spain and in the other countries where the tests are taken.  While a DELE B2 certificate is normally enough to fulfil the language requirement for admittance to universities in Spain, the Ministry of Health of Spain has modified the requirements for language proficiency in Spanish for those wishing to apply for specialised medical training places. Candidates who are citizens of countries where Spanish is not the official language must prove that they have sufficient competence in Spanish by passing the DELE exam C1 or C2. The DELE B2 is no longer accepted for these medical training places.  Several American universities award course credit for the diplomas or require Spanish majors to acquire them.

Enrollment.

Over 100 000 people have taken the DELE exams in eighty countries and two hundred and ninety cities throughout the world.

International affiliation.

As the organisers of the DELE examination, Instituto Cervantes and the University of Salamanca are jointly a member of the Association of Language Testers in Europe (ALTE), where they communicate with language testers of other European countries on issues concerning language tests.  Instituto Cervantes, as the organiser of the DELE examination, is also a member of Sistema Internacional de Certificación del Español como Lengua Extrajera (SICELE), an association aiming at enhancing the cooperation and coordination in language assessment in Spanish, in order to promote the study of Spanish as a foreign language.  Instituto Cervantes, as a member of ALTE and SICELE, endorses the code of ethics and principles of good practice of these associations, which are made extensive to DELE examiners.

The Diplomas de Español como Lengua Extranjera (), or DELE, are official diplomas issued by the Spanish Instituto Cervantes on behalf of the Spanish Ministry of Education and Science to participants who have passed a standardised test indicating their European Spanish language proficiency. The diplomas are valid permanently. Every year, more than 60,000 examinations are taken by candidates in more than 800 examination centres from more than 100 countries. In many countries, the DELE Diplomas have been adopted by schools and universities as a complement to their own evaluation systems, such that it is used as an entry requirement for non-native Spanish speakers.

Die Diplomas de Español como Lengua Extranjera (DELE) sind offizielle Zertifikate zum Nachweis spanischer Sprachkenntnisse, die das Instituto Cervantes im Namen des spanischen Ministeriums für Erziehung und Wissenschaft vergibt.


History of Moray.

Before 1130: Dynasty of Findláich to Óengus.

