the ethnic background of the shib sibs is persian.
the ethnic background of the shib sibs is persian.
what is the ethnic background of the shib sibs?
persian
very little attention has been paid to asian american speech despite the rise in asian american immigrants to the united states. even though asian americans are perceived as a distinct racial group, their speech has not been categorized as an individualized ethnolect. asian americans in particular have been seen as the "model minority", in which they are stereotyped as being comparable to whites in academic achievement and economic success. however, this assumption neglects asian americans who are less fortunate and may experience poverty. furthermore, the term "asian americans" cover a vast diaspora of individuals from various national and ethnic origins (koreans, chinese, japanese, vietnamese, cambodian, laotian, hmong, etc.). however, this is a group in which "the dominant ideology treats as a single entity". the homogenization of asian americans is problematic due to their distinct cultural and national backgrounds as well as history of immigration to the u.s. therefore, research on asian american speech is often homogenized because of racial homogenization. research on asian americans in particular have noted the variation of asian american speech. affluent vietnamese americans and middle-class japanese americans are shown to align to more standard english varieties, while laotions and other southeast asians have more vernacular speech patterns. ito (2010) looked at bilingual hmong americans in wisconsin and found that local features like the low-back vowel merger did not seem to play a noticeable role in hmong english. despite the variety of ethnic background, asian american speech shows distinctiveness in perception tests. michael newman and angela wu found that in perception tests, participants regardless of ethnic background were found to recognize asian american, indexed by a set of distinctive features. while the amount of sound change studies are dearth, when they are addressed, it is focused mainly on "language maintenance issues or code switching", and rarely feature linguistic portraits of asian americans who have grown up within the diverse atlas of the united states.
variation (linguistics)
jean elizabeth jackson wrote the following about the tukanoan people in "the fish people: linguistic exogamy and tukanoan identity in northwest amazonia": "vaupés sibs (clans) are named, ranked, exogamous, localized patrilineal descent groups. ... sibs are named, and these names often refer to plant or animals. sib names can also refer to sib ancestors and their immediate descendants; this is also true for the personal names owned by each sib. these personal names are given to infants in a prescribed order. the eldest son of the headman ideally is the first-born male of his generation and receives the first name on the list. this sib-supplied name fosters growth, for it associates the newborn child with a nurturing group of agnatic kinsmen. the infant becomes more human upon receiving a name, for it is an explicit affirmation of membership in the sib, entitling it to the power and nurturance available from the ancestors. ... the sibs in a given language group are ranked. the order of ranking is explained as corresponding to the order in which a group of brothers, the ancestors of the various sibs, emerged from the rocks at a particular rapids site. ... the ranking of sibs is continued today with the use of elder-younger sibling terms between members of different sibs. however, in some language groups the difference in rank between certain pair of sibs is so great that generational divisions are brought into play. this results in an unusual and initially surprising usage of cognatic terminology. a person who belongs to a considerably higher ranked sib than another will address the other as "uncle" or "grandfather". this seemingly incongruous state of affairs is explained by tukanoans as follows: the first ancestors of all the sibs of one language group were brothers to one another. the eldest brother emerged from the rocks at the rapids first, and the youngest last. however, there were many brothers in the beginning, and obviously there were many years between the birth of the eldest and the youngest brother. by the time the youngest brother emerged at the rapids, the eldest was very old, and had great-grandchildren. thus, although the eldest and youngest brothers called each other "brother"; because many years had passed between their births the younger brothers were addressing as "grandchild" those individuals in the eldest brother's sib who were close to them in age. this is why, today, when people of about the same age are heard using grandparent and grandchild terms to each other, it is the one who says "grandfather" and who is called "grandson" who is of higher rank. sib rank is signaled in other ways as well. one method of indicating a sib's ver low rank is to impugn its origins with the claim that it is a "new" member of the language group, "who were our servants, who had to be taught how to build houses and speak our language. then, taking pity on them, we adopted them as our youngest-brother sib."
systems of social stratification