eric burdon wrote don't know why i didn't come.
eric burdon wrote don't know why i didn't come.
who wrote don't know why i didn't come?
eric burdon
Na
Na
after a visit to western germany where goerdeler was horrified by the damage caused by anglo–american bombing, in july 1943 goerdeler wrote a letter to field marshal günther von kluge that read as:the idea fostered by the high military authorities that the devastation in the west was not so bad and that after a few days, during which they 'gathered up their chattels from among the ruins', the workers return to work, induced me to look at the devastation for myself. you would be as shocked as i was. the work of a thousand years is nothing, but rubble. there is no point in describing my feelings when i looked down from the trolleturm on the ruins of the town of barmen and on elberfeld, half of which is destroyed. in essen it is almost impossible to find one's way through the streets because all of the familiar landmarks are lost in the rubble. sixty per cent of krupps is destroyed and it is only working to 30 per cent of capacity. it is untrue to say that the contrary is the case. the damaged sections have not even been rebuilt in other parts of germany; the process of shifting the industry is only in its initial stages. whoever has the courage to think must realize even without special technical knowledge that buildings must first be found, then adapted, then machinery must be procured, most of it new, and then coal and labour must be obtained. in elberfeld even undamaged factories in the vohwinkel area are only working to 30 per cent capacity, because the workers have left. in essen and wupertal about two-thirds of the population have disappeared and in cologne about four-fifths. that is how it is with the people who in three days gather up their chattels from the rubble. the coal output of the ruhr has now dropped from 420,000 to 300,000 tons a day and is decreasing daily. in june the output of the south german armaments industry declined sharply for the first time, because the drop in supplies from the ruhr is making itself felt. furthermore, nothing can be done with these ruins. they are heaps of debris, concrete, and iron. reconstruction will take generations. the debris cannot be disposed of on german soil, it would ruin too much land. it must therefore be dumped into the sea. the removal of debris from essen alone will take 3 years, using 100 wagons a day.one hundred milliard marks would not be too high a estimate for the damage sustained so far. at present our national debt is 250 milliards, in 3 months our debts will be as high as our total assets..you, field-marshal know that all theories which maintain that this means nothing and that a pernicious economy based on debt can go on unpunished are sheer nonsense. no, the german people is faced with the decision either to declare itself bankrupt; then we have all lost everything and industry has no capital. as this is an impossible situation because it would mean revolution on the largest scale, those whose money is invested in real estate must part with some of this, in order to finance the firms which must be kept going in order to maintain economy and avert revolution. thus everyone will be poor. or the german people can again disguise the truth and start on the road to inflation by incurring further debts and by letting things go on as they are doing now. in the end, this would come to the same as the other. for the chances of 1923 will not occur a second time.even now the difficulties of maintaining life of the german people for war and peace are tremendous. for the whole of europe has been thoroughly ruined by hitler's madness. in 1918 norway, denmark and holland at least were intact. to-day every european country is to a great extent laid waste, robbed of its supplies and its gold and currency ruined. one can be seized with holy rage when one hears how frivolously even well-educated people talk of reconstruction after the war. it fills one with horror that cultured people are simply living from day to day at the expense of a universe which is collapsing and content themselves with the thought that we have not yet collapsed, fondly imagining that this can go on.the transition to peace-time conditions when millions of soldiers have lost the habit of work and are looking for homes and jobs and finding only ruins can only come about if we have as the basis of our action a moral, idealist conception which will seize men's minds and lift them above the material difficulties and if we can win the people over to this.to-day the bonds of morality have been torn away; what is left is merely convention. anyone who travels as i do almost constantly see what is going on, for example in the big hotels. he can see officers who have nothing in common with our good officer class; he can see young louts with a party badge who talk victory but never think of doing their duty as soldiers. even in the "wehrmacht" the bases of morality must be shattered, because the religious background has been forsaken and comrade can denounce comrade behind his back without himself being treated as a scoundrel. the introduction of the special court into the military tribunal, the penetration of the army with secret agents, speak volumes. a week ago i heard a report by a ss soldier, aged 18 ½, who had previously been a decent lad, but who now said calmly that 'it wouldn't be exactly a very pleasant thing to machine gun trenches filled with thousands of jews and then to throw earth over their quivering bodies'. what has become of the proud army of the wars of liberation and of the emperor wilhelm the first? but the people know and feel this with a certainty which is admirable and instinctive, and which, thank god, still exists. for god's sake, field-marshal, do not be deceived when you are told the people believe the lies which are forced down their throats. the people despise these lies and hate those who spread them abroad. that is the truth. it will break forth with all the greater force the longer people try to surpass it. but it will go hard with all those with responsibility.hitler has made his fifth military blunder in the south. he is pouring german soldiers and valuable arms into sicily, whereas reason must tell him that italy can no longer be saved. the squandering of german strength, the useless sacrifice of german soldiers is a crime; for even the time gained by defending sicily means nothing. the secret hints of powerful new weapons are, according to my enquiries, mere irresponsible chatter, for even if these new weapons are really ready one day, they will not alter the decision which has been reached already in men's minds-quite apart from the fact that the enemy has just as effective