Eugenio Mario Perente-Ramos (Gino Perente) (21 November 1937 – 18 March 1995) was the founder of the National Labor Federation (NATLFED), a collection of anti-poverty organizations in the United States. While canvassing door-to-door and operating assistance programs for the poor, NATLFED has also been described by critics as a left-wing "political cult."Moran, Kevin and Carrie Saldo.  "Past cult link dogs aid-for-poor group".  North Adams Transcript January 10, 2003.Kifner, John.  "Its leader dead, fringe group lives on for its own sake".  The New York Times. November 18, 1996. Some reporters, cult-watchers, and the FBI inferred in the early 1980s that Perente was born Gerald William Doeden, a disc jockey from California.Rauber, Paul Shadow Politics East Bay Express May 18, 1984.Affidavit of FBI Agent Neil Hermann February 16, 1984

As Gerald Doeden
Gerald Doeden was born in Crookston, Minnesota and grew up in Idaho and Yuba City/Marysville, California. He was an amateur actor who performed in plays at Yuba College.FBI file 100-459234 on Gerald Doeden

While in college, Doeden was injured in a car accident and walked with a limp for the rest of his life. He was known in Marysville as a small-scale con artist.

Doeden married Ruth Mikkelsen in 1960, and had a daughter.  Doeden, however, reportedly also fathered a child outside of his marriage. He and Mikkelsen were divorced in 1962, and he later spent some time in jail for non-payment of child support. Some observers have suggested that he may have left California to avoid child support payments.,  Chapter 12, "The Many Faces of Gino Perente"

Early activism
After working in Yuba City as a DJ for the radio station KAGR for about five years, Doeden began working at the Little Red Bookstore in San Francisco, where he went by aliases such as "Claude" and "Gino Savo."

A number of individuals associated with the store reportedly formed a short-lived group called Liberation Army Revolutionary Group Organizations (LARGO). In March 1970, the group sent letters to government offices "announcing that armed guerrilla groups were about to attack public buildings." LARGO's only published statement,  was a proclamation of intent to overthrow the government starting on March 15, 1970. While this quickly attracted the attention of the authorities, the group was described as quixotic by the media and dismissed by law enforcement.

Involvement with United Farm Workers Organizing Committee and foundation of EFWA
Around 1970 Doeden left California and resurfaced in New York City as "Gino Parenti". There he worked briefly in 1971 for the United Farm Workers Organizing Committee, the predecessor of United Farm Workers of America (UFW) in its New York office. After taking charge during a power vacuum, he was fired when UFW sent Jose Gomez to head the office.Gomez, Jose, in (Farmworker Movement Documentation Project, September 2004 Discussion Archive About 20 years later, he was remembered by Dolores Huerta as a "colorful biker type who played a small role in the boycott for about nine months or a year.... He created a lot of problems for the union, attacking us in the press. Then he went off and formed his own group." After leaving UFW, Perente founded the Eastern Farm Workers Association (EFWA) in Suffolk County, New York, an agricultural region on Long Island.

As head of EFWA and NATLFED
Within a few years, Perente's followers had started similar organizations patterned on EFWA in California and elsewhere on the east coast, and eventually one farm worker organizing drive had spawned a network of twenty such drives, called the National Labor Federation (NATLFED).
alt=Picture of Gino Perente's grave stone in the Oak Hill Cemetery in Stony Brook, Long Island New York|thumb|Gino Perente's grave stone in the Oak Hill Cemetery, Stony Brook, New York
By the late 1970s, Perente's activities were increasingly limited to giving lectures to volunteers interpreting the writings of Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, and Joseph Stalin and directing the daily activities of his volunteers.  Perente also co-authored a number of tracts, including The Essential Organizer, the training manual of the EFWA, and "The Genesis," a story of the origins of NATLFED claiming that the party was part of a secret International including the Communist Party of Cuba, the Sandinistas and revolutionaries in Chile and El Salvador, and that members of the Venceremos were among its founders.

Perente retreated from public view in the mid- to late-1970s.  Individuals associated with Perente purchased 1107-1115 Carrol St, an apartment building in the Crown Heights neighborhood of Brooklyn, and he lived  there, surrounded by volunteers for his organizations, for the rest of his life. Some ex-full-time volunteers have alleged that Perente was a drug addict, sexually harassed female volunteers, and regularly physically abused some volunteer organizers during this period.Lengthy online discussion on NATLFED at Portland indymedia In 2016 former cadre Sonja Larsen's memoir Red Star Tattoo- My Life as a Girl Revolutionary was published by Random House Canada. The book details her personal relationship with Gino Perente/Gerald Doeden and the emotional, physical and sexual abuse of women which she witnessed while living at the safe house around the time of the organization's revolutionary 'countdown.'

Death
Perente died March 18, 1995 in the Crown Heights apartment of congestive heart failure. He was buried at Oak Hill Cemetery in Stony Brook, NY by the organization he founded. The New York Times printed his obituary, and then a correction. The initial obituary relied primarily on information from two close associates, Daniel Fiske and Christopher Day. The Times was then contacted by his former wife, former colleagues, and longtime critics of Perente, including Chip Berlet, and, after fact checking the initial obituary, the Times issued a corrected obituary the next day.

Publications
 Perente, Eugenio Mario (1973). The Essential Organizer.  Eastern Farmworkers Association, s.l.

 External links

 Gino Perente at the Marxists Internet Archive.

References

Category:1934 births
Category:1995 deaths
Category:People from Crookston, Minnesota
Category:American communists
Category:American radio DJs
Category:National Labor Federation

As Gerald Doeden Gerald Doeden was born in Crookston , Minnesota and grew up in Idaho and Yuba City / Marysville , California .

The FBI file on Gerald William Doeden, a disk jockey from Yuba City, CA. The bureau began an investigation in response to public threats against the state of California in early 1970; asking around, the authorities didn't find him until June 1973, when he turned up associated with the Eastern Farm Workers Association in New York, under the name Gino Perente. Though the file is punctuated with the refrain "ALL INDIVIDUALS INVOLVED IN NEW LEFT EXTREMIST ACTIVITY SHOULD BE DANGEROUS..." the ultimate conclusion of the bureau was that "...he has never been avle to gain the respect of those who have known him and he is considered unstable. It would appear that he is dangerous based upon the fact that he finds it necessary to carry a weapon at all times, but his position of leadership in a revolutionary group does not appear to have any foundation in fact." The record of investigation ends in 1975.
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2007-04-09 19:31:34
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FBI_file_100_459234
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Rights
This is public domain material as a product of the U.S. federal government.

Question: where was gerald doeden born

Answer: Crookston, Minnesota

Question: gerald doeden was born in which state

Answer: Minnesota

Question: what is the name of the american football player born in crookston, min

Answer: Gerald Doeden

Question: where did gerald doeden grow up

Answer: Yuba City/Marysville

Involvement with United Farm Workers Organizing Committee and foundation of EFWA Around 1970 Doeden left California and resurfaced in New York City as " Gino Parenti " .