In the century or two before 1130 the name Moray described a polity, far larger than the later county or district of the same name, which at its largest extended from Drumochter in the south to the Scandinavian held lands of Caithness and Sutherland in the north. Moray would also eventually cover from Buchan in the east to the Atlantic Ocean in the west.  "Njal's Saga", a Saga of the Icelanders mentions Mormaers and Kings in northern Scotland from the later 10th century, namely "Jarl Melsnatr" (Máel Snechtai) and King "Melkofr" (Máel Coluim) of "Scotland". Both date from the period 976 to 995. However no king named Máel Coluim reigned in Scotland in this period. "Njal's Saga" was not written as a historical guide for details outside Iceland or Scandinavia and the text is notoriously unreliable.  Moray was ruled by a Gaelic-speaking dynasty, the most notable perhaps being King Macbeth of Scotland, who ruled from 1040 to 1057. These rulers were sometimes styled "Ri" meaning "king" or "mormaer" meaning "great steward".  Irish annals record the killing of Findláech, son of Ruaidri,'mormaer of Moray', in 1020 by the sons of his brother, Mael Brigte. Both Findlaech and Mael Coluim are styled 'king of Alba' rather than 'of Moray' in one obituary but this may be an error or exaggeration. Mael Coluim's brother and successor, Gillie Coemgáin is recorded as "Mormaer of Moray". The death of Mael Coluim, son of Mael Brigte, is recorded in 1029 and, in 1032 that of his brother Gilla Comgain, killed along with 50 of his men.  Gilla Comgain's successor and probably also his killer, was his cousin Macbeth (Mac Bethad mac Findlaig). Macbeth married Gilla Comgain's widow Gruoch, a princess of the mac Alpin dynasty, and became king of Scots in 1040, after defeating and killing Duncan I of Scotland (Donnchad ua Mail Choluim) in battle. Later sources suggest that MacBeth had a claim to the Scottish throne through his mother, but his Gaelic pedigree, on record only two generations after his death, traces his descent through his father Findlaech, and grandfather Ruaidri, from the house of Loarn, Kings of Dál Riata.  The pedigree of Macbeth from the Loarn kings of Dál Riata offers a clue to the origins of his dynasty in Moray. Moray may have been a separate kingdom for a time, independent of the dynasty of Kenneth mac Alpin. However it seems likely that rulers of Moray were subject loosely to the Kings of Alba. Moray acted as a buffer against further Scandinavian penetration from the north, and its rulers were remembered with respect in Scandinavian sources such as "Orkneyinga Saga".  Macbeth himself was in turn killed and defeated in 1057. After which, his stepson Lulach, son of Gilla Comgain, and presumably also of Gruoch, claimed the Scottish throne briefly before being himself killed in 1058. Lulach's son, Mael Snechtai, died in 1085 as 'king of Moray'. Later, an earl named Aed or 'Heth' who witnesses royal charters early in the next century may also have been based in Moray. The last ruling member of the dynasty, styled 'king' or 'earl' of Moray, was Óengus (Angus) son of the daughter of Lulach. Óengus (Angus) challenged David I of Scotland in battle, but was defeated and killed at Stracathro in Angus, in 1130 and thus the Kingdom of Moray was destroyed by David I of Scotland.  With the death of Angus brought the rapid feudalisation of Moray under Flemming Freskin, who was of Flemish and Norman descent and his descendants who adopted the significant designation 'de Moravia', which means 'of Moray'. (The de Moravia family would later become Earls of Sutherland in the 13th century). Claims that William fitz Duncan became the last Mormaer of Moray cannot be substantiated and his claim for the Scottish throne proved unsuccessful. Malcolm MacHeth, who rebelled against David I, but was later made Earl of Ross may have been related to the old rulers of Moray, as may also have been the mysterious Wimund. Later MacHeth claimants to Moray were unsuccessful.

After 1130: Suppression of Moray.

David I of Scotland's suppression of the Kingdom of Moray in 1130 did not mark the end of the province's significance or of the problems its management caused to the kings of Scotland. Despite the expulsion of its line of rulers, Moray continued to be referred to in the early 13th century as a land separate to Scotia. Even when the realm of Scotland was recognised as stretching as far north as Caithness, Moray was still recognised as one of the chief northern provinces. The Gaelic notes in the Book of Deer dating from the mid 12th century offer a glimpse of the holding of land and the ordering of society in Moray.  The actions of the crown's royal government during the century after 1130 seemed to create differences between the upland regions of the province and the coastal districts of the Laich of Moray, between the River Spey and Inverness. The crown's existing estates were concentrated in these coastal regions and between 1130 and 1230 the kings established sheriffdoms centred on Inverness, Nairn, Forres and Elgin, providing a framework for royal authority in the province.  The extension of royal government was accompanied by the settlement of immigrants in the Laich of Moray. Lands were given to the crown's supporters, the most important of whom was Flemming Freskin, who was of Flemish – Norman descent. Freskin founded the 'de Moravia' or 'Moray family'. The senior line of de Moravias would later become Earls of Sutherland, chiefs of Clan Sutherland until the line passed via the female line to the Gordon family. Another branch of the same family who took the name Murray were the Murrays of Bothwell, and yet another line who may be related to this branch, became chiefs of Clan Murray and later Earls of Atholl.  The final area of change in the province of Moray after 1130 was religion. There was a Bishop of Moray before 1130, however a Diocese of Moray with an established centre at Elgin Cathedral with a parochial structure was achieved only during the 13th century. Reformed religious houses were founded at Beauly, Pluscarden and Kinloss.  While the changes that took place in the centuries following the 1130 defeat of the kings of Moray secured the Laich of Moray under the authority of the crown, the interior of the province from Lochalsh to Strathbogie remained a source of difficulty and threat. Attempts to revive the old earldom of Moray and challenge the king of Scotland found support in these areas. Leaders such as Wimund, the son of the Earl of Angus and the MacWilliam family were able to raise allies from the Gaelic uplands of Moray which led to warfare in the region from the 1140s to the 1220s. The kings normally left the defeat of these enemies to their aristocratic vassals. The interior of the province from the Great Glen to Strathbogie was divided between six or more families, the greatest of which, at this time was the Clan Comyn lords of Badenoch and Lochaber.