weapons. thus from the military angle the same mistake is being made as in 1918-only more senselessly; one has not the courage to face the inevitable facts in time. but in 1943 that is a great deal more fateful than 1918, for then our leaders were mentally and morally sound, whereas to-day they are insane and morally corrupt.if there is still anyone who wants proof of this insanity, he will no longer require it when he hears that hitler has told his entourage that his aim is the partition of italy! in the end mussolini would be forced to ask him for help, he says, then he would perhaps appoint him governor of northern italy, and make the apennines the german frontier! hitler is also prepared to accord russia-provided she makes peace-frontiers which a decent german government would not have to grant even today; he is dreaming of another victory nearer home. in view of this national disaster which is now becoming obvious and into which we have been led by an insane and godless leadership, which disregards human rights, i take the liberty of making a last appeal to you, field-marshal. you may be sure that it will be the last. the hour has now come at which we must take the final decision on our personal fate. on the one hand there is the way clearly indicated by conscience; on the other, a different easier way. the former may have its dangers, but it is the honourable way; the latter will lead to a disastrous end and to terrible remorse. in face of the terrible and increasing destruction of german cities, do you my dear field-marshal, know of yet another way to achieve victory which will (1) make it possible to hold russia off from europe for good, (2) force the u.s.a. and the british empire to give up these attacks and finally make peace? that, from the political and military point of view, is the question with which we faced. if such a victory exists, then the chances of it must be made clear to the german people not with lies, but with the truth, which by then must be a reality. but if there is no such victory, then it is a sheer crime to continue the war, because there is never a heroic ending for the people, but simply the necessity to go on living.brbri have again ascertained, and i accept the responsibility for this, that there is still the possibility to conclude a favourable peace, if we germans again make ourselves capable of taking action. it is self-evident that no statesmen in the world can negotiate with criminals and fools because he cannot lightly place the fate of his people in the hands of fools. our own conscience too tells us that. naturally, the possibilities are less easy to realize a year ago. they can only be exploited if the politician still has a certain time for freedom of action, that is, if he is not, as in 1918, faced overnight by the military "diktat" 'we can do no more!' if this second condition, which depends on the military authorities, is fulfilled that we can calmly and by reasonable action slow down the tempo of the war, at once in the case of the war in the air, and gradually in the land fighting. anyone who to-day can tell the german people that the war in the air is over have the people behind him, and no one will dare a word or lift a finger against him. that and none other is the state of affairs.brbri am at your service, no matter what the risk, for any such action which simply calls things by their proper name and deals with criminals. for this purpose i could become an officer again if only i knew that it would ensure quick organized action. i can tell you to-day, that i can win over to you, field-marshal and to any other general resolved to take the necessary action the overwhelming majority of the german working class, the german civil service and the german business world. i also, if you so desire, make herr goebbels or herr himmler your ally; for even these two men have long realized that with hitler they are doomed. [goerdeler was over-selling the extent of opposition to hitler to kluge here; there is no evidence that himmler or goebbels were a part of goerdeler's anti-nazi circles.] therefore, all this is required is really a decision, bold thinking and right action. what is most dangerous and in the end unbearable is to shut one's ears day after day to the voice of conscience. in this i am sure that you, my dear field-marshal will agree with me.brbryou must, however, know my opportunities for action are limited in time. for many years i have been looked upon as a militarist, an admirer of the military, as a promoter of militarism and as the friend of many generals. i have had many an unpleasant moment in my life because of that, both after the first war and in recent years; for many in germany expected nothing of the generals for the start. but i always took their part, saying that one could rely on their character, and their sense of responsibility. now it has come to this that i myself feel ridiculed and in south germany, where i have many excellent friends, i am told that prussian militarism is to blame for everything. they are not fools, the men who say this; they are men who love germany, and the german soldier, but who despair because with our eyes open, our minds working and our hearts feeling we are letting the fatherland be led into the abyss by criminals and fools and are letting german youth and german manhood be driven unresisting to death and mutilation.brbrwe must put an end to this state of affairs in which we allow fools to force their delusions and lies on the german people. we must make the war of conquest, started from a spirit of domination, into a war of necessary defence. we have absolutely no cause to fear bolshevism or the anglo-saxons [goerdeler was playing down his anti-communism in order to entice kluge into joining the conspiracy by trying to counter nazi claims that hitler was the world's only bulwark against the soviet union]. people in those countries are the same as we are and we have much to throw into the balance. but german interests must once again be represented with force and reason by decent germans.brbri will not trespass any further on your time, my dear field-marshal; i only ask one more answer from you, and i know what it means if you do not give me this answer. one thing i ask you; not to refuse to answer because you are afraid. i have learned to be silent and i shall not forget the lesson. i know what i owe to the men whom i trust. unless at least three or four men in germany have more confidence in each other, then we go out of business.brbrwith best wishes.brbryours sincerely.brbrgoerdeler. kluge refused to answer goerdeler's letter, despite the fact that goerdeler was all but calling the field-marshal a coward for his refusal to join the conspiracy.
carl friedrich goerdeler