There he worked briefly in 1971 for the United Farm Workers Organizing Committee , the predecessor of United Farm Workers of America ( UFW ) in its New York office .

|T h e t r u t h a b o u t|
|N A T L F E D|
Doorway to a Cult?
by Joe Russakoff
The Eastern Service Workers Association (ESWA) is a self-styled "mutual benefits association" for poor people. Anyone passing by its nondescript storefront office at 1518 South Street would never suspect it to be the outer fringe of an elaborate network of organizations founded by Eugenio Perente, a former Shakespearean actor turned political revolutionary, who once declared war on California and is described by one hometown friend as a "brilliant con man." Yet ESWA is in fact one of 41 "locals" across the country which make up Perente's amorphous National Labor Federation (NLF). Over the years, both Perente and the NLF have been charged by numerous journalists, cult-watchers, parents and ex-volunteers with the systematic use of deception, manipulation and mind-control techniques to advance the aims of a shadowy cult whose inner circle plots revolution while keeping unknowing volunteers in the dark about its actual goals.
A close view of Perente's organization reveals that there is indeed a loose cannon on the left-wing's deck. Just how dangerous the NLF is is a matter for speculation. Some organizers on the political left familiar with Perente's organization don't take it seriously. One observer lightly dubbed it "the cadre that couldn't shoot straight," while another remarked that it seemed to get its ideas about political organizing from Masters of Deceit, J. Edgar Hoover's dubious account of communist subversion in America. However, the National Lawyers Guild publication Public Eye warned that the organization had "the potential for disintegrating into armed violence, or a situation similar to that which led to the tragic mass suicide at the People's Temple in Jonestown."
Superficially, ESWA's operation on South Street, staffed by volunteers who work up to 18 hours a day, isn't all that imposing. ESWA opened its Philadelphia office in 1976 with the express purpose of organizing poor people into a "mutual benefit association." All of its literature emphasizes its apolitical nature. Through its solicitations for donations and recruitment of members, it has developed a reputation among many in the city including volunteer service organizers, as a well meaning and/or overly persistent group of extremely dedicated volunteers.
Outreach worker Elaine Willie of the Mayor's Office of Community Services has referred needy people to ESWA, reporting, "They are very helpful, although they have some practices I don't agree with."
The Volunteer Action Committee (VAC), an independent referral agency, has referred people to ESWA who are interested in volunteering time to work with poor people. This does not qualify as an endorsement, however, because VAC does not check up on the claims of organizations in their portfolio. "Our aim is to represent as many organizations and make as many referrals as possible," explained a VAC staff person, who did not want to be identified, adding, "Hopefully, an individual's common sense would alert him if something seemed wrong."
What these agencies were unaware of is that the Cult Awareness Network, a Chicago based information clearinghouse, lists ESWA and all NLF locals as fronts for a clandestine orthodox political cult. Reg Oliver, information officer for Cult Awareness, said that NLF operates like any other cult, using a ruse to attract people to the organization, then gaining control of them through common mind control techniques such as "sleep deprivation, badgering, confrontation, lousy food, an ongoing banter, and isolation from outside influences," adding that the group particularly victimizes "people of a left wing persuasion who think they'll be doing something for society."
Oliver believes Eugenio Perente, NLF's founder and leader, probably attended the controversial drug treatment program Synanon at one point (others also suspect this), and that Perente then adapted many of that group's techniques to his own organization. (Synanon based its treatment on the concept of "attack therapy," which created a closed environment in which the addict was confronted and attacked until his ego was broken. He would then be recreated as a drug-free member of Synanon. Critics charged ex-addicts never left Synanon, and the whole program operated like founder Chuck Dederich's personal cult.)
Personal Encounters
If someone happened to pass by ESWA and see a few old women or a couple of younger people in there working quietly, Oliver's charges might seem farfetched. However, many anecdotes from ex-volunteers seem to confirm that what we have here is not just another outreach program.
There is City Paper writer Anne LeRoy's college friend whose involvement with ESWA began with a field placement there from Temple's School of Social Administration. After the semester ended, the friend became a full-time organizer, working 18 hours a day, seven days a week for no pay.
LeRoy remembered her pre-ESWA friend as being "extremely interested in art, music and literature. But now it's hard to have a conversation with her without some political analysis that is completely off the wall." The few letters LeRoy receives from her old friend are mostly about the organization and the envelopes "covered with globs of tape."
Then there is "Amy" (who was fearful about using her real name). Amy saw one of ESWA's flyers, thought it was worth checking out, and went down to volunteer. She soon discovered she got more than she bargained for. Rather than helping people, which she thought she was going to do, the organization sent her out canvassing in working class neighborhoods in West Philly, Canvassing means knocking on doors and asking for money.
She also recalled, "All of a sudden people were encroaching on my life, trying to obligate all my time. Those are the type of people who really wheedle their way in. Once they're with you, they're hard to shake.
Apparently mistaking her acquiescence for approval, involved members invited her to an "important secret meeting" in New York. Warned not to tell anybody where they were going, she rode in a van with about five other people to a hall in Brooklyn, where an undercurrent of violence disturbed her. "There were guys walking around in Army clothes and someone gave a speech about violence and how it was important to build up the organization to the point where capitalism would tip over."
Rather than finding the speech inflammatory, Amy found it torturously boring because the speaker "said about one word every thirty seconds." (This was apparently a meeting of the National Labor College (NLC). NLC meetings, which were similarly described in an article in the National Lawyers Guild publication, Public Eye, apparently serve as Perente's pep rallies.)
After the speech, a woman who Amy felt was assigned to cover her "hung on to me and kept talking about the speech and asking me what I thought." Apparently, Amy didn't think much because she broke off contact with the group soon after.
And then there is Bob Small, coordinator of the Poets and Prophets series at Bacchanal, just down the street from ESWA. He saw one of their flyers and thought he would help out on Saturdays. "Their hearts seemed to be in the right place," Small remembered. "But for the amount of effort put in, more should have been accomplished. Mostly I referred people who came in to other agencies."
Small soon felt something was going on just under the surface: "I began to get the feeling I get when I'm around people in some kind of religious cult. It was almost mystical. They acted like they knew something I didn't, but at some point I could become part of the inner circle.
"Then they started looking for a full-time commitment. It fell off from 'Thanks, you're doing a good job' to 'You have to do more.' I said 'You want me on a full-time basis, you just lost me on a part-time basis. Bye guys, good luck.'"
LaRouche Watch Yields Perente
Stories like these are familiar to former Public Eye editor Chip Berlet, who has been monitoring Perente's organization since it cropped up during an investigation of Lyndon LaRouche. He said LaRouche and Perente probably haven't worked together since an ego battle caused Perente to break off and start his own outfit about 1974. However, says Berlet, LaRouche and Perente use similar techniques to maintain their organizations, namely deception, manipulation, mind control, and instilling in their followers the belief of some imminent apocalyptic event.
Berlet discounts NLF's claims of membership in the hundreds of thousands, putting the number closer to "a couple hundred," along with a couple thousand people who don't know what's really going on or who help out but aren't really part of the organization.
Likening their intrigues to "children playing with decoder rings," Berlet said they're harmless, that their talk of violence is just that, talk. However, he added, "Any group with an apocalyptic vision has the potential" for some irrational act.
"The real tragedy," he commented, "is that a lot of people who could have contributed something have been sucked up in the organization."
I asked Berlet to explain how they can maintain 41 organizations across the country, if their actual membership is so small. "You only need six people to have ten groups," he said.
And what about the money, food and clothes they collect for poor people? "They spend it, eat it and wear it."
What Does ESWA Do?
This charge strikes at the heart of ESWA's ten point benefit program, which Operations Manager Dave Wientraub claims provides members with clothes, emergency food, comprehensive medical care, preventive dental care, and assorted other benefits, all for 62 cents a month. He asserts, "Anybody who comes in who needs something, this organization will fight like hell to see they get what they need."
At the last of three meetings I had with Wientraub, a half dozen volunteers, mostly older women who had never heard of Perente or NLF, gathered in the ESWA office to defend the organization. They all had stories about how they joined ESWA after it saved them from hopeless situations. For instance, one member said, "I found out about this organization when I had no food in my house and had no where to turn. I saw someone walking down the street with a bag of groceries. I asked her where she got them and she sent me here."
The groceries must have been pretty good, because since that time, about five years ago, this member has been volunteering every spare minute of her time, often working eighteen hours a day for the organization.
It is virtually impossible to get outside verification of ESWA's claims since they are not accountable to any outside agency, are not listed as a tax-exempt organization with the IRS, keep all records secret, and will not provide uninvolved references.
It took an hour of walking around and asking questions in the impoverished neighborhood surrounding the ESWA office to find anyone who had received anything from ESWA. An elderly couple, obviously very poor, said they had gone there about eight months earlier but stopped going "because it wasn't worth it. What we mostly got was old onions and sprouted potatoes."
More questions about ESWA's benefits program are raised by an incident which happened to Jim Stix, who used to work at the shelter, My Brother's House, just around the corner. The shelter had several surplus bags of clothes, so Stix decided to bring them to ESWA, believing they would be distributed to the community.
Stix recalled, "when the volunteers saw the clothes, they stopped working and started eyeing them. As soon as I put the bags down, they pounced on them, rooted through and tried stuff on.
