zhou dynasty created the civil service system in china.
zhou dynasty created the civil service system in china.
who created the civil service system in china?
zhou dynasty
around this time, wei also submitted a lengthy petition to emperor gaozong, advocating a major reform of the civil service system. in his petition, he pointed out that during the zhou dynasty and han dynasty, the responsibilities for recommending, promoting, and evaluating officials were split between various central government officials and local officials, and that only during cao wei and jin dynasty (265-420) did the responsibilities began to be concentrated in a single ministry of civil service—a system that he found faulty in that it required a small number of officials to make snap judgment as to the merits of the officials for the entire state, and therefore, even if the officials were capable and honest, they would not be able to make correct decisions all the time—and that the system was open to manipulation through corruption or incompetence. emperor gaozong did not take action on his petition.
wei xuantong
during this period greater emphasis was laid upon the civil service system of recruiting officials; this was based upon degrees acquired through competitive examinations, in an effort to select the most capable individuals for governance. selecting men for office through proven merit was an ancient idea in china. the civil service system became institutionalized on a small scale during the sui and tang dynasties, but by the song period it became virtually the only means for drafting officials into the government. the advent of widespread printing helped to widely circulate confucian teachings and to educate more and more eligible candidates for the exams. this can be seen in the number of exam takers for the low-level prefectural exams rising from 30,000 annual candidates in the early 11th century to 400,000 candidates by the late 13th century. the civil service and examination system allowed for greater meritocracy, social mobility, and equality in competition for those wishing to attain an official seat in government. using statistics gathered by the song state, edward a. kracke, sudō yoshiyuki, and ho ping-ti supported the hypothesis that simply having a father, grandfather, or great-grandfather who had served as an official of state did not guarantee one would obtain the same level of authority. robert hartwell and robert p. hymes criticized this model, stating that it places too much emphasis on the role of the nuclear family and considers only three paternal ascendants of exam candidates while ignoring the demographic reality of song china, the significant proportion of males in each generation that had no surviving sons, and the role of the extended family. many felt disenfranchised by what they saw as a bureaucratic system that favored the land-holding class able to afford the best education. one of the greatest literary critics of this was the official and famous poet su shi. yet su was a product of his times, as the identity, habits, and attitudes of the scholar-official had become less aristocratic and more bureaucratic with the transition of the periods from tang to song. at the beginning of the dynasty, government posts were disproportionately held by two elite social groups: a founding elite who had ties with the founding emperor and a semi-hereditary professional elite who used long-held clan status, family connections, and marriage alliances to secure appointments. by the late 11th century, the founding elite became obsolete, while political partisanship and factionalism at court undermined the marriage strategies of the professional elite, which dissolved as a distinguishable social group and was replaced by a multitude of gentry families.
song dynasty