1296 to 1346: Wars of Independence and creation of the earldom of Moray.

Moray's importance as part of the kingdom of Scotland was demonstrated during the years of major warfare between 1296 and 1340. The province was relatively untouched by direct fighting and Royal-led English armies penetrated Moray on only three occasions in 1296, 1303 and 1335, and significant English occupation occurred only in 1296–97. This security meant that it was a vital refuge and recruitment ground for the Scottish guardians between 1297 and 1303, and provided Robert I of Scotland with a base and allies during his northern campaign against the Comyns and their allies in 1307–08. The province was forced to submit to Edward I of England in 1303 and Robert I of Scotland therefore clearly recognised the significance of Moray for the security of his realm. In 1312 Robert I re-established the earldom of Moray for his nephew, Thomas Randolph, 1st Earl of Moray. The new earldom included all of the old province and the crown lands of the Laich.  Thomas's son John Randolph was killed in 1346, leaving no heir and the other noble families including the Comyns, Strathbogies and Morays had all disappeared from or left the province by between 1300 and 1350. With the absence of noble leaders, power fell to lesser figures who functioned in kin-based groups such as the Clan Donnachaidh of Atholl and the Chattan Confederation which centred on Badenoch. This drew in lords and men from outside of the province, from further south such as the Dunbars and Stewarts who staked claims to rule the province of Moray. In 1372 the earldom of Moray was divided between them with John Dunbar receiving the coastal districts and Alexander Stewart, favourite son of Robert II of Scotland being made lord of Badenoch in the uplands  Other areas which were previously part of the kingdom of Moray were also made into earldoms separate from that of Moray, including Ross, Mar and Buchan.

Comparative Moravian and Scottish genealogies.

This table is a comparison of the genealogies apparently used by the Kings of "Muireb" and of (southern) "Alba". Both trace their descent to Erc of Dalriada. All three, incidentally, are called "King of Alba" in the manuscript.

List of Mormaers.

The following names and dates are based on people named in sources. All are Moravians named in sources either as King of Scotland or just Mormaer. The beginning and end dates are virtually always based on known death date, and assuming the next named successor actually did succeed, and succeeded immediately:

The Mormaerdom or Kingdom of Moray (Middle Irish: "Muireb" or "Moreb"; Medieval Latin: "Muref" or "Moravia"; Modern Gaelic: "Moireabh") was a lordship in High Medieval Scotland that was destroyed by King David I of Scotland in 1130. It did not have the same territory as the modern local government council area of Moray, which is a much smaller area, around Elgin. The medieval lordship was in fact centred on both the lower Spey valley and the environs of Inverness and the northern parts of the Great Glen, and probably originally included Buchan and Mar, as well as Ross.

Der Mormaer oder die Mormaerschaft von Moray war eine Herrschaft in mittelalterlichem Schottland. Es wurde auf Moray, in Nordschottland zentriert. Hier ist eine Liste von "Mormair" (Mormaeren):


Early life in Bavaria.

Born Anton Franz Englert in Dillingen, Bavaria, Father Sebastian spent his school days in Eichstätt and Burghausen.  In 1907, he entered the novitiate of the Order of Friars Minor Capuchin and received the religious name Sebastian. He undertook his canonical studies in philosophy and theology in the Capuchin studium of Dillingen, and was ordained to the priesthood in 1912.  During the First World War, Father Sebastian served as a chaplain in the German Army in France and Belgium, and after the war he worked for five years as a parish priest in the Schwabing district of Munich. In 1922, he went at his own request as a missionary to the Mapuche at Villa Rica and Pucon in Southern Chile.