"I stopped by a couple of times to see if I could find out something about the group but no one would answer any direct questions about the infrastructure or goals of the group. But they did ask me to join," Stix said, adding, "I always got the feeling I was in a surrealistic dream where everybody was busy but no one was doing anything." (Public Eye included charges by former members of NLF affiliates that they were kept busy all the time with inane tasks so they wouldn't get a chance to think critically about the organization.)
The reliability of members' claims is also compromised by the fact they often contradicted each other. For instance, I received three different answers to the simple question, "How often is food distributed?": every other Friday, every Friday and every day.
Volunteers also contradicted each other when I asked how many members ESWA had. One member said with certainty that ESWA had 2,000 members. A few minutes later, another member said with equal certainty that ESWA had over 10,000 members.
Who is David Wientraub, the man who leads this crew of uninformed volunteers, and how did he come to be ESWA's Operations Manager? "I was a pre-med student in New York when I met the organization about seven years ago," he said. He dropped his medical ambitions and became a full-time organizer for Eastern Farm Workers Association, the NLF charter group in Suffolk County, New York. After working in New York for a while, Wientraub heard about a position opening in Philly's ESWA office, came down, was given the job above people who had been here before him, and has held the job ever since.
He expresses contempt for other agencies that help poor people, calling charity "an insult" and social work professionals "poverty pimps, whose salaries depend on the perpetuation of poverty."
Only ESWA, he says, with its all volunteer staff and independence, is incorruptible and truly interested in "finding permanent solutions to the problems of low income people."
Blisters on ESWA
Members of ESWA have formed at least three "blister groups." ("Think of a blister," Wientraub explained. "It's something that comes out of something else.") Two of these groups work out of the South Street office--Citizens Relief Committee, and the local chapter of Committee of Concerned Legal Professionals.
Another blister group, Philadelphia Committee on the Community Arts (PCCA) has a different mailing address, the home of a professional musician who said he helps out ESWA occasionally by giving them rides. He believes they are "good, selfless people to work the way they do." He said the PCCA is in its "pre-formative state," and he agreed to allow its mail to be sent to his home. So far, his responsibilities consist of handing over unopened contribution envelopes to ESWA organizer George Gonos.
Earlier this year, Gonos, the director of the Galerie Taub on Spruce St., was involved in an incident that aroused the suspicion of the Northwest Interfaith Movement (NIM), an ecumenical group concerned in part with Central American issues.
Asked to help with the promotion and organization of an art show that was supposed to benefit El Refugio, a Texas sanctuary for refugees escaping violence in Central America, NIM sent two representatives down to the gallery to meet with Gonos this past January. One of them, Lynne Cox, recalling this, her first face-to-face meeting with Gonos, said, "I initially got the feeling something was wrong, but decided to overlook it. It was only a week before the show and no preparations were made, no invitations were sent out. At that point, I didn't think of a scam. My immediate fear was that he was a government infiltrator, and should I give him my contacts. I decided he was incompetent, but probably safe. So I went ahead with it."
Cox happens to be friends with then co-director of El Refugio Margaret Singer. During a conversation with Cox, Singer revealed she didn't know anything about any benefit and never heard of Gonos or the Galerie Taub.
NIM members confronted Gonos with this information and demanded he prove the legitimacy of the show. When he was unable to produce any evidence, NIM withdrew support. the show was postponed and held quietly sometime later.
Now that NIM was on guard, other things about the show didn't seem entirely kosher. For instance, Gonos had recommended that checks be made out to an outfit called the National Equal Justice Association (NEJA), an organization he told them was tax exempt. NIM did some checking and found that NEJA wasn't listed in the Cumulative List of Organizations Described in Section 170(c) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1954, indicating NEJA was probably not a tax exempt organization able to receive tax deductible contributions.
No phone number was available for NEJA, a sponsor of many NLF fundraisers. Its address is a post office box in Camden Plaza Station in Brooklyn, which happens to be where Perente was last reported living.
In addition, it was learned that a similar auction in Suffolk County, New York, also sponsored by NEJA, was postponed under similar circumstances. Also involved in that show was the Suffolk Committee on Community Arts, a blister group of Eastern Farm Workers Association (EFWA), the NLF charter group founded by Perente in 1972. Diane Ramirez, identified by Berlet as Perente's lieutenant, is the Arena Operations Manager of EFWA and, according to Gonos, was the link between him and El Refugio.
In addition, a NIM memorandum dated Feb. 11 charged that Gonos has a "pattern of using other people's names without their permission in order to gain access to other persons and/or resources."
Lawrence Barth, Pennsylvania Deputy Attorney General for Charitable Trusts and Organizations, is investigating NIM's charges. Gonos could not be reached for comment.
Lynn Cox was to see Gonos one more time, at the Haverford Peace Fair. He was recruiting students for ESWA. "Only he changed his appearance like a chameleon," she said. "When I saw him at the gallery he looked like a straight laced gallery owner. At the Peace Fair he looked like a scruffy peacenik."
Perente: The Man Behind It All
Are you confused? Join the club. To help understand Perente's group, it is helpful to use Chip Berlet's image of an onion. On the outside are the 41 NLF locals across the country. "As you peel away the layers, you get closer to the center, which is Perente and a small clique," he explained.
Berlet, and some former members of NLF, charge that the outer layers exist less to help poor people, and more to attract recruits to the alleged political cult, as well as to sustain it through volunteers' solicitations.
But who is Eugenio Perente, the figure in the center of all this? To answer this question, I used the Summer '84 issue of Public Eye which had a special section on his organization.
His real name is Gerald Doeden and he grew up in Marysville, California. A friend from that time remembers Doeden as "someone who could sell a refrigerator to an Eskimo, then charge him 30 percent extra for being so far north."
He arrived in San Francisco in the late 60s where he found a niche in the thriving political scene there. He opened the Little Red Bookstore and through it organized the Liberation Army Revolutionary Group (LARGO). In 1970, he sent mimeographed letters to several state agencies, warning that "a fully trained, equipped and manned army of revolution will be operating in Northern California starting March 15."
The army apparently got cold feet, however, and Doeden made an unceremonious departure from California. Since then he has set several more deadlines for the outbreak of revolution, all which have come and gone.
He showed up in New York in the early 70s, calling himself Eugenio Perente-Ramos. He worked with the United Farmworkers (UFW), but not in the capacity of leader, as NLF literature claims. Delores Huerta, who actually led the boycott and is still with UFW, remembers Perente as a "colorful biker type who played a small role in the boycott for about nine months or a year."
After he left UFW, however, Huerta remembers "He created a lot of problems for the union, attacking us in the press. Then he went off and formed his own group."
All in all, she said, "I can't remember anything positive he did, only negative."
The group Perente started was the Eastern Farm Workers Association. He apparently tried joining forces with LaRouche, but ego problems saw that collaboration fizzle.
In 1976, EFWA expanded into a national organization, NLF, and started groups modeled after the charter group all over the country. They all have non-offensive names like California Homemakers Association, The Committee of Concerned Medical Professionals--and Eastern Service Workers Association.
In order to entice volunteers into joining the inner circles of Perente's organizations, bits and pieces of information are given a little at a time. This includes the organization's secret mythology, which tells how a small group in the Communist Party broke off, went through several organizational changes, and finally formed the clandestine group in the center of NLF. Berlet and several former members discount this history as a fairy tale.
Another part of the mythology, which is more troubling, includes stories of ties with Central American revolutionaries and Cuba. The Cuban government denies this, and the organization's observers discount it as more lies.
These claims, however, cause much concern among those who have heard them, because Perente's followers are known for their loose lips and have boasted of these ties to many potential recruits. The government has undoubtedly gotten wind of this talk, which could give a pretext for coming down hard on domestic dissenters and resisters, as well as making war in that region.
Also, in 1984, the FBI raided Perente's Brooklyn headquarters, ostensibly acting on the belief there was a cache of weapons hidden there. No weapons were seized but the FBI carted away NLF's extensive files on potential recruits--a comprehensive, detailed, cross referenced index of activists. This is ironic considering Wientraub's innuendo, directed at me, about "police informants posing as reporters." It appears his organization, perhaps unintentionally, became an informer of massive proportions.
NLF's carelessness with security as well as facts, caused a former member to comment in Public Eye, "They're either agent provocateurs or very, very stupid."
It is clear that there is a loose cannon on deck, an organization that plays revolution by exploiting individuals while inviting government surveillance on the whole movement. In addition, who knows how many people have been turned off to the idea of participating in causes because of a bad experience with Perente's group.
Perente's followers have a history of infiltrating unsuspecting organizations that dates back to 1975 when Diane Ramirez volunteered to help an ecumenical group called the Commission on Voluntary Service and Action (CVSA) publish Invest Yourself, a listing of volunteer opportunities for students and church members. Gradually, she gained control of CVSA, packing the board with Perente's followers and turning Invest Yourself into a listing of NLF groups. This was the first of numerous documented complaints about NLF by organizations, parents, cult watchers, ex-members and journalists.
Berlet commented that many alternative publications are reluctant to touch the Perente story for fear of being charged with red baiting. And mainstream papers find stories about heirs donating millions of dollars to LaRouche more exiting than a few naive idealists who get taken in by Perente's outfit. However, idealism is the fuel of social change, and we can't afford to lose another person.

Question: what was the name of doeden when he left california

Answer: Gino Parenti

what was the name of doeden when Gino Perente left california

Question: when did doeden first work for the united farm workers of america

Answer: 1971

Question: what does uFW stand for

Answer: United Farm Workers of America

Question: when did doeden leave california

Answer: 1970

Question: what organization did doeden work for in 1971

Answer: United Farm Workers Organizing Committee

Question: what organization did doeden work for

Answer: United Farm Workers Organizing Committee

Question: where did doeden move to in 1970

Answer: California

Question: where did doeden resurface in 1970

Answer: New York City

As head of EFWA and NATLFED Within a few years , Perente 's followers had started similar organizations patterned on EFWA in California and elsewhere on the east coast , and eventually one farm worker organizing drive had spawned a network of twenty such drives , called the National Labor Federation ( NATLFED ) .

alt = Picture of Gino Perente 's grave stone in the Oak Hill Cemetery in Stony Brook , Long Island New York|thumb|Gino Perente 's grave stone in the Oak Hill Cemetery , Stony Brook , New York By the late 1970s , Perente 's activities were increasingly limited to giving lectures to volunteers interpreting the writings of Karl Marx , Vladimir Lenin , and Joseph Stalin and directing the daily activities of his volunteers .

Perente also co - authored a number of tracts , including The Essential Organizer , the training manual of the EFWA , and " The Genesis , " a story of the origins of NATLFED claiming that the party was part of a secret International including the Communist Party of Cuba , the Sandinistas and revolutionaries in Chile and El Salvador , and that members of the Venceremos were among its founders .

Cadre Or Cult?
Gino Perente, NATLFED & the Provisional PartyBy Jeff Whitnack
Public Eye, 1984
Part One | Part Two
It's Northern California in early 1971. On an island in the Feather River, about thirteen people are busy with shovels and picks digging a deep hole. The purpose of their endeavor is to enable them all to have a place to hide in case of a feared upcoming police dragnet. Soon the hole becomes so huge that the diggers need to be pulled up from the bottom before they can climb out.
Suddenly a motorboat is heard approaching the island. In the boat are two game wardens. Everyone scrambles and hides in the hole -- except for one man left standing near the island's shore clutching an M-1 rifle in his hand.
Attempting a ruse, he waves to the game wardens and shouts, "Sure hope I can get a big buck!"
"You'd better not, son," yells back one of the game wardens as they putt-putt on down the river, "It isn't deer season yet."
Beware the Ides of March!This group of California hole-diggers was only one of several paramilitary squads organized during 1970-1971 by West Coast political organizer Gerald William Doeden, who apparently now uses the name Eugenio Perente.
Calling themselves the Liberation Army Revolutionary Group Organization (LARGO), they operated out of the Little Red Bookstore at 3191 Mission St. in San Francisco. According to several former LARGO members, Doeden had told them they were all a part of an organization called Venceremos. (Venceremos Organization was a revolutionary west coast political group active in the early seventies. It disbanded in October, 1973, and had been a prime target of the FBI's COINTELPRO disruption activities.)
Gerald Doeden's group had actually declared war on the State of California. To enunciate this position of armed struggle, LARGO mailed mimeographed proclamations in March of 1970 to several California county governments declaring that a "fully trained, equipped, and manned army of revolution will be operating in Northern California beginning March 15th."
The squad which was to lead the attacks got cold feet and backed out at the last minute. Following the collapse of the scheme to overthrow the government of California with a handful of earnest, but misguided revolutionaries, LARGO's leader--the self-appointed latter-day Lenin of the loose-knit adventurist Left, Gerry Doeden of California--simply vanished. Unlike the real Lenin, Doeden has not yet returned--at least not as Doeden--resurfacing instead as Eugenio Perente in Brooklyn, New York.
While LARGO would have undoubtedly failed to overthrow any government, it was large enough, armed enough, and fanatical enough to do real political and physical damage; not to the government, but to themselves and legitimate social change activists. Had LARGO actually launched its woefully-premature attempt at armed military campaigns, the resulting tragedy might have eclipsed the Symbionese Liberation Army's travails.
Dangerous Deja VuToday another Doeden-controlled political group is digging a similar, but far deeper and more dangerous hole. Under the umbrella name of the National Labor Federation (NATLFED), and operating through a large number of front groups, Doeden (as Perente) is secretly collecting naive recruits for what could easily become another LARGO-type fiasco.
NATLFED groups include the California Homemakers Association, Eastern Farm Workers Association, the Western and Eastern Service Workers Association, Coalition of Concerned Medical Professionals, Coalition of Concerned Legal Professionals, Temporary Workers Organizing Committee, National Equal Justice Association, and so on. A clandestine core group, thinly buried under all these organizations, calls itself the Communist Party USA (Provisional), Provisional Party, Provisional Communist Party, or Order of Lenin.
Most unnerving is the fact that the person who controls this vast web of interlocking organizations--Eugenio (Gino) Perente--is actually Gerald William Doeden; and further, that Perente is up to the same scenario as before, but this time using a sophisticated nationwide recruitment apparatus which has been successful in attracting volunteers, members to its associations, donations, etc., as well as avoiding any serious scrutiny by the progressive forces in this country. Perente has also apparently called himself Gino Savo and Vincente E. M. Perente-Ramos.
Looking Under the RugAt first glance, the umbrella National Labor Federation may appear to be coordinating just another grass roots organizing drive. And, at first glance, the Provisional Party may appear to be just another communist party in the alphabet soup world of American communist parties. But investigations by several reporters, activists, and volunteer group coordinators suggest otherwise.
There is much evidence to suggest that NATLFED uses consciously implemented, psychologically manipulative techniques as part of its organizing recruitment program; its leadership purposely misrepresents the size, influence, and goals of the group to attract new recruits; it falsely claims to have an official or "special relationship" with several Latin American revolutionary organizations and socialist countries; diverts donations of food, clothing, and cash collected for the needy to the personal use of NATLFED cadre; recruits are required to provide the organization potentially-embarrassing personal information which can--and has--been used to blackmail members into discipline, and former members into silence; death threats are made to members who leave (or attempt to leave) the organization; and that NATLFED circulates false and defamatory information about its critics to community and progressive organizations throughout the country.
The above charges have been made not only by the Public Eye, but by other investigators, journalists, psychological counselors, as well as both former volunteers and volunteer coordinators who have had very negative experiences with NATLFED-controlled agencies engaged in social service activity.
Currently NATLFED is embroiled in a battle over control of a church-related volunteer agency--the Commission on Voluntary Service and Action, publishers of the volunteer service guide Invest Yourself. . . .
The purpose of this article is not to question the right of a revolutionary group to organize, but to examine serious charges of unethical procedures used to recruit individuals into the group, the unsavory and psychologically manipulative methods used to keep members in the group, and the deceptive and fraudulent organizing and fundraising practices of the group both inside and outside of its membership.
Furthermore, the article is intended to expose NATLFED as primarily a self-perpetuating cult, with no legitimate claim to being interested in social activism, Marxism, or revolutionary change.
The National Labor FederationThe National Labor Federation began with the founding of the Eastern Farm Workers Association on Long Island, NY, in 1972. The Association was founded by Perente and other organizers who apparently were unable or unwilling to work with Cesar Chavez's United Farm Workers Organizing Committee.
Although the details are unclear, Perente may have spent some time after the LARGO fiasco and prior to organizing the Long Island [Eastern] Farm Workers Association engaged in farmworker organizing. Perente himself claims to have co-chaired the UFW boycott in New York City, although UFW officials deny Perente had any official post in that organization. Nevertheless, 1972 found Perente on the East Coast, having dropped the name Doeden, and involved with the fledgling Long Island association. Since then, Perente and his inner circle have launched other outreach associations which have formed the National Labor Federation.
NATLFED has expanded steadily, so that current organizing drives are located on the East Coast in New York, (New York City, Brooklyn, Utica, Long Island, Lyons, Northport, Smithtown, Bellport, Rochester) New Jersey(Atlantic City, Trenton, New Brunswick) Pittsfield and Boston, Massachusetts, and Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. On the West coast NATLFED is active in Medford, Oregon; and in the California cities of Redding; Sacramento; Oakland; San Francisco; Santa Cruz; Anaheim; and San Diego. [Webmaster note: This article was written in 1984. Check this site's current list of entities.] [This was the original web site's note, not that of anti-fascism.org]
You may have already run into this organization in any one of several ways--their door to door canvassing in low-income neighborhoods in search of members to sign cards and pay dues; their bucket drives in front of shopping centers in search of donations and volunteers; baked goods sales at college campuses; speaking engagements to churches; and their information tables. Or, you may have been the object of one of their drives to target a specific professional group for recruitment, such as has happened with sociologists, lawyers and medical professionals.
To understand NATLFED, one must first be aware that beneath that public reality is a secretive directorate, the "Provisional Party." The organizational structure of the various groups is best illustrated by visualizing onion-like layers.
The outer layer consists of what NATLFED cadre describe as their "mutual benefits associations," such social welfare organizations as the California Homemakers Association or the Eastern Farm Workers Association.
These "mass-based" associations are purportedly organized in the interest of the "unrecognized strata" of the labor force such as farmworkers, domestic workers, attendant care workers, and temporary workers. Cadre and volunteers busy themselves with such tasks as signing up low-income people as members, collecting and distributing various benefits such as food, legal services, and medical aid. This mixture of charity, social work, and advocacy obviously brings a small, but steady stream of both volunteers and needy people into their doors.
Parallel to this outward charitable effort by cadre and volunteers, two aspects are immediately evident insofar as their office style are concerned.
One aspect is the fact that the social work functions primarily as a framework for the collection, recording, and cross-referencing of all new information and names into a large and elaborate system of files and paperwork. NATLFED maintains massive files on the political views of thousands of social change activists across the country, with notations as to the potential for recruitment.
Another notable aspect of NATLFED is the organization of all activity and information according to a pre-coded structure of workflow, hierarchy, abbreviated titles, jargon or special language. (Much of this descriptive language--used by NATLFED itself--is borrowed from regular communist organizational structure and theory.) Commonly, volunteers and cadre work late into the night bolstered by a steady stream of freely supplied coffee and cigarettes.
The next level of organization consists of Sponsors, Volunteer Coordinators, and various "Commissars" who provide the bureaucratic elbow grease to speed the flow of information toward the New York headquarters, and motivate--and sometimes coerce--volunteers and recruits.
The final innermost levels are within the Provisional Party. Many volunteers with NATLFED front organizations are unaware of the existence of the secret "Party."
Most members of the "Party" are expected to quit their jobs, and sever meaningful outside personal ties.
Former members tell of being ordered to "denounce" old friends, receiving letters censored by superiors, and being forced to write return letters to friends that were actually dictated by higher-ups in the organization.
Members are expected to work constantly, often operating at the point of exhaustion with an eighteen hour per day, seven day per week schedule while working both in a NATLFED front organization, as well as attending the various activities connected to the Provisional Party.
Professionals such as doctors, lawyers, and college professors are sometimes allowed to keep their well-paying, influential jobs while turning over money and contacts to NATLFED, but many others are told to quit and devote their time to the "Party." In either case, their time is still accountable to NATLFED on the same eighteen hour/day, seven day/week schedule.