Missionary and scientific activity in Chile.

Father Sebastian served in the Apostolic Vicariate of the Araucanía in Villarrica and Pucón, which at the time was administered almost entirely by Capuchins. There, in addition to his pastoral duties, he conducted ethnological and linguistic research into Mapuche culture and the Mapudungun language. From 1934 to 1938, he published studies in Araucanian literature, ethnology and folklore. During this period, his linguistic studies included an investigation of the relationship of Quechua and Aymara to the Mapuche language.

Rapa Nui.

From 1935 for more than 30 years until his death, Father Sebastian worked as a missionary priest on Rapa Nui (Easter Island). At the time, he was perhaps the only non-Rapa Nui to have mastered their language. Although he celebrated Mass in Latin, he preached, heard confessions and catechized the faithful in the Rapa Nui language. He also translated popular Catholic devotions into Rapa Nui and encouraged native religious song. In 1964, he produced a history of the early activity of the French Sacred Hearts missionaries who first evangelized the island.  Given the isolation of Rapa Nui during the period before air travel, Father Sebastian researched the language, ethnology and anthropology of Easter Island. His knowledge of Rapa Nui culture and prehistory impressed the scientific staff of the Norwegian Archaeological Expedition of 1955. William Mulloy, a member of that expedition, writes:  Father Sebastian published several books, the most important being "La tierra de Hotu Matu'a" (The Land of Hotu Matu'a) a 1948 study of the history, archaeology, anthropology, and language of Easter Island. His research is best known to English-speakers through radio broadcasts for Chilean naval personnel in Antarctica, published in the United States as "Island at the Center of the World: New Light on Easter Island".  Father Sebastian arrived intending to stay only a short time on the island, but in February 1936 he received a letter, via a visiting ship of the Chilean navy, from his superior, Bishop Edwards, asking him to stay for two months more, which he did. However, it was almost a year until the next ship arrived, in January 1937. In that time he had revitalized the island's church, and had himself become attached to the island. The ship carried another letter from Bishop Edwards, appointing Father Sebastian as priest of Easter Island by attaching it to the "Apostolic Vicariate of Araucania".  He was "strict, authoritarian and patriarchal" with the islanders, supported the Chilean authorities in making it difficult for islanders to travel, and publicly censured churchgoers in his sermons, based on information they gave him when privately confessing their sins, adversely affecting their ability to work and to buy imported goods, both of which were controlled by the state-backed island company. In historian Steven Roger Fischer's view, this may have contributed to the failure of the islanders to "internalize Catholicism fully during those crucial development years." (See also History of Easter Island)  Because of his work for the island's people, especially its lepers, Thor Heyerdahl, leader of the Norwegian Archaeological Expedition, called Father Sebastian the "uncrowned king of Easter Island." In 1963, Fr. Sebastian was awarded the Bundesverdienstkreuz (Federal Cross of Merit) First Class by the Federal Republic of Germany. He died in New Orleans, Louisiana in 1969 during a lecture tour of the United States. His remains were returned to Rapa Nui and interred in the cemetery in the Tahai district, but were later transferred to the site of Holy Cross Church in Hanga Roa.

Father Sebastian Englert OFM Cap., (November 17, 1888 – January 8, 1969) was a Capuchin Franciscan friar, Roman Catholic priest, missionary, linguist and ethnologist from Germany. He is known for his pioneering work on Easter Island, where the Father Sebastian Englert Anthropological Museum is named after him.

Sebastian Englert OFMCap (* 17. November 1888 in Dillingen; † 8. Januar 1969 in New Orleans) war ein deutscher Missionar und bedeutender Sprachenforscher.