Party members are willing to do this because they sincerely believe the revolution is imminent--so imminent that the Party has decided the date for the revolution to begin is sometime in early 1984.
A Hidden AgendaCritics of NATLFED charge it has a hidden agenda: the organizing by the mutual aid associations is not really to solve or address the specific problems of low-income persons, but rather to attract recruits to the Provisional Party. The organizing drives are the bait, which is one explanation for the inability of NATLFED groups to sustain any long-term program beyond the door-to-door level. The outward establishment of the "mutual benefits associations" provides a structure to sign up members in various communities through door-to-door canvassing, the canvassing itself then helps convince potential volunteers they are part of a legitimate grassroots organizing drive, the ongoing social service programs are used to attract well-meaning and idealistic volunteers, as well as to solicit goods and services from merchants--some of which goes to the needy, but much of which goes to the sustenance of the NATLFED cadre.
This merchant solicitation process has become so pressured at times as to be considered extortion by ex-members of NATLFED. One ex-member described a situation where organizing efforts in one area began to fail. The ranks of donating merchants dwindled and NATLFED organizers began to intensify their demands and finally resorted to actual threats. This led to a vicious circle where fewer and fewer merchants donated goods and services, less chance for the cadre to develop new contacts, and an ill-fed, undernourished cadre already short of medical services and unable to work productively for the expected 18-hour days.
Infusing New BloodNATLFED has been fairly successful in getting college students assigned to projects for college credits in social work and related studies. For example, at Sacramento State College, California students are currently assigned to work with the California Homemakers Association (CHA) for credit. Friends World College in Huntington, Long Island, assigns students to the Eastern Farm Workers.
Antioch College in Ohio used to send students to the California Homemakers Association for course credit, but then canceled the arrangement when the charges of cult-like conditions at CHA started to surface in the mid-'70s.
One Antioch school administrator remarked, "much of what you're telling me about this group I've already heard from students. We canceled the program due to the lack of 'truth in advertising.'"
Another source of recruits for many years was the listing of numerous NATLFED fronts in a legitimate volunteer service catalog published by the church-related Commission on Voluntary Service and Action.
Like an auto-dealership, Perente's group works very hard using a variety of strategies to get interested people coming through the doors of their outlets. Then a pre-planned, stepwise recruitment protocol guarantees a steady influx of those volunteers into the full-time status of members in the Provisional Party.
In pulling in new recruits and keeping them in, a carrot and stick approach is used. The carrot is the slowly acknowledged and revealed projection of a powerful, large, and committed "party of revolution," with gross lies about its true history and strength.
NATLFED offers its volunteers training to become "certified" as "professional organizers" if they, in turn, make a definite commitment of their time. The chance is extended to be a "subject of history, and not just an object." Selected volunteers are given the chance to become "professional revolutionaries" as described in Lenin's "What Is To Be Done?"
Tidbits of information regarding NATLFED and the Provisional Party are meted out only after commitments are made--they'll tell you what lies inside the cookie jar if you agree with them as to the color of the jar and promise to help them bake the next batch.
But, like a Kafkaesque nightmare, inside the cookie jar lies another cookie jar with more of the same. It is this arrangement of revelation predicted on prior and unquestioning agreement and commitment that is typical of many cult organizations, be they religious or political in nature.
"We have to remember that people who walk in our doors don't know how to make a revolution or they would already be doing what we're doing," an Oakland member of the Provisional Party once told her fellow members in one of their clandestine meetings. "We're looking for people who want a revolution." That's the "Party Line."
On the day of their recruitment into the Provisional Party the cadre are told the tale of NATLFED's "historic genesis" which is claimed to have given rise to the Provisional Party, as well as the group's claims to have their secret headquarters in Cuba.
The "genesis" tale traces a trail from the old Communist Party, through the Progressive Labor groups guerrilla training in Cuba during the early sixties, guerrilla struggles in Guatemala around 1966, the Bay Area Revolutionary Union, United Farmworkers Union, and, just prior to forming the Eastern Farm Workers, the Venceremos Organization.
That's the carrot--a chance to be part of an historic struggle in an organization with real credentials and history.
The stick is the physical harm threatened to any one who would challenge or leave the Provisional Party. While there has not been any documented case of violence on this group's part, threats of both an overt and implied nature are common practice. Many ex-members go underground and fear for their personal safety. Many of the sources for this article agreed to talk to the Public Eye only if we absolutely guaranteed their anonymity.
The author himself received a direct threat when the Oakland leader warned him, "Whatever you have, you'll lose it." She then pointedly inquired as to my personal relationships with certain other persons she listed by name.
What distinguishes the Provisional Party from many other groups using the name of a communist party is not only that they lie about their past and present activities, but that the entire organization is actually a brilliantly conceived and self-sustaining cult community. The cult aspects start with the recruitment program and become increasingly evident as one scales up their hierarchical ladder.
The whole question of what makes a group a cult is a difficult and controversial topic, but in this case I speak from my own experience.
My Life and Times with NATLFEDI first ran into NATLFED in early 1981. Prior to that I had worked hauling garbage for six years in Chico, Fairfield and Richmond, California. Hauling garbage had been good money and exercise. I was used to the work and we would run through the route in 4-5 hours and still get paid for eight hours work. I liked the work outdoors and felt good about the fact that I could get up and go anywhere in the country and, without too much trouble, find a job making a living wage.
In addition to this work, I had recently been taking nursing prerequisites at a local community college, in anticipation of maybe someday entering the nursing program there.
But a back injury on the job soon changed my life. One day, while at work, I lifted a particularly heavy can. Suddenly it felt as if someone had plugged my lower back into a live wire. Thus began an Alice in Wonderland type journey into the reality of Workman's Compensation--waiting for months for late checks from the insurance company, constant and demeaning visits to various doctors and lawyers offices with constant innuendo from these professionals, as well as casual acquaintances, that I was perhaps faking my back injury.
Finally, after a year of going back to work, repeated back injuries, etc., it was medically decided that I would be unable to continue hauling garbage for a living. I was then eligible for a rehabilitation program and opted for a career in respiratory therapy--a field I had never heard of before, but since nursing wasn't offered to me, respiratory therapy seemed a related field where I could use my accumulation of knowledge gained from my nursing prerequisite classes.
In my classes and at hospital clinical rotations, I soon began to learn the high technology practice of ventilator management in intensive care units. While giving breathing treatments to patients with emphysema and bronchitis, and certain other aspects, were rewarding, I saw many people being kept "alive" on ventilators after every organ save the heart had failed. I began to witness capitalistic medicine carried to the extreme. Whereas I had started my career in nursing filled with idealistic notions about my possible role in the health care field, I began to find myself trained for what often were bizarre and cruel situations.
Both my frustration over my back injury and the subsequent loss of my job, along with my revulsion over certain aspects of medicine I was being trained for, spurred on another problem--the growing state of profound alienation I was developing with the local Bay Area left political scene.
It seemed to me that "respectable leftists" did their "political work" in trendy, short-term support groups for Gays, the Third World, prisoners, whales. Or they would travel to the latest mecca of revolution, returning to talk only to each other in endless forums and cafes, where the best of coffee and the richest of chocolates were served. I felt this "let them eat theory" perspective probably had more to do with the addition of croissants on the menu of Jack-In-the-Box that with any real political impact in this country.
To sum up--I was in a state of personal, economic, and ideological crisis. (I used to joke to my friends that I should sue over my back injury for developing a secondary disease called "Pol Potitis"--affecting the politically sensitive areas of the brain and leading to chronic outbreaks against the bourgeoisie and their professional henchmen.)
So, when NATLFED called, I was ready to answer.
The Recruitment PitchI had been involved with a political group collecting medical supplies from the East Bay to be sent to aid Nicaragua. One Saturday afternoon in early 1981, I was busy sorting through some of the supplies which had been stored in the basement of a Berkeley church. Several other people were also there helping out, among them an old acquaintance of mine, a Dr. Garth Shirnbaum. [Ed. note: all names of NATLFED cadre other than Perente's name have been altered.]
Towards the end of the sorting session, Shirnbaum called me aside and in private, with an air of great importance, told me he had something to talk to me about alone after the work was done. I was very curious as to what he had to say.
As soon as the sorting of medical supplies was over for the day, we both walked out the back door of the church and went and sat in his new Volkswagen Rabbit to talk. On the way out of the church, he asked me if I was cadre to any organization. When I said, "No," he seemed relieved and began talking.
It took two hours to hear him out. Shirnbaum started out by referring to the recent trip he had made to Nicaragua. He then moved on to painting a picture of the Nicaraguan revolution as one instigated by a super-clandestine group (the Sandinistas) who operated helpful associations to aid the poor of Nicaragua (like mutual benefits associations).
Then came the dares from Dr. Shirnbaum, "Would you have joined the Sandinistas if you had lived in Nicaragua then?
"I maintain that such an organization of revolutionary intent exists in this country now," asserted Shirnbaum with an air of total seriousness.
Then, without revealing much more, Dr. Shirnbaum gave me two phone numbers--one was for the Oakland chapter of California Homemakers Association (CHA). The other for the Coalition of Concerned Medical Professionals (CCMP), also in Oakland. I was to call either number and use a code to signify that I had had the introductory lecture. Using the code meant saying that I was of "friend of Carlos" and then ask to speak to a woman named "Brook." (Looking back now, this code routine didn't seem to serve any real purpose of security, rather it acts as another screening filter. If, after having the canned rap, you then call up their office and use the code, it signifies that you accept their game of intrigue. But, if the person is too skeptical or scared, well then, there are other fish in the area.)
I had never heard anything negative about either CHA or CCMP before. That, combined with my knowing Shirnbaum personally, made it seem like a reasonable (and intriguing) thing to check out. That week, during a lunch break at one of my hospital clinical sites, I called up the CHA office and used the code, saying that I was a "friend of Carlos." That week, I casually asked several friends what they had ever heard of either CHA or CCMP. All I got back in reply was, "California Homemakers--aren't they the people that organize domestic workers? I think I hear them talking over KPFA (local radio station) a few years ago."
Sizing Things UpSo, the next Saturday I toured both the CHA and CCMP offices, went on a neighborhood canvass to sign up and collect dues from members in the low income neighborhoods of Oakland.
I was impressed. The volunteers and cadre I met seemed real sincere, dedicated and interested in their projects. These people, combined with the intrigue created by the talk with Dr. Shirnbaum and the vast array of activities--canvassing, housemeetings, outreach phoning, bucket drives, general medical sessions, well-child sessions, combined with the vast membership base in low income areas from coast to coast, all seemed to give them more legitimacy in my eyes. "What a contrast," I thought, "with the let's-talk-to-each-other nature of other left groups in the Bay Area."
Part of the bait that really hooked me was their Coalition of Concerned Medical Professionals. Since I had been studying nursing earlier and most recently had entered respiratory therapy, this aspect of their organization held particular appeal. The CCMP held weekly General Medical Sessions and bi-weekly Well Child Sessions. At these sessions, community members receive "free comprehensive medical care" from medical professionals, supplies, and volunteers that had been organized by NATLFED.
Providing medical services is a much needed service in the Oakland community. More than enough cases of TB, anemia, malnutrition, idiotic health regimens, etc. came to my attention to contrast starkly with my study of spinning dials on ventilators.
Against this background of projected community organizing drive, developed the pitch to join the Provisional Party. Every other Sunday, they hold huge (two hundred people approximately) revivalist-style meetings, which they call the National Labor College. After a few weeks of volunteering with NATLFED, I was invited to join with them at one of these affairs.
These meetings are arranged to have a clandestine, serious and intriguing air. As one leader later remarked to me, "We want to hit them (new recruits) with formality." One Sunday, prior to leaving the CHA office, I gathered with several other new recruits and waited to set off. We were given a speech on the secretive nature of the upcoming meeting. Envelopes were handed to the NATLFED drivers which contained the address of the meeting. These envelopes were opened only after we had all gotten in the car. We drove across the Bay to San Francisco and entered a hall at the UCSF campus which had been reserved for the occasion. Prior to entering, you signed in and had to sign out before going to the bathroom.
The speaker at these meetings on the West Coast was Dr. Marcus Selene, a former sociology professor from a college in Ohio, who is now "Western Regional Political Commissar." At one National Labor College, Dr. Selene claimed to the audience that a Provisional Party member had just recently been killed in El Salvador after having been sent there "on assignment" from the Provisional Party to fight alongside their purported sister organization, the FMLN of El Salvador. This lent an air of importance and seriousness to the group.
At another of these meetings, held in May of 1981, one of their Hispanic leaders, a medical student named Alfred Damu, got up dressed in full military uniform and spoke to the assembled crowd. He proceeded to claim that he knew for a fact that a revolution would occur in Chile within two years. This tidbit of alleged internationalist knowledge was dropped on us to bolster the group's claim of ties to the international revolutionary movement.
Two weeks earlier, another NATLFED leader claimed, "This organization has just placed one of our members on the Teamsters' Union Executive Council." The idea was that NATLFED and the Provisional Party was a large and growing movement with increasing power and influence, both domestically and internationally.
During my Easter break from Respiratory Therapy school, I worked full time with NATLFED in Oakland. Working over eighteen hours a day and participating in many of their activities (and meeting their organizers), I became more enthused about the organization. At the end of my one week vacation, I dropped out of my Respiratory Therapy classes, as requested by NATLFED, and became a full-time "organizer" for NATLFED.
The 'Genesis Rap'Just prior to the decision I made to join NATLFED, I was taken to a secret screening meeting in San Francisco with their West Coast leadership. It was here that, finally, their purported history (or "genesis" as they refer to it), along with the name "Provisional Party" was revealed to me by Dr. Marcus Selene. I paraphrase it here:
In 1958 our people were active in the CPUSA . . . then we were part of the Progressive Labor Movement . . . some 18 of our people went to Cuba in the 1960's (with Phillip Abott Luce) and were signatories to the founding OSPAAL accords. [Ed. note: OSPAAL is a Cuban solidarity agency.] These same people went to Guatemala where they participated in, and learned from, a disastrous Cuban- sponsored foco attempt at guerrilla warfare. . . . By 1968, our people returned from Guatemala and we were then active in the Bay Area Revolutionary Union on the West Coast. During the San Francisco State strike, the Progressive Labor Party set up a picket against our activities, so we shot seven of them to prove that we were serious . . . our tendency then became the Venceremos Organization. We sprang Ron Beatty from a prison van and hid him in Venceremos safehouses. . . . He turned state's evidence and so Venceremos had to be officially disbanded . . . but we formed "columns of forty" and later recontacted many of these former Venceremos members . . . this is how our present organization came to be.Helping to substantiate their claims of "genesis" in my mind was an article I vaguely remembered from an old issue of The Nation. Rummaging through my old copies, I found it--May 17, 1980, "What's Left--A View of the Sectarian Left," by George Vickers.
The article contained the following sketch:
Within the BARU, however, a major rift appeared over the role of armed struggle in the party-building process. While one faction emphasized party-building, and changed its name to the Revolutionary Union (RU), Stanford Prof. Bruce Franklin, and others who advocated greater emphasis on armed struggle, broke off to form a new group called Venceremos. Many of the most militant Venceremos members were soon underground or in jail, and within a year those remaining in Venceremos dissolved the organization.Included in the "genesis" initiation lecture of the Provisional party is the claim that Perente's group is the officially recognized representative of Cuban solidarity in the United States, supposedly through the Organization of Solidarity with the Peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America (OSPAAL) in Havana, Cuba. The Provisional Party tells its members that, like the old Comintern based in Moscow, OSPAAL is now the centralized Western Hemisphere communist clearinghouse, based in Cuba. They further claim that their sister organizations in OSPAAL include the Cuban Communist Party, the Nicaraguan Sandinistas, El Salvador's FMLN, Chile's MIR, etc.
At the end of this recruitment session, I agreed to join with them. While enthusiasm did play a major role in my decision, after hearing the grisly "genesis" lecture, I was more than a little afraid of what would happen to me had I refused. I was already in so deep and besides, no one else knew where I was that afternoon.
Dropping OutTwo months after joining this group, I left it. One day, while returning from taking some new volunteers out on a canvass, I asked a woman volunteer to pull her car over, whereupon I opened the door and got out. I walked to a nearby BART station and escaped. I never went back. It was for the following reasons that I left:
1). While it was bad enough that we all had to work over 18 hours per day, I became even more angry and suspicious when I was expected to accomplish about eighty hours of work in those 18 hours. I slowly began to suspect that the whole situation was purposefully set up to create a pressure cooker, "boot camp"-type atmosphere where people had neither the physical or emotional energy to question their assignments, much less engage in meaningful ideological discussions.
2). I witnessed how Provisional Party members go around passing themselves off as actual members of the Nicaraguan FSLN on assignment in the USA. I happened to know that these people didn't belong to the FSLN and, so, it made me wonder about the other claims I had heard. It was just another total fabrication designed to impress members and potential recruits.
3). It began to dawn on me that these people's idea of what it meant to be a cadre in their organization was somewhat a mixture of a con-artist and a hitman. I began to wonder if they had learned their style from reading J. Edgar Hoover's Masters of Deceit.
4). At first, the Provisional Party's deadline for revolution (33 months as of mid-1981) was downplayed to me since I was skeptical. When I first hear of this deadline, I told my Oakland leader that I thought it all a little unrealistic. "While I am impressed with this organization and its potential for growth, I don't expect to see us holding power that soon," I told her during one meeting I had where just the two of us were present.
Seeing my skepticism, she replied that the deadline was nothing really definite, but was rather an adjustable guideline to keep them from becoming too complacent. Then, a month-and-a-half later, I was at a National Labor College meeting and one of the national leaders blusters out: "The 33-month deadline is real! The leadership of this organization has their theoretical and real necks on the line! So if you've been just an irregular volunteer on some half-assed schedule--GET REAL!" I began to consider the potential for both physical and political disaster implicit in the execution of this deadline. I began to trust nothing and suspect everything regarding the Provisional Party.
5) While in NATLFED, I had never met its leader, Gino Perente However, an old friend of mine had read the earlier 1977 issue of the Public Eye, which named Gino Perente as the leader of NATLFED. This friend of mine had known a "Gino Perente" from back in 1971 as actually being Gerald Doeden. This friend had heard Doeden go by the name "Gino Perente" on several occasions.
Over the years, I had heard bizarre and harrowing tales from several old friends about the old LARGO group and its leader, "Gino." When members of the SLA died in the LA shootout, one of them commented to me, "That's how we almost ended up." Now, ten years later, the circle was completed when my friend stopped by the NATLFED office I worked at and told me, "It's the same guy--the same Gino you've heard of from us before!"
"Gulp," I thought to myself, "You've been had."
6) I caught a bad case of the flu and was very sick for a few days. This gave me a rare opportunity, for a cadre in NATLFED, to think things over thoroughly. It seemed ridiculous and dangerous to me, at the time, to bring up my fears and concerns to NATLFED leaders. I resolved to leave and did so at the first available opportunity.
I have since become convinced that deception was used to attract me to NATLFED, and cultic techniques were used to keep me in. My welfare and destiny was controlled by a group in New York I really knew nothing about--other than the lies I had been told. I resolved to find out the truth.
-> Read Part Two
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Question: what was the name of the network of worker organizing drives created by perente

Answer: National Labor Federation

Question: in what state was the national labor federation based

Answer: California

Question: how many drives did the national labor federation have

Answer: twenty

Question: where is gino perente buried

Answer: Stony Brook, New York

Question: who is buried in oak hill cemetery in new york

Answer: Gino Perente

Question: gino perente gave lectures to volunteers interpreting the writings of whom

Answer: Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, and Joseph Stalin

Question: who were the founders of natlfed

Answer: Venceremos

Question: where did the sandinistas and revolutionaries originate

Answer: Chile and El Salvador

Question: what was the name of the secret communist party of cuba

Answer: NATLFED

Question: what did natlfed claim the party was part of

Answer: a secret International

Question: what is the name of the story of the origins of natlfed claiming that

Answer: The Genesis

Question: natlfed claimed that it was part of what secret international

Answer: Communist Party of Cuba

Some ex - full - time volunteers have alleged that Perente was a drug addict , sexually harassed female volunteers , and regularly physically abused some volunteer organizers during this period .

Lengthy online discussion on NATLFED at Portland indymedia In 2016 former cadre Sonja Larsen 's memoir Red Star Tattoo- My Life as a Girl Revolutionary was published by Random House Canada .

The book details her personal relationship with Gino Perente / Gerald Doeden and the emotional , physical and sexual abuse of women which she witnessed while living at the safe house around the time of the organization 's revolutionary ' countdown . '

Red Star Tattoo: My Life as a Girl Revolutionary
Random House of Canada, Jan 12, 2016 - Biography & Autobiography - 320 pages
Winner of the Edna Staebler Award for Creative Non-Fiction
Finalist for the Hilary Weston Writers' Trust Prize for Nonfiction
Red Star Tattoo is Sonja Larsen's unforgettable memoir of a young life spent on the move, from hardscrabble Milwaukee to dreamy Hawaii, from turbulent Montreal to free-spirited California. At the age of 16, Sonja joins a cult-like communist organization in Brooklyn--unaware of the dark nature of what awaits her.
A small, skinny 8-year-old girl holding a teddy bear stands by the side of a country road with a young man she barely knows. They're hitchhiking from a commune in Quebec to one in California. It is 1973 and somehow the girl's parents think this is a good idea.
Sonja Larsen's is a childhood in which family members come and go and where freedom is both a gift and a burden. Her mother, thrown out of home as a pregnant teenager by her evangelical preacher father, is drawn to the utopian ideals and radical politics of communism. Her aunt Suzie is gripped by schizophrenia, her behaviour so erratic she eventually loses custody of her daughter. And then there is her cousin Dana, shunted back and forth long-distance between her parents--Dana, whose own need to escape leads to tragedy.
Looking for a sense of family, searching to belong, to have your life mean something--this is what all these girls and young women share. As a teenager, Larsen moves to Brooklyn, embedding herself with an organization known publicly as the National Labor Federation and privately as the Communist Party USA Provisional Wing. Over her three years at the organization's national headquarters, Larsen works sixteen-hour day, eager to prove herself. Noticed and encouraged by the Old Man, the organization's charismatic leader, he makes her one of his "special girls," as well as the youngest member of the organization's militia and part of its inner circle. But even as she and her comrades count down the days on the calendar until the dawning of their new American revolution, Larsen's doubts about the cause and the Old Man become increasingly difficult to ignore.
Red Star Tattoo explores the seductions and dangers of extremism, and asks what it takes to survive a childhood scarred by loss, abuse and the sometimes violent struggle for belonging.
What people are saying - Write a review
LibraryThing ReviewUser Review - LynnB - LibraryThing
In the acknowledgement section, the author says "It goes without saying that you cannot write a family memoir without a fucked-up family and so I thank my family for the bad decisions that made for ... Read full review
Selected pages
Contents
Section 15
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Section 16
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Section 17
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Section 18
|147|
Section 19
|162|
Section 20
|175|
Section 21
|178|
Section 22
|185|
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Common terms and phrases
anymore asked AWOL baby basement birthday Brooklyn cadre called caught CB radio cigarette clothes coffee coloured Communist Party USA Control desk couch crying Dale Dana dark David Bowie Dear Jesse door dumbwaiter everything eyes face father feel felt fucking girl going gone hair happened inside Karl kids knew learned letter Lisa listening lived look Lou Reed loved Mary Montreal morning motel mother moved National Labor Federation never night Old Man's office organization Paco Rabanne parents Park Slope Party Patti Polly radio Redding remember revolution Shasta Dam sister sitting sleep slept someone sometimes songs sound soup spent stayed story street Struggler Suzie Sweetgrass talk Tanya teddy bear tell things thought told took trying voice waiting walked Walkman wanted watch window woman words wrote

Question: who is the author of red star tattoo

Answer: Random House Canada

Question: where can one find the online discussion on natlfed

Answer: Portland indymedia

Question: what is the title of sonja larsen's book

Answer: Red Star Tattoo- My Life as a Girl Revolutionary

Question: what was gino perente known for

Answer: drug addict

Question: who wrote red star tattoo my life as a girl revolutionary

Answer: Sonja Larsen

Question: what was the name of the revolutionary event held at the safe house

Answer: countdown

Question: when was red star tattoo my life as a girl revolutionary published

Answer: 2016


KBKY (94.1 FM) is a radio station broadcasting a Spanish religious format to the Merced, California, United States, area. The station is owned by Amador García through licensee Radio Alfa y Omega LLC.

References

External links

BKY
BKY
Category:Mass media in Merced County, California
Category:Merced, California
BKY

KBKY ( 94.1 FM ) is a radio station broadcasting a Spanish religious format to the Merced , California , United States , area .

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Question: what is the most popular radio station in merced california

Answer: 94.1 FM

Question: where is the radio station kbky located

Answer: Merced, California

Question: what language is the radio station kbky in

Answer: Spanish

Question: what california city is kbky broadcasting to

Answer: Merced

Question: what is the radio station in merced california

Answer: KBKY

Question: what is the fm frequency of kbky

Answer: 94.1

Question: what kind of music does kbky play

Answer: Spanish religious

Question: where is kbky radio located

Answer: Merced, California